Focus On Local Bodies

Minister of Local Development Dev Prasad Gurung has emphasised on the need to empower local government institutions to make service delivery stronger and effective. At a programme organised in the capital this week, Minister Gurung pointed out the fact that the government was serious about strengthening the capacity of the local governments to serve the people and address their aspirations. Outlining the context of the absence of elected representatives in the local bodies for a considerable length of time, Minister Gurung stressed that the duty of the government bureaucracy has become very onerous and seminal as they have to carry out several responsibilities to ensure that the people got the services according to their expectation. He made special mention of the role and responsibility of the local government institutions, including the DDCs and VDCs, to plan and implement local development activities so that popular expectations and aspirations are fulfilled without any obstructions.

Referring to the evolving context of the country, Minister Gurung remarked that the country had attained peace and normalcy and that the political parties were working to settle several issues through dialogue and negotiation. As the people are heaving a sigh of relief due to the evolving peace in the country, the local bodies should take special note of the incomplete development projects which occurred due to different reasons in the past, and these should be completed without incurring any delays. However, it is worrying to note that the VDC secretaries have not been able to operate in some parts of the Terai as armed groups have intimidated and presented obstacles in their functioning. The government should be serious enough to ensure that the law and order situation is maintained and local bodies are allowed to operate without any disturbances. Moreover, as per a provision in the interim constitution, all the political mechanisms should be established in the local bodies to ensure that local democracy starts functioning smoothly. Unless the local bodies are based on democratic values and deliver services appropriately, it will be difficult to satisfy the aspirations of the people.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 21, 2007

US Proposal : Instances Of Resettled Cases

D. Rose

THE Bhutanese refugee issue has been viewed with much importance in the latter days for different reasons. The resettlement proposal of the refugees by the western countries, including America, has been highly acknowledged as it is expected to bring a durable solution to the refugee impasse. The US proposal made public for the first time in Geneva by Ellen Saubrey, the US Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees and Migration, has created confusion in the refugee camps. Hence, a brief discussion about the US resettlement scheme is needed so that the refugees have some knowledge about it.

Resettled Instances
The US has been resettling 75,000 refugees from different countries annually. It has also maintained a rich and vibrant tradition of offering refuge to those who fear persecution. The Department of State coordinates the admission of refugees and works in concert with other key government agencies - Department of Homeland Security, Justice, Health and Human Services. The US Refugee Admissions Programme is the global leader in this field and offers admission to the largest number of refugees in need of resettlement. The offer of resettlement as a durable solution to refugees is a crucial responsibility in a highly visible policy arena. Third country resettlement certainly benefits the refugees, the host country and the community offering the refuge.

Last year, about 1,500 Vietnamese refugees who had been living in the Philippines were resettled in the US. They were granted all rights as first class citizens of the US. The Bermudian refugees, survivors of the horrific massacre at Gatumba, were also resettled.

The legal basis of the refuge admission programme is the Refugee Act of 1980. The Refugee Admission Department is interested in the Bhutanese and Tibetan refugees, and was discussed in its forth annual public meeting. As this is a legal procedure, the refugees should not sense any suspicions as regards the US resettlement scheme.

In a period of almost two decades, numerous futile attempts have been made to repatriate the refugees. The steps taken by Nepal in this regard were less pragmatic. Since the inception of the issue, Bhutan has been refusing to accept its citizens in exile. Instead of taking back its people, it is preparing to evict another 80,000 Nepali-speaking people from the southern and eastern belt.

Bhutan has taken this US proposal as an opportunity to evict more Lhotsampas or Bhutanese of Nepalese origin living in the southern belt. It is also tacitly preparing to exclude them from participating in the country's first general election to be held in 2008. This indicates that the tin pot dictator is to carry on with its repressive mechanism.

Seeing no other way, Bhutanese leaders in exile have formally announced the second and the last movement against the Druk oligarchy. However, the refugees are still ambivalent about the credibility of the movement. Indian indifference towards the refugees' endeavours shall surely hinder the entrance of the refugees to Bhutan. If the movement fails this time as well, the issue will be even more complicated.

