Pay Heed To Maoist Concerns

Yuba Nath Lamsal

Recent remarks by Maoist Chairman Prachanda have created ripples in the Nepalese political spectrum. In an interaction with the civil society members and professionals in Kathmandu, comrade Prachanda had raised serious doubts over the holding of a free and fair election to a Constituent Assembly scheduled for November 22 this year. According to Prachanda, an environment for the elections has yet not been created, and in such a situation, the genuine verdict of the people may not be reflected in the Constituent Assembly election.

Poor security

His concerns include the poor security situation in some districts of the Terai, interference by some external forces and activities of the feudal elements against the new political process. The concerns and issues raised by the Maoist chief are genuine. The law and order situation at present is poor especially in the Terai. Some groups there have raised arms and resorted to criminal activities like intimidation, killing, abduction and extortion. As a result, many people have fled their homes for fear of their lives. The government employees, who are to conduct the elections, also do not feel safe. Hence, voters cannot freely participate in the election and give their verdict. The other issue is related to the monarchy. Although the monarchy is down, it is not out. The regressive and rightist elements under the protection and patronage of the monarchy are active in derailing the present peace and political process. The Constituent Assembly election is a historic process at making the people sovereign in the real sense and restructuring the state and ensuring inclusive democracy and a just society. The necessity of the Constituent Assembly election had been felt and demanded in 1951, and it had been agreed that elections to it would be held right after the political change then that toppled the century-old Rana family rule and established a multi-party political system. It was the monarchy that aborted the process for the Constituent Assembly election in 1951, although the then king himself had promised to hold it. Thus, historic developments have proved that the monarchy has been the main hurdle in democratic consolidation since 1951.

It has also been proved that the monarchy and the Constituent Assembly cannot go together. Nowhere in the world have the two gone hand in hand. One must be compromised for the other. And there has been a wave for republicanism, and it is almost certain that the monarchy would go if the Constituent Assembly election were held in a free and fair manner. Thus, monarchists in collusion with some external forces and fundamentalist elements are hatching a conspiracy to sabotage the process for the election with the feeble hope that the monarchy will survive. The election to the Constituent Assembly may not be possible as long as the monarchy exists in Nepal. Moreover, the monarchy is a symbol of feudalism, exploitation and discrimination, which has already lost its relevance. Since the constitution has a provision to abolish the monarchy by a two-third majority in Parliament, the eight political parties can and should declare Nepal a democratic republic from parliament to facilitate the smooth conduct of the election. The other issue comrade Prachanda has raised is related to external pressure and interference in Nepal's internal affairs. The Maoists are of the belief that some powerful nations are active to sabotage the Constituent Assembly election and the ongoing political process through which the monarchy can be saved and progressive forces in Nepal could be prevented from going to power.There is a grain of truth in his remarks. But the international community has been supportive of Nepal's peace and democratic process. Even during the struggle against the king's dictatorship, the support and co-operation of the international community played a crucial role in boosting the morale of the pro-democracy forces, which finally forced the king to bow down. For this, the Nepalese people are always grateful to their international friends. But the activities and remarks expressed by representatives of some nations are not at all compatible with the diplomatic norms and values. They have openly supported particular political parties and condemned the Maoists. Against this background, it was natural for the Maoist party to doubt the genuine outcome of the election. Attention should, therefore, be paid to the concerns raised by the Maoist chairman. The government, therefore, needs to take immediate measures to create a conducive atmosphere for the polls.

Prachanda's remarks were dubbed as a ploy to defer the Constituent Assembly election. Other political parties, including the power constituents of the eight party government, namely, the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, have now come down heavily on the Maoist chairman's remarks. In fact, the Constituent Assembly election was the sole agenda of the CPN-Maoists until last year. Other political parties, including the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, had been reluctant to go to the Constituent Assembly election. But they agreed on this issue as the Maoists continued to press for this demand. Thus, we cannot believe that the Maoists have abandoned the agenda of the Constituent Assembly election.Prachanda spoke the bitter truth, which has been difficult to digest by others. Former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba had also spoken on similar lines in the past regarding the possibility of holding the election in June. Deuba had also come under severe criticism from all parties, including the Maoists, for his remarks that it was not possible to hold the election in June under the then prevailing situation. But it was accepted by all later, and it was agreed to defer the election date till November.

22-point agenda

Earlier, the Maoists had unveiled their 22-point demand, in which they have expressed clear commitment to the Constituent Assembly election. Their only concerns are the basis and grounds for the elections. It would, thus, be unfair to doubt the intention of the Maoists regarding their commitment to the Constituent Assembly election as the Maoists would definitely not want to abort the process and agenda they had raised. Against this background, it would be in the interest of the nation if the political parties stopped blaming each other and worked in unison for the common goal of holding the Constituent Assembly election

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 31, 2007

Time To Brace For Elections

WHETHER it is in the general social life or the Gai Jatra, the topic of the Constituent Assembly polls is bound to crop up. Much hope is pinned on the Constituent Assembly elections. In fact, the very future of the country and the people depends on it.

