Maoist Mayhem : Enough is Enough

Shashi P.B.B. Malla & Chandra Bahadur Parbate

The Maoists are bent on pushing through their own political agenda - at the expense of social peace. At the cost of nearly 8 million school pupils all over the country, they have enforced the indefinite closure of all schools to force the government, of which they are a part, to accept pay parity. Being communist, they cannot understand the lack of economic rationale in their actions, but it is deeply deplorable that they are willing to push through their misguided ideology at the expense of students.

However, the Maoists' student wing and their affiliated teachers' unions care a damn neither about the future of the students, nor their parents. Since the Maoist leaders' children are safely ensconced in posh private schools in India and abroad, they, of course, have no cause to bother about conditions here. They have not cared about the life and limb of others, so that they are not concerned at all about this being a blatant violation of fundamental rights should not come as a surprise.

As usual, national and international human rights groups that were so vociferous during the royal regime are silent. Thanks to the other seven sleeping partners in the 8-party tyranny of Loktantra, the Maoists are able, on the one hand, to give the impression of being an integral part of the political mainstream, and on the other, of acting as a violent opposition. In their latter function, they remain the minions of terror.

At the cost of regular administrative work and genuine negotiations with the Madhesis of the southern Terai, the constituents of the government are involved in marathon parleys among themselves! "The Kathmandu Post" proclaims: "Parties striving, making progress". What exactly are they striving towards and in what areas have they made progress? Home Minister, Krishna Prasad Sitaula who up to now has shown no inclination to confront the Maoists with regard to their continued atrocities, had announced last Saturday that the government would get 'tougher' with various 'armed groups' that have been involved in violent activities across the country. Without being specific as to what action will be taken and which 'groups' will be on the receiving end of this 'tough action'. This is empty bluster. Further, it is simply not the case that Sitaula, or the police force that he heads have been tough with such groups; therefore, getting 'tougher' is pure nonsense. Lastly, it is highly doubtful that his dire warning will also be applied to the Maoists, specifically the Young Communist League (YCL). The latter will likely not be dismayed by this hollow threat.

On Saturday, Maoist boss Prachanda issued a stern warning that they would call a nationwide general strike if the question of the Maoist camps was not resolved soonest. More or less promptly, it was announced that Nepal's government would pay an allowance to Maoist combatants and improve conditions in the camps housing them. Junior Labour minister Ramesh Lekhak advised that the government had decided "to give them (the combatants) Rs. 3000 as monthly allowance." He continued that the living conditions in the camps would also be improved. In turn, Maoist leader Ananta advised that the Maoists would now allow the UN to verify if the cantoned fighters had children in their ranks. While at first sight, this may seem like a gridlock being resolved, at a second glance this looks highly irregular at best.

Firstly, it should not be forgotten that thousands of so-called 'Maoist fighters' and child soldiers have been smuggled into the camps and are masquerading as combatants. Without the process of verification being completed payment should be out of the question.
Secondly, the amount to be paid seems rather high. At the lowest rung of the earning ladder, the toiling labourers who break stones, barely earn Rs. 100 per day. A soldier serving his country with distinction through thick and thin just earns Rs. 3 600 per month in basic pay. And now Maoist combatants are paid for - for what?

Thirdly, as a question of principle, on what grounds should combatants that are perceived as terrorists by a major portion of the population and responsible for the deaths of over 15000 innocent countrymen be rewarded? While steps towards national reconciliation no doubt will require arrangements (also of a pecuniary nature) for them, this seems premature at this time. The conduct of sister organizations such as the YCL does not warrant the conclusion that the Maoists have mended their ways.Fourthly, let us not forget that thus far the current government outrageously has ignored the plight of internally displaced persons (24 000 in the Kathmandu Valley alone). The Maoists have not even begun to honour their commitments towards the people they made refugees, and even worse, they remain vulnerable to Maoist thugs. If the provisioning of Maoist combatants is to be seen as a gesture of national reconciliation, then efforts in addressing the issues of internally displaced persons are sorely lacking. Neither the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights in Nepal nor the national human rights groups are able or willing to push the internally displaced persons issue. So as a bottom line, the Maoists have once again managed to get what they wanted without having to put their mouth where their money is.

The Maoists are clearly the dominating force in the current political scenario. The CPN-United Marxists-Leninists, Madhav Kumar Nepal conceded last week that relations between the governing eight political parties were "cold" and put forward a 5-point formula to end the deadlock. His magic formula to solve contentious issues by consensus: a common stance on monarchy (meaning immediate proclamation of a republic without the working of the constituent assembly), finding ways to return property and land seized by the Maoists (this should be straightforward enough by taking strong and necessary action), ending the parallel government of the Maoists (this should have been a pre-condition to further consessions), announcing a definite date for the CA-elections (the dilly-dallying is incomprehensible for the common man), and introduction of a system of proportional representation (actually this should be within the purview of the future CA).