The Druk regime will never accept voluntarily these forcefully evicted people. Accepting them would force Bhutan into a democratic atmosphere, which is dead against the aspirations of the Druk dictator. The Bhutanese case is similar to that of the Palestinians. The Palestinians, who fled Israel in around 1948, are still not accepted. The acceptance of the Palestinians would change Israel from a Jewish state to an Arab state.

There is a saturated level of frustration and a feeling of insecurity among the refugee youths. They talk to each other in trepidation. Majority of the refugees are unemployed and seem to be swayed by the filthy motives of politicians. The refugees have been made hostage in the name of establishing democracy in Bhutan. Warehousing these refugees is a waste of humanity.

This is the right time for the refugees themselves to decide whether to accept or reject the US proposal. It might prove a hard blow to them if they fail to realise what they are waiting for. They must read the complexities surrounding this issue. They have the right to decide and speak what they wish. However, there is a web of deceit and suspiciousness among the refugees that has prevented them from speaking out freely about the option on hand.

Millions of Palestinians, neglected by the international community, are leading pathetic lives in the refugee camps of Lebanon and Jordon. Hence, if no grave decision is taken, the condition of the Bhutanese refugees would be similar to that of the Palestinians.

Local integration
The option of local integration also deserves special mention. Nepal should make its stance clear whether it is ready to assimilate the refugees wanting to be locally integrated into the Nepalese society, similar to what Ivory Coast did during the infiltration of the Liberian refugees in 1989. President Felix H. Boigny set an example by accepting Liberian refugees as "brothers in distress".

Any further delay towards solving the refugee deadlock may push the frustration of the refugees to its optimum. This shall invite sprawling problems for Nepal.
(Rose is with Bhutan Press Union)

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 21, 2007

Road To Economic Progress

Amrit P. Shrestha

What the modern industry needs is better infrastructure. Traditionally, infrastructure services across the world were provided by governments in limited areas like airports, electricity and roads. Today infrastructure must improve in all parameters, which requires immense financing through external and internal channels. Without basic infrastructure development, no sector can achieve any sort of target.

To keep the wheels of the economy running, countries must make enormous progress in attracting private investment in the infrastructure sector, as the government alone cannot invest huge amounts in it. In order to send the right signal to international investors, there is a burgeoning need to create sophisticated infrastructure in selected key cities and projects as seen in Beijing, Shanghai and Kuala Lumpur, which have emerged as the investor's choice in the last three decades.

Infrastructure needs three key inputs - large amounts of money, skilled manpower and selected projects. Governments must realise that the only way to become the nation's doorway to economic zoom is to give new thrust to infrastructure development. Thus, the Essential Facility Doctrine has been recognised by most of the developed and developing countries. Australia, Singapore, South Korea and India have been adopting the doctrine.

Investment requires long-term funds with a long payback profit period. More importantly, Public-Private Partnership (PPP) is a signal to investors in general that the policy framework is sound and environment conducive for investment. Such models have to be initiated in key sectors like roads, airports, power and tourism.

Nepal lacks the necessary physical infrastructure to qualify as an international investment centre. Investments must have easy access, and there should be well-developed infrastructure within acceptable parameters. At present, we must have suitable strategies to convert challenges into opportunities. Better infrastructure helps in alleviating poverty and expanding the industrial base because accessibility to services improves as a result of it.

Currently, GDP's contribution to infrastructure development is less than 4 per cent, which is less than the share of our neighbouring countries. Actions must be accelerated on the following track, to help build trunk infrastructures in the country. First, Modernisation or industrialisation require massive expansion of national highways, airports, electrification and telephones linking every village with the urban areas. Ground water exploration, minor irrigation, water supply and sanitation are other priorities.

Highways form the economic backbone of the country. Likewise, rain water harvesting and human resources management must be developed, which is sorely lacking in the country. Given the size of the country, air travel has become the swiftest mode of transport. Hence, Nepal should take bold steps to expand and upgrade its airport infrastructure.

Second, among the bottlenecks to achieving growth in the country is electricity supply. Power and its allied sector play a crucial role in economic development. Electricity is the lifeline of our lives as its use ranges from mundane applications to complex tasks and operations. Our productivity is affected because of this.