It needs no reminder that the polls are a mere 82 days away. It may not be the culminating point as the new constitution has to be drafted by the Constituent Assembly that will represent the people from all groups in the country. Yet, the lacklustre performance of the political parties in the run up to the election is a matter of worry.Some minor hiccups have been impeding the political parties from jumping into the bandwagon. Some parties are engaged in their own internal affairs while others have come up with plans and programmes.Herein, it is worthwhile noting that the 22-point programme put forward by the CPN (Maoist) has generated much debate among the other parties. The Maoists say that their struggle will continue both in the House as well as in the streets. They have been emphatic on the point that they are not against the CA election but want to create a conducive environment through their movement. If that is the case, then it is in the interest of the people and the country. The Maoists have said and expressed what they want to do, and the manner that they have decided upon. This is something transparent and gives the people an idea of their stance. Whether it is liked by the other parties or not, it has to be accepted as the Maoists have now entered mainstream national politics.

The other political parties, too, should come up with their plans and programmes, considering the fact that the election is round the corner. At the moment, much focus is also on the unification of the Nepali Congress and the Nepali Congress (Democratic). That is also related to the united stand for the election. It will be an important event when they stand together in the CA fray.As for the CPN (UML), it has already initiated its election campaign. So far, it is the only party that has begun a campaign in earnest. So far the campaign has been concentrated in the Kathmandu Valley only. There is a need to spread out.The call for going to the villages and districts has not yet begun as the scenario shows. It is for all the parties that profess unity - the eight parties in particular - that must motivate themselves to reach places where the majority of the people live. It is there that they must focus their attention as the people there lack awareness regarding the CA, its importance and the polls for it. No party has devised an education programme for it. The reason is that Kathmandu serves as the base with the other parts of the country not getting the due priority.There may be problems in the Terai region, but the parties can make a foray into the hills and other remote parts of the country. This also has not come about in the absence of concrete programmes. It seems that the eight parties are still grappling with some differences. One issue has presumably been solved, namely, the nomination of the ambassadors to 20 countries. That had been a contentious issue. It has been resolved but after a long delay. It can be hoped that the various missions will have chiefs to conduct activities in the interest of the country. There may be some misgivings, yet the nominations have been completed, which is a matter of relief.

Manifesto

When the greatest event of the country is only months away, and talks of unity has been made time and again by the eight party leadership, it is hard to understand why they are delaying in venturing onto the election turf. Moreover, none of the parties has made their CA election manifesto public. That is the document that they have to take to the people during the election campaign. Maybe they might have their own reasons for delaying. But now is not the time to procrastinate but to get wholeheartedly into the game as the Election Commission is said to have made the necessary preparations and now wants the political players to take to the field.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 31

NC Unification : Indecisiveness Affects CA Polls

Vijaya Chalise

Leaders from both the Nepali Congress are feeling enormous pressure to unite prior to the Constituent Assembly (CA) election. The sole purpose of the unification, as Nepali Congress-Democratic (NC-D) leader Minendra Rijal puts it, is to influence the CA election. The NC needs to show good electoral performance, and for it unification is a must, says he. Consequently, the urgency for Nepali Congress (NC) unification seems further inspired by the political polarisation in the upcoming Constituent Assembly polls. In addition, the anti-communist paranoia of the United States and other foreign political players might inspire the political forces to become polarised.For the second time, the left parties in Nepal have a majority in the interim Parliament following the promulgation of the interim constitution, and should they establish a working alliance, then they will be in a good position to win a majority in the upcoming election to the Constituent Assembly.

Strong pressure

However, even in the face of strong pressure from within the party cadres and from foreign powers like India and the US, the unification course of the Nepali Congress (NC) and Nepali Congress (D) has yet to gear up. Political analysts say the situation took a new turn after the new U.S. ambassador, Nancy Powell, met with the Nepali Congress leader and gave suggestions to expedite the unification process. It is believed that after Prime Minister and NC president Girija Prasad Koirala and NC-D president Sher Bahadur Deuba meet to sort out their problems, the merger would pick up momentum. Positive signals are, however, not forthcoming, with the NC-D leaders accusing the mainstream Congress party of not showing interest in the party unification. Even the NC leaders charge that the people responsible for bringing the two parties together have not been showing interest and that their indifferences have been delaying the process. The unification process of the Congress, which split five years ago due to lack of internal democratic exercise, has been slackening for months even after the formation of the task forces.