Since the government is unwilling or unable to bring the Maoists to order, and the communist leader's speculations has inherent defects, his formula is not likely to amount to much. Moreover, Maoist minister for Forests and Soil Conservation, Matrika Prasad Yadav, has already forewarned that his party would disrupt cabinet meetings, if the date for CA-polls were not announced soon.
In his new avatar as 'democrat' this same minister last week lashed out against the United States in general for still retaining the epithet "terrorists" with regard to the Maoists, and ambassador James F. Moriarty in particular for violating diplomatic norms by commenting on political developments here, specifically the Maoist participation in the government. Moriarty's harsh critique of the royal regime has conveniently been forgotten. In the era of globalization, nothing is strictly an 'internal matter'. Furthermore, the Maoists' international nexus is also a factor in the worldwide war on terrorism. Do they also object to the forthcoming visit of former US president Jimmy Carter (from the Carter Centre, and not someone likely to mince his words) and his objective in playing a facilitating role in the run-up to the CA-elections?

If the Maoists want to be accepted nationally and internationally, then they have to move within the parameters of truly democratic and good governance - but up to now they have shown no inclination to do that. Another Maoist, Minister for Physical Planning and Works, Ms. Hisila Yami-Bhattarai has fouled up international development efforts by adopting an arrogant and hardline attitude towards the Asian Development Bank with regard to the Melamchi Drinking Water Project, which now has been put on ice. For the Maoists, ideology has primacy over national interests.
In such an atmosphere of distrust, non-coherence and lack of discipline, orderly and good governance cannot be expected. Near chaotic conditions prevail. The interim legislature has not been able to reconvene amidst continuous disruptions and boycotts - by the government parties themselves. However, leaders of the 8-party government tirelessly extol their unity and stress that without it the country would go to the dogs! In the meantime, Prachanda has issued another warning that so long as the King remains, CA-polls would not be possible at all. This has been elevated to an ideological condition with no room for compromise.

The NC is in a major fix. Koirala made the feeble attempt to wriggle out of the hopeless situation by declaring that the monarchy in essence has already died, and that it is no use flogging a dead horse. This is wishful thinking on his part; he has been effectively cornered between the Maoists and the Army, both of whom he distrusts vehemently. The communist boss, M.K. Nepal recently made the weird suggestion that the Maoist fighters be integrated into the security forces - of course, with the express aim to further weaken the latter.

Source: News Blaze, May 29, 2007

YCL ATTACK ON US ENVOY MIGHT CATAPULT POLITICS

N.P.Upadhyaya

Kathmandu: Comrade Prachanda appears to be having rough weather these days for him and his party as well. While unsubstantiated reports have it that he and his deputy-Dr. Bhattarai are in minority in the party’s 35 member central committee. This is definitely a bad omen for Prachanda and his deputy. Add to this the unrestricted jungle dwellers militias of the not so distant past now have been confined to cantonments with inhumane conditions. Reports leaking in Kathmandu from various cantonment sites suggest that the confined militias are not that happy with what has been managed by their party for them at present.

Some even have begun talking in a rebellion mood against their own party top-hats who say that their leaders’ should have comparatively provided due attention to their plights at the cantonments. In saying so the militias indicate that they disapprove the manner their leaders enjoy a life that usually the capitalists possess. This means that the poor militias upon whose strength and prowess Prachanda and his comrade-in-arms have been enjoying the materialistic lives in Kathmandu can go to any extent should their living conditions at the cantonment sites does not improve.

“We are not the paid workers of the government which has offered us rupees 3000 a month as perks or salary”, said a disgruntled militia at one of the cantonment to one vernacular weekly last week. Add to this Comrade Prachanda’s own plight. His own routine duty has been at the moment limited to knock Koirala doors each day and he returns empty handed. It appears that Koirala is buying time in order to expose the Maoists to the extent that their popularity or for that matter fear wanes among the denizens of this country. Whether he is doing so on his own or under instructions is, however, not known. Nevertheless, the manner the Maoists have been losing their political weight and credentials in the eyes of the population, it appears that by time of the CA polls, the people might forget their names even.

The GUN factor might leave some room and space for the Maoists by then but that too, analysts say, will not last for long. “Any party that believes in the bullets is sure to go to the dogs ultimately”, says one political analyst at the TU’s political science department. In the process of losing, Prachanda must have begun sweating. The reasons of his sweating are countless indeed. He is being greeted by failures after failures and that too in series. No wonder that he is under tremendous pressures from his own party’s rank and file. Clearly, the Maoists’ party upon its participation in the government is divided in to two equally powerful groups. The first believes in the theory that the Party must not forget the “nationalism” aspect and hence sees the need to strengthen the nationalism through whatever means were available to the party. India has already sensed the mood of the Maoists when they talk of Nationalism. The word nationalism means anti-Indianism to India. How the Indian establishment takes up the Maoists new slogan in favor of nationalism in this country will have to be watched.