Third, the tourism industry could gather momentum if the government plans innovative promotions. Tourism should introduce new products such as monsoon tourism, helicopter tourism and the like. Such programmes will attract visitors, especially from India and Europe. With Nepal becoming a business hub especially for tourism, regional disparity can be minimised upto a certain extent. Likewise, growth of tourism will help enrich the lives of traditional workers and artistes. Unfortunately, lack of roads, accommodation, safety measures, well established communication systems and hospitality management centres are some of the hurdles in its promotion.

Fourth, building IT Parks in important cities can offer a unique confluence of advantages - robust physical infrastructure, power and data connectivity and trained technical manpower. All this will effectively reduce the operational cost.

Fifth, there is a need to hand over the entire infrastructure development to the private sector with no political interference. There should be no bureaucratic controls over enterprises. They should not be asked to get approval for minor decisions.

Sixth, an act to form an independent Infrastructure Authority, similar to the National Highways Authority in India, Afghanistan, Laos and the Philippines, has to be announced without delay. Meanwhile, a vision paper with priorities and national consensus must be flashed, emphasising on infrastructure development to attract investors and also to make the entire cycle of investment, productivity and wealth creation sustainable.

Seventh, special packages of tax incentives must be introduced as a tool to encouraging private enterprises or an undertaking engaged in the development of infrastructure facilities. This is particularly important for infrastructure developing companies.

Human development
Most importantly, the overall environment needs to be free from prevailing corruption and petty-mindedness. For the common man, good economics is all that he cares. The government should accelerate the process of human development by delivering services in electricity, transport, water and sanitation that the poor need in order to live and participate in economic growth.

A leader of outstanding merits, efficient bureaucrats and a graft-free culture are the invisible infrastructure to race with the modern world. Let us start from a good today to a better tomorrow.
(Shrestha is ex-director of the Department of VAT and a financial management and VAT expert deputed in Tanzania by UNDP)

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 21, 2007

The hard easy

Though the peace process has reached an advanced stage where the Maoists have become part of the interim parliament and the interim government, mutual distrust still exists between the Koirala-led SPA and the Maoists. The current tussle is epitomised by issues such as improving the management of the Maoist cantonments and the return by them of all the property seized during the ten-year insurgency. Certainly, these things are important enough to merit immediate attention. But they are part of the whole picture of trust that has large dark patches. Going by the spirit of the earlier agreements and understanding, this situation should not have arisen at all — the Maoists having to threaten to go on an indefinite nationwide strike if better management was not ensured of the temporary cantonments housing some 31, 000 Maoist combatants under UN monitors and the government insisting that the Maoists return all the property they seized.

One may argue that as the CA polls, the showpiece of the entire peace process, could not be staged in time, other aspects of the process were bound to suffer. But the pursuit of peace should not be marred by, say, six months of delay. On a positive note, the government has agreed to start managing the Maoist cantonments better and providing allowances, held up for five months, to the combatants, at the rate of Rs.100 per person daily, up from the earlier decision of an allowance of Rs.60. Besides, 1, 000 houses are to be built for 15, 000 combatants. There is no dispute that Maoist combatants are living under unsatisfactory conditions — several have lost their lives, a number of others, including pregnant women, have suffered from a number of diseases like jaundice, and they are vulnerable to dangers of the bites of poisonous creatures like snakes and scorpions.

By the same token, other points of the agreements need to be honoured. Accordingly, the Maoists must return the seized property to its original owners. Only a small fraction of it has gone back to its owners so far — 10 per cent, according to Maoist chairman Prachanda. Some property can be returned without hassle, but some represents a real problem, for instance, in cases where land has already been distributed among the landless, tenants or Kamaiyas who have been tilling it for several years. Here, dialogue and consultation among all the sides concerned, including the government, will be necessary. The YCL excesses are another area that will only deepen mutual suspicion — the Maoist leadership ought to curb the YCL’s anarchic and violent activities, but encourage their good aspects such as helping nab smugglers and doing social work. Compliance by either side with individual points of the agreement is important. But vital is the need to recapture the total spirit of the agreements and understanding from the 12-point agreement onward that shaped Jana Andolan II and other subsequent milestones. They should take their obligations in toto, not on a piecemeal basis. Herein lies the key to unlocking the political logjam.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 21, 2007

State of the nation: Where are we headed for?