As a matter of fact, if past experience was any guide, those who cry about nationalism in Nepal are either branded anti-Indian or at best thrown to the oblivion. Now to come back to the point! The other set of the Maoists conclude that the party did a blunder by participating in the government and thus concludes that the “people’s war” stood aborted half-way. This group suggests the party to think twice over the recent appeal made by a senior Indian Maoist leader, Ganapathy, who suggested the Nepali Maoists to continue with the people’s war by scrapping its relations with the current Nepal regime. Yet another group inside the party prefers the YCL to create terror and panic more so that the State under Koirala automatically and unconditionally yielded to their non-ending “fear-psychosis”. The fact is that the YCL acts of terror have exponentially gone up in the recent days.

Reliable sources close to the Maoists say that Prachanda and Dr. Bhattarai are in a “minority” in the party which means that one fine morning the leaders in minority might be either expelled or suspended or even overpowered by the majority faction. Maoists leader Mohan Baidya alias KIRAN is talked to have garnered majority in the party. Sources further say that Prachanda and Bhattarai possess only nine supporters. This in itself a cause for Prachanda’s sweating. Add to this that a clear set back to Prachanda and his party has had to endure when tired of Hisila Yami’s misleading evaluation of the ADB and the Seven Trent British company, the ADB appears to have already decided to say good bye to the mega Melamchi water project. The Japan government too appears to be in a similar mood. Others might follow the suit.

His hurried meeting with the ADB officials in Kathmandu last week was a move to calm down the ADB so that Melamchi could be flown to Kathmandu in order to quench the thirst of the Kathmanduites. The ADB remains undeterred. Nevertheless, the Maoists supremo has decided freshly that he would take a “brave step backward”. Leninist theory appears to have come into action. That he is still sweating came to light when he and his comrades had to rush to the German Embassy last Friday afternoon to “express” their sincerity towards the system and to “assure” the EU envoys that henceforth his erratic YCL cadres will not exceed their limits. German Ambassador Franz Ring is currently the Head of the EU presidency. High placed sources say that though Prachanda wanted to assure the powerful envoys from the European Union, the envoys appeared reluctant in digesting his words. The EU envoys told Prachanda and his team that the Maoists words and deeds must match in action and behavior.

However, around the time Prachanda was busy in convincing the EU Ambassadors residing in Kathmandu, Friday, about his changed political credentials, almost around the same time American Ambassador James F. Moriarty was stoned by the YCL cadres in Damak, Jhapa district, while he was returning to the UNHCR Office in Damak upon the inspection of the Beldangi refugee camp. Naturally, this YCL activity angered the American envoy which might force Prachanda to sweat more in the coming days. Ambassador Moriarty must not have taken the YCL personal assault on him in a good taste. The YCL acts against the UNHCR-Abraham Abraham and the Ambassador of the “lone super power” is sure to bring more sweating to the Maoists supremo-Prachanda in the days ahead. In what form the US and the UNHCR retaliate is yet to be known. However, foreign ministry sources say that the US has already expressed its “grave” concern over what happened to its Ambassador in Damak last Friday.

Reports say that those who vandalized the UNHCR vehicle that was carrying Ambassador Moriarty to Damak have been apprehended and kept under police custody. The Damak incident does speak that no diplomat or for that matter Ambassadors from any country are safe in Nepal, not even the Indian viceroy-Mukherjee. Analysts say that had it been Mukherjee the YCL target that fateful afternoon in Damak instead of Ambassador Moriarty, the regime by now would have changed and the King installed. This also speak that Americans have nothing to grab from Nepal but India has. However, Mukherjee is advised to remain in Kathmandu until his departure for anti-Indianism is on the increase more so after the Maoists have officially decided not to overlook the nationalism aspect at CC Meet that concluded recently. As expected, the EU, Nepal government plus some parties of the liberal have already issued a statement denouncing the YCL activities which must have caused more sweating to Prachanda.

That Prachanda had begun sweating much ahead of these events came to light when the telegraphnepal.com was informed by its sleuths that Comrade Prachanda have had a forty five minutes telephonic conversation last Thursday, May 24, 2007, with King Gyanendra’s personal/private secretary Pashupati Bhakta Maharjan. The million dollar hair-raising revelation is that it was Prachanda who rang Mr. Maharjan but not the otherwise as it should have been or expected. When asked by Prachanda as to what King Gyanendra thought of the Maoists, Maharjan is reported to have said that the King viewed the ex-rebels political overtures as “normal”. Politics is a dynamic game. Politics is the art of the “possible”. Neither a permanent enemy nor a permanent friendship!

This does indicate the first heavy impact of the sweating deity-Bhimsen- at Dolakha district some days back had its tremendous political impact on Prachanda but not the King as suggested by some analysts. At least this much is visible for the moment. How Moriarty causes Prachanda to sweat more will have to be watched. High placed sources say that Moriarty is determined to bring all the liberal forces together prior to his departure back to Washington upon the completion of his Nepal tenure. All put together, what comes to the fore is that the time ahead are topsy-turvy for Prachanda and that he will have to sweat more if he fails to tackle the emerging politics carefully. The message is loud and clear. May 29, 07

Source: Telegraph Nepal, May 29, 2007

New Nepal in the making

Ashok KMehta

Not long ago, when Nepal was being described as a failing or failed state and sceptics were describing prospects as a tunnel at the end of light, its well wishers were pointing south to follow the Sri Lanka example - enjoying the peace dividend from the four-year-long Cease Fire Agreement and a functioning peace process. Then suddenly the tables turned and Sri Lanka was engulfed in war and Nepal transitted from a bloody people's war to a peaceful revolution en route to peace and a political process which is not trouble free but in its second year.

The Maoists have given up arms and pledged not to return to 'armed conflict'. An eight-party interim unity Government with Maoists on board is in place supported by an interim Constitution and an interim Parliament. Nepal is in transition mode to becoming a new Nepal for which the goal is electing a Constituent Assembly.

The popular picture beamed from Nepal is one of organised chaos and collapse of law and order, political deadlock and a rudderless Government encumbered by conflicting political agendas and incapacity to cope with newly roused political aspirations of the Madhesis and other disadvantaged groups. The fear, sometimes contrived, of the Palace and Nepal Army does not go away. The Maoists are part of the problem and the solution in ending uncertainty over elections and their 'bad habits'. The real picture is not so bad. Nepal is in a post-revolution period and making the Maoists, accustomed to jungle raj, play by the rules will take more time.

The eight-party alliance has covered considerable ground despite the delay over consensus-building and the failure of the Maoists to implement earlier agreements. None of these would have been possible without the sterling leadership and intuition of Prime Minister GP Koirala. He is one man who understands the problems but his age has robbed him of the stamina to deal with all of them. Breaking one deadlock is invariably linked to yielding on another issue. Outcomes are based on who blinks first - Mr Koirala or Prachanda.

Disarming the Maoists, confining them to barracks and their verification and registration under United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), normally a very complex mission, was achieved with relative ease, with 31,000 PLA having been located in seven cantonments and 21 satellite camps with their weapons locked and sealed in containers. The second phase of verification, to ascertain Maoists recruited after the ceasefire of May 25, 2006 and under 18 years of age, was held up. Prachanda linked his party's compliance to implementation of the political package and welfare of PLA, which includes better housing and salaries. Reluctantly, Mr Koirala conceded the demand on PLA. The second phase of verification is to begin in June.

The Maoists' eternal goal has been holding of Constituent Assembly election and declaring Nepal a republic. They now want abolition of monarchy to be delinked from the election and instead get interim Parliament to declare a republican state through a simple majority. Mr Koirala has stuck to the provision of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement according to which the fate of the monarchy was to be decided in the first sitting of the Constituent Assembly. In the run-up to the election this is likely to become the bone of contention between Maoists and other Left parties and the Nepali Congress though a proposal has been accepted to keep the King at bay.

The Maoists may have given up the gun but their unguided missile of mass mobilisation is the Young Communist League (YCL), many of whom are unregistered PLA. Maoist street power is quite formidable as frequent clashes between YCL and police have shown. This is further tarnishing the image of Home Minister KP Sitaula who has been disparagingly called Minister in Waiting to the Maoists. The depredations of the YCL are bound to undermine the reputation of the Maoists in the upcoming election.

The election was to be held in June but for a variety of reasons, it has been postponed to November though no formal announcement in this regard has been made. Mr Koirala is keeping people guessing on the election date and notification of a republic in order to secure better compliance - and certainly greater accountability, now that they are part of Government - from Maoists on the peace agreement. It was Mr Koirala's idea to lock the Maoists into the political process by inviting them to join the Government against the advice of the Americans and others who had insisted the Maoists first give up their 'bad habits' before qualifying for power-sharing.