Ajit N S Thapa

It has been over a year since Jana Andolan II forced King Gyanendra to hand power back to the seven-party alliance (SPA) through the restoration of the dissolved House of Representatives. People had great expectation that the nation would have permanent peace, they could live with a sense of security and that full democracy would prevail through holding of free and fair
Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. However, these hopes have been dashed.

The nation is bleeding with a rise in the level of violence and vandalism committed both by the Young Communist League (YCL) and the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM), who have raised arms demanding self-rule and better deal for the Tarai people. Furthermore, diverse groups such as Janajatis, Chure-Bhawar and others are demanding proper representation and autonomy and have launched protest programmes such as bandhs and strikes, which have crippled the economy. Though the Maoists are now in both the interim parliament and the government as per the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the SPA and the Maoists, they are unable to stop YCL cadres from taking law in their own hands.

The Maoist affiliated Tarai Mukti Morcha is also creating havoc in Far Western Nepal, attacking CDO offices in Dhangadi and Mahendranagar and seriously injuring the assistant CDO in Dhangadi. The JTMM (both Goit and Jwala Singh factions) attack each other regularly and recently. The Goit faction murdered Nava Raj Bista, an engineer working in Siraha and kidnapped and subsequently released another senior engineer, Murali Ranjitkar. These actions are meant to send a strong signal that the Tarai is only for the Tarai people. The nation is going through a rapid process of disintegration with the government standing by as a silent spectator. The Home Ministry seems to be content with giving condolences to the families of the deceased instead of taking measures to control criminal activities.

The Election Commission has expressed its inability to conduct the CA polls on the stipulated date of June 20. The government has not been able to announce a fresh election date but its constituents are busy blaming each other, as well as regressive elements and foreign intervention, for the delay. The Maoists have announced that since the CA polls will not be held on time, they will launch a nationwide movement from the streets and the parliament to declare Nepal a republic. This is totally against the CPA wherein it was clearly agreed that the first meeting of the elected CA would decide on the monarchy’s fate. The Maoists have not only started street agitation but have also registered a motion in the parliament with the apparent backing of 15 lakh pro-republic signatures demanding that the House declare Nepal a Republic.
In the case of a referendum, people might opt for a republic, especially as the King squandered the legitimacy of monarchy in an ill-advised and unwarranted act of brinkmanship by taking on direct control of state power against the spirit of the Constitution. In a democracy, the process of decision-making is more important than even obtaining correct results. The Maoists might be right in judging the predilection of the people but they must exercise due process to achieve the end result. If they are not happy with the CPA regarding the process to decide on the fate of monarchy, they could re-negotiate with the SPA to hold a referendum, a stand consistently taken by the CPN-UML. It is also regrettable that the Maoists have not yet returned the land and properties of the displaced people.

Decision-making process within the EPA is not holistic, but fragmented and piecemeal. Such an ad hoc approach has resulted in hurried amendments to the interim constitution. The demands for proportional representation, autonomy within a federal system and a fair deal to the Tarai people demanded by the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, JTMM and strongly backed by all Tarai MPs across party lines have not been adequately addressed. Similar demands have been made by the Janajatis who have called for a national political conference.

The government has appealed for calm among the agitating parties and has announced that it will resolve outstanding grievances through dialogue and towards this end has formed a peace committee under the leadership of the minister for peace and reconstruction. However, no meaningful negotiations have commenced so far as both the Tarai people and Janajatis feel that the government has not yet created a conducive environment for meaningful dialogue. In this light, it is clear that the nation is going through a harrowing period. There is a need for national understanding and cooperation to extricate the nation from the present quagmire. Towards this end, the eight parties would do well to take stock of the situation and seek cooperation of other parties, civil society, religious and professional bodies to build a New Nepal.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 21, 2007