To checkmate the Maoists, Mr Koirala has sought to improve the morale and image of the discredited security forces. He knows that in a future crisis they remain both the sword and shield against Maoists and Madhesis. At the same time, the Army's allegiance to the Palace is being systematically rooted out. The Americans and the British - and not the Indians who are equally qualified - are engaged in democratising the security forces and educating them on human rights and clearance of mines and IEDs. With historical links with the Gurkhas, the British have deployed two teams - Security Advisory Group to restructure MoD and make the Army responsive to civil political control; and a Post-Conflict Reconstruction team to rework the MHA and make the police more efficient. There is a red line of sorts prohibiting the use of the Army till the election. A matching number of Army soldiers and weapons as was done for the Maoists has been put beyond use.

With Mr Koirala in charge, things are not as bad and disorderly as they appear from Delhi or Washington. Both the peace and political processes are on track. A great deal of work has to be done for the election - from finalising voters' lists to deciding on the model to be followed to passing Bills in Parliament and raising auxiliary forces for its conduct.

Election apart, the most serious problem confronting the Government is the six-month old stalemate in the Terai where three separate forces have raised their flag - the Terai Maoists who broke away from the mainstream two years ago and are split into two groups, the Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum (MJF) and the indigenous Tharus. The most powerful of these is MJF. Its demand for autonomy, proportional representation and fresh delimitation has been accepted but formal negotiations have not started. Every other day a bandh is declared, paralysing land-locked Nepal's strategic underbelly and communications hub. Terai's contiguity with lawless Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar makes the threat more ominous. It has the potential of turning into a Pahari-Madhesi conflict.

With no external monitors in Nepal the indigenous political process is creeping forward. It requires outside support but without anyone fishing in troubled waters. People like US Ambassador James Moriarty are necessary and important to paste warnings on the Maoists. So are the Sitaram Yechuris - to mind the Maoists. And there is need for a Nitish Kumar - who has resolutely refused to dabble in Nepal politics - for the Terai. Colombo can take a leaf from Kathmandu's book on power-sharing.

source: The Pioneer, May 30, 2007

Reforms In Education

MINISTER for Education and Sports Pradeep Nepal has underlined the need for keeping universities and academic institutions free from political influence so that they can genuinely engage in academic activities. Speaking at an interaction programme organised by Pokhara University Teachers' Association in Pokhara on Monday, Minister Nepal called upon all, including the political parties, their sister organisations and others, not to carry out activities that exert unnecessary pressure and disturb the teaching and learning activities. The remarks and request of the minister are very significant, coming as it does at a time when the universities and academic institutions have become a victim of political pressure. The universities were without heads and responsible authorities for almost one year due to political reasons as the political parties wanted their appointees as heads and other office bearers of the universities. Thus, the universities and other such institutions were severely affected. This practice must end as a new culture must evolve in order to develop academic institutions as truly independent institutions. Against this background, there is need for change in the mentality of the political parties. At the same time, total reform in the education system is also the need of the hour - right from the pre-primary level to higher education.

Considering this need, the Ministry of Education is mulling change in the organisational structure of the entire education system. At present there are four tires of school education - pre-primary, primary, secondary and higher secondary. The government is planning to have just three tiers in school education. Besides, the government has also taken some other important decisions, which are likely to have a far-reaching impact on the education sector, if they are to be strictly implemented in accordance with the inherent spirit of the change. So far decisions in the education sector have been taken on an ad hoc basis. With the change of government, the policies in the education sector have also changed. As a result, the quality of Nepal's education has been under serious scrutiny. The education system in Nepal has so far produced more certificate holders than qualitative and skilled human resource. Thus, our education sector requires serious reforms and changes in order to enhance the quality. First and foremost, we must free our education sector from politics. The politicians and parties need to strop interfering in the education and academic institutions for their partisan interests. If education were to be freed from politics and political interference, half the problems in the education sector would be solved automatically.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 30, 2007

Agree On Date For CA Polls

The political parties are trying to tackle issues relating to the election to the constituent assembly. As several conflicting interpretations and positions are involved in the declaration of the date for the polls, the political stakeholders are determinedly seeking to sort them out quickly and reach an understanding with a sense of unanimity. The meeting of the eight-party leaders that is taking place should be seen as a case of seriousness demonstrated by the leaders to reach an understanding and consensus in addressing the relevant issues. As political interests vary among each other, it is natural that discussions are prolonged, and some delays are incurred for arriving at a settlement. However, the political leaders should not seek to construct new excuses to circumvent and derail the process. As insisted by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, the leaders should zero in on finalising the date for the constituent assembly polls. The decision on the polls for the constituent assembly would indeed rivet the attention of all the political stakeholders to building a strategy for demonstrating popular support in one's favour.

The task that lies ahead of the political parties is, therefore, to create a healthy framework for all shades of opinions and take the process forward so that the polls to the election assembly is not delayed. The Maoists had fought for the cause of the CA polls, and it is they who made the agenda very popular among the political and social stakeholders. Any lessening of the commitment or diminishing of interests on their part cannot be excused. As called by the prime minister, they should join hands with the other forces to finalise the date for the polls so that all confusions and concerns are allayed. It is natural for the political parties to seek a larger share in the power enhancing arrangements, but they cannot go in for creating issues out of non-issues. Since the Maoists are yet to face the test of popularity, it is incumbent upon the party to ensure fuller integration in the mainstream democratic process. They should help to accelerate the process for normalisation of the political situation in the country through election to the constituent assembly. Posts and positions are less significant when it comes to joining hands to lend a hand in the process of nation building.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 30, 2007

Nepal-France Relations : Possibilities Of Co-operation

Madhavji Shrestha

The status of Nepal-French relations at the moment is said to be normal. No new dimension in the bilateral ties is likely to emerge soon. A new government headed by Nicolas Sarkozy is on the saddle of the government after his spectacular victory in the presidential elections. The latest opinion polls predict his party will also make decisive gains in the assembly elections slated for next month. Observers of the French political scene, however, say that no new initiative will emerge in its foreign policy towards Asia, in general, and South Asia, in particular, because our region does not figure prominently in the scheme of French foreign policy since long.Nepal's dramatic political transformation last year has not been able to add any perceptible new element to the bilateral connectivity between the two countries. Nepal still remains plunged in the political impasse. One very lamentable concern is that Nepal has not been able to make a good choice for an efficient and effective ambassador to France for the last five years. Hence, the level of relationship has stayed at a low key as if no interactions are working between the two.

Global roleBut France has maintained its presence with an ambassador in Nepal without a break since the establishment of its embassy in Kathmandu. Evidently, France does not have any strategic partnership with Nepal nor are there any good linkages of political and economic concerns. Requisite components of connectivity between the two are conspicuously absent to have a good friendship. However, consistent efforts to identify appropriate areas of co-operation will help to improve the relationship and widen its scope.Experts of recent French history and politics say France aspires to be a universal country, and to achieve that, it has charted a map for a major global role. Naturally, aspiring for a greater role means having a great vision and implementing the policies in true form. Undoubtedly, France is very proud of its culture, literature and, above all, its language. It is for these reasons that France had taken the initiative a few years ago to establish in Vietnam an international organisation of 42 Francophone countries, with the appointment of former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali as its founding Secretary General. This shows how France wishes to play its role in the global arena. Undeniably, the sizeable quantum of resources and capabilities at its disposal are the pre-requisites for materialising its global role.

France as an influential nation exhibited its diplomatic prowess in maintaining stability and peace in Europe in post World War II period. Along with a democratised Germany, it has also made great contributions with its diplomatic ingenuity to establish the European Common Market, which has now grown into a politically homogenous European Union. At present, this Union is the single largest trading bloc of the world with a total GDP of about US$ 13 trillion. France stands tall in the European Union and plays a crucial role in its foreign and defense policies and, more visibly, in trade and developmental co-operation.France is endowed with enchanting landscapes in the whole of its territory bordered by the Atlantic Ocean in the west and the Mediterranean Sea in the south. It is also rich in ancient and medieval heritage, arts and music. The geographical attraction coupled with its aesthetic inheritance have made France a truly global centre of tourism. Each year, tourist arrivals from around the globe exceed its total population. Today, France enjoys a position of envy, which remains unbeatable despite severe competition from various countries of Europe and other continents. It has remained so because tourists wishing to make a trip abroad can find every object and comfort of their choice in the sprawling lands of France.

The ties between Nepal and France are one of an underdeveloped country with a highly advanced nation. The situation in the two is indeed different from every socio-economic aspect. On the political front, too, there is a high degree of difference. If Nepal is toddling with a multi-party system, France has already reached the pinnacle of democratic maturity. Under such circumstances, Nepal as a country trailing far behind in socio-economic progress needs to search for possibilities of co-operation.France is a core member of the European Union with great influence on the co-operation that the Union extends to underdeveloped countries like Nepal. An appropriate approach with the concerned authorities of France dealing with EU affairs would certainly enhance broader understanding, besides paving the way for strengthening democratic linkages with many member states of the European Union. Such efforts would, no doubt, escort the Nepali mission accredited to the European Union in Brussels to move ahead with reinforced synergy. As a result, co-operation can be expected to grow to the advantage of Nepal.

France is also a country that takes great pride in its educational and cultural attainments that are of excellent standard. The one important step Nepal needs to initiate is to move ahead with an avowed purpose of establishing good contacts with the educational institutes of France. France is the only country in the world that allocates the largest share of its annual budget for cultural activities abroad. Nepal can, if approached with convincing and well charted programmes, make good progress in pushing our educational level upward.Nepal has yet to make its bureaucracy self-sustaining and functioning for the country's cause. For bureaucratic management and efficiency, France is at a highly advanced stage compared to other democratic countries of the European Union. Its effective bureaucracy showed the world how the momentum of technical and economic progress could be achieved even during the years of political instability after World War II until the advent of the fifth republic in 1958. The efficacy of the French bureaucracy is considered very high. Nepal can improve its bureaucracy by learning from France and sharing their experiences.

Co-operation in Tourism

Nepal possesses large potentials for expanding tourism and related activities, which can contribute to economic growth and create jobs. Regrettably, this sector has not made worthy achievement. France is undoubtedly an appropriate country to turn to for technical assistance as it has valued experience and technical capability. France is among the top five countries from where large numbers of tourists come to Nepal. This is one of the good points to enhance our co-operation in tourism promotion. Noticeably, a very important point, among others, is that Nepal should be receptive to attaching importance to the mutually advantageous introduction of the French language and their educational technicalities in Nepal. This will certainly contribute to the growth of the cordial relations between Nepal and France. Are we prepared to do something positive for the sake of giving a good touch to Nepal-France relations instantly?

Myopic parties

The political parties managed to sustain democracy and freedom for 12 years after the 1990 successful revolution. It has hardly been 12 months since the April uprising restored the parliament, and the political parties are already on the brink of losing democracy, freedom and sovereignty. Thanks to the myopic leadership. The political parties, especially Nepali Congress, UML and CPN (Maoist) are responsible for bringing this situation. The double standard of the parties and crisis of confidence coupled with the personal ego and ideological differences have brought this situation. If the eight political parties fail to reach an agreement in a day or two to smoothen the country's political transition, we will face serious consequence similar to Bangladesh, or the country may split into different warlord-ruled zones. The possibility of neighboring army marching into the country cannot be ruled out. The people are forced to sit over this time bomb because of the myopic attitude of our leaders.

NC committed a mistake by failing to recognize UML as a strong pillar of democracy. Prime Minister Koirala and his kitchen cabinet thought that everything would be in control by appeasing the Maoists. Unfortunately, after snatching 83 seats in the parliament, promulgating the interim constitution, and bagging lucrative ministerial berths, the Maoists are mulling to topple Koirala's government and capture the power with UML's support. The UML leadership has shown very immature behavior, throughout. It is behaving more like a bickering baby. The emergence of the Maoists has shocked UML. It has lost confidence. It is unnecessarily trying to be too radical to prevent the Maoists from snatching its cadres. The party that earned good national and international reputation as a democratic force suddenly has been fooled by the Maoist leadership and is trying to rechristen itself as a real "communist" party. Its obdurate stand on proportional election is but an example of how it forgets the basics of democracy.

The Maoists have been very smart throughout. The only caveat is, if they succeed in grapping power, the Nepalis will be worse off. They are trying to reverse the process of development, progress and democracy. Their whole idea is preposterous because they are attempting something that is impossible to attain at the current national and global realities. NC and UML are only the forces capable of changing the Maoists, but due to the duel between these two parties, the Maoists have succeeded in converting the country into chaos, violence, lawlessness, and confusion. The situation would immediately improve if Koirala extends friendship to Madhav Kumar Nepal, and takes him into confidence. If both come together, the Maoists would be easily tamed. But the problem is, NC and UML have not realized this fact and the Maoists are exploiting them.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 30, 2007

Another you

The pitiable existence of the more than one lakh Bhutanese refugees of Nepali origin now living in the seven refugee camps in eastern Tarai remains more or less the same as it was 17 years ago when, expelled by the Druk regime from their own country or fleeing torture or persecution at home, they had to enter India, their first country of asylum. Later, they entered Nepal — a number of them had been carted off to the eastern Nepal border by the Indian police and left there. On Monday and Tuesday, thousands of refugees attempted a “Long March” to Bhutan, as on several occasions in the past, and as before, their long march has been cut short by the Indian police (and troops, too, on Tuesday) especially stationed in force as the refugees tried to force their way through the barricades in the Indian side. Inside Nepal, this had been preceded by the death of two refugees in police firing in Beldangi refugee camps. The refugees’ determination to return home was also a proof that third-country resettlement was not everything for them.

However, the offer to resettle 60,000-plus refugees in the US and other western countries should be taken positively, at least in one sense. At the same time, the seeming American unwillingness to pressure Thimphu to resolve the issue according to international conventions has surprised many Nepalis, as well as refugees, especially because wherever it wants the US tends to throw its weight around. This leaves some room for doubt. On its part, India has for umpteen times ruled out the possibility of using its good offices to end the refugee deadlock, terming it purely a “bilateral issue”, except once, during the world conference on the environment and development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, when the then Indian prime minister P V Narasimha Rao had sounded positive on the idea of India helping resolve the issue.

Serious doubts exist in Nepal on this particular issue mainly for two reasons. First, New Delhi was seen to take an interest in ensuring that most Bhutanese refugees in Indian territory came into Nepal, whereas, since then, it has prevented the refugees, if need be by applying force, from going back home. Secondly, the Bhutanese government, under a 1949 bilateral treaty, is to be guided by the advice of the government of India in its external relations. Therefore, there are people who express reservations about the view that the refugee issue is a bilateral one. This, according to them, is a “heads I win, tails you lose” approach. Besides, they also look at the US position with a pinch of salt — its relative silence on the right of the Bhutanese to return home and its offer of resettling them may indeed strengthen the Drukpa rulers, who, some doubt, may then be emboldened to expel more Bhutanese of Nepali origin. The stalemate strikes one as odd because both the US and India are hailed as great democracies. The first and foremost right of any refugee is to be allowed to return home, but under the formula being promoted, this has been ignored. Options like third-country resettlement may indeed be a good opportunity for the willing.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 30, 2007

Water supply: Case for public-private partnership

Chiranjibi Nepal

I n the early 1990s, with increasing awareness of environmental degradation and widespread stress on water-related issues, the UN and the international community started to take freshwater issues seriously. In accordance with the “Dublin Principles” that emerged from the International Conference on Water and Environment in Dublin, water was recognised as an economic good (a commodity to be priced at cost of provision and value to society). Private sector participation in water services increased worldwide. But still, it only serves about five per cent of world population. At the end of the 1990s, multinationals started to revoke contracts and concessions in developing countries and are now reducing their involvement in projects that are unprofitable or risky.

Two popular models exist in the water sector: the English model of full privatisation, where ownership and management are private, and the French model (PPP model) of delegated management (lease and concession contracts), where the ownership is in public hands and the management is handled by a mix of public and private bodies. The English model is adopted mainly by England and Wales, whereas the French model has been the norm in most developed and developing countries.

Partnership between public and private sectors is a means of collaboration to coordinate and pool organisational, technical and financial resources to achieve compatible objectives. Dwindling public resources and increasing need of the citizens with regard to service delivery are the reasons for emergence of this concept. Public-private partnerships (PPPs) enable public sector to generate private funds while maintaining ownership of assets and services.Private sector’s involvement can significantly improve effectiveness and efficiency of service delivery. This came with the realisation that the government alone could not provide everything to everyone. This led it to promote private sector in areas where it is willing to cooperate for service delivery or infrastructure building. PPPs for service delivery are applicable to the most of public services such as drinking water supply, garbage collection and disposal, waste water treatment, operation of transport services, real estate development and management, education and public health.

In the context of the kind of urban services in Nepal, there is limited scope for the multinational companies (except in Water Supply Management). However, there is a high potential for local and national companies. But comprehensive national policy on public private partnership is still underdeveloped. PPP should be based on mutual prosperity and fairness and PPP policy should follow national policy for timely and cost effective development by allocating risks to the party best able to manage them and benefit from private sector’s efficiency, expertise, flexibility and innovation.But PPPs will only help if there is a good regulatory authority that can enforce policies and regulations. The issue of public-private partnership is complex, even more so in the case of municipal water supply. Hence, every law and institution that can affect PPP must be carefully examined. These include labour law, industrial enterprise act, company act, company taxation rules, environmental standards and regulatory tools, power and capacity of regulatory agencies, division of responsibilities between municipality, VDCs and Nepal government, among other related acts and policies.

The private sector seeks commitment of the political parties to PPP approach, clear definitions of scope of work, transparent tendering process, security of water supply, clear definition of responsibilities of municipalities and VDCs, an autonomous body for drinking water management and a company act for drinking water.New and effective financing mechanisms are essential for the development of water sector. New funding mechanisms should be sought that include bond financing, expanded role for urban banks in water sector, independent intermediary private sector funding through increased participation in water services with appropriate sharing of risks between contracting parties - with the banks providing guarantees for some risks as well as issue of treasury bills.

Private sector participation would be enhanced by arrangements with international agencies to protect against political risks. Availability of guarantee would be contingent upon having appropriate contractual structures for private sector participation. Private companies need to be assured return on investment, as investment in the water sector is high and irreversible. Further, there is no ‘one size fits all’ approach and the choice of a particular partnership depends on local context and feasibility. It is indispensable for governments as regulators to understand the motive of private sector for entering PPPs and have skills to manage unknown circumstances over the life of the partnership.Dr Nepal teaches Economics at TU

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 30, 2007