The NC-D wishes to forge unity at all levels. It includes allocating equal positions in the party high command, something that the NC has maintained reservation about. Obviously, it is not easy to unite the party by keeping people from both the sides happy. NC leader Narahari Acharya, who leads a republican camp within the party, says the basis of the unity should be based on inclusive democracy. Calls are growing within the Congress for amending its fundamental documents, including organisational set-up.Many of them want a greater intra-democratic environment within the party. Since long, second generation leaders have stressed the need for a transfer of power from the old hat to them. Ram Chandra Poudel and Sailaja Acharya, the senior leaders after Koirala, and their supporters see several reasons for changing Koirala's leadership. However, they fear the rift in the party will only widen if they challenge his leadership. NC (D) President Sher Bahadur Deuba, while welcoming a respectful unification between the two NC groups that split in early 2002, had once claimed that the much-hyped party unification was nothing but a hoax promoted for cheap publicity. He thinks unification is not possible only on the strength of verbal commitment as such words need to be backed by practical steps. He is in favour of respectful unification - unification of feelings, a dignified place for workers at all levels and clarification of certain ideological obscurities such as the issue of ceremonial monarchy. Otherwise, in his opinion, it will be nothing but a repetition of conspiracies, betrayals and division.

Deuba says he is not against unification, but it should not be in the interest of a handful of leaders at the top. It should address the issue of the cadres at the grassroots. Deuba's distrust is understandable because Koirala himself was leading the party when it split four years ago. Many cadres believe he could have saved the division at that time. Apparently, extensive homework is needed for the unification of the two NCs as uniting just for the sake of it would not bear the desired results. This unification should positively consider the feelings of Jana Andolan-II. Obviously, all the NC cadres and followers, who desire to see a new Nepal totally free of autocratic past practices, would like true and sentimental unification instead of differences being patched up in a hurry. Responding to Deuba's scepticism, Prime minister and Nepali Congress president Koirala once said in Biratnagar that the leaders were prepared to reconcile with an open heart, and that the unification of the party would be carried out in a respectable manner. While addressing party cadres in his hometown, Koirala assured complete party unity by bracing reunification in its entire structure, starting from the villages up to its upper level. But, whether Koirala can provide all members of both the parties as well as the central leaders the same status is doubtful.

Obviously, unification starting at the grassroots level to the general convention, then at the level of the central committee, as prescribed by Koirala, does not appear easy as there are many lobbies and interest groups in both the parties. Even the oldest democratic party, the Nepali Congress, has a bad reputation as far as intra-party democracy is concerned. This also might cause hurdles in unifying the two parties. Visibly, the inability of the Congress to unite has affected the pace of the Constituent Assembly polls. Due to the indecisiveness, the Congress has not been able to take a decision on whether to back a constitutional monarchy or to go for a republican set-up during the election. Neither has it been able to make internal preparations for the poll.

Obligation

Undoubtedly, the NC faces a twofold pressure. Majority of the young cadres within the party are building pressure to go for a republican set-up. On the other hand, some quarters within the party as well as foreign forces think left influence can be curtailed only if the NC joins hands with conventional forces. The indecisiveness caused by such pressure has delayed preparations for the Constitution Assembly election. Obviously, this has delayed the entire peace process. Only 82 days are left before the CA elections, however, none of the parties have hit the campaign trail. The political parties in power should show greater enthusiasm to institutionalise the verdict of the April movement and the subsequent comprehensive Peace Accord that had clearly spelt out that the CA would determine the fate of the monarchy. It is the obligation of the political parties to fulfil their commitment.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 31

22-pt demand helps timely election: Prachanda

Maoist chairman Prachanda has claimed the 22-point demand floated by his party will help create practical ground for timely election to constituent assembly. Talking to state-owned Radio Nepal Tuesday, Prachanda said, “The 22 demands were put forward in order to create ground for timely and meaningful election, and to make sure that the election does not end up being a drama.” Speaking further, Maoist strongman blamed the Nepali Congress, the leader of the coalition government, for sheer lack of election preparation.

“We think there is no preparation for the election, and the leading party in the government is not clear in its political vision,” he said, “This amplifies our suspicion that attempts are being made to prevent the CA election from taking place on time.” Prachanda also reiterated that the media misreported his remarks on the election and claimed that he never suggested postponement of the November 22 election. His remarks expressed during an interaction with representatives of the civil society and the academia last week had drawn sharp reaction from different quarters. “My views were simply meant to stress on timely election,” the Maoist strongman added.

On 20 August, the Maoist party had came up with 22 demands which include announcement of republic before the polls, formation of an inquiry commission on involuntary disappearances, roundtable conference of all sections of the society including Janajatis and Madhesis, release of political detainees, start of the process for integrating the People's Liberation Army within the Nepali Army by forming a special cabinet committee, withdrawal of army from the royal palace, nationalisation of the properties of King Gyanandra. With these demands, the Maoists have announced a series of protest programmes over the next couple of months.

Source: Nepalnews.com, August 28, 2007

NC Unification

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and NC(D)leader Sher Bahadur Deuba held the latest round of parley to finalize and seal the process of NC unification .At a time when the country is at the political cross roads the party should not be allow itself to be divided. Nepali Congress, if one takes cues from history of democratic struggle and innovation, has been the premier political organisation which is credited to have fought for democracy and political modernization. Moreover, the party has been consistent to its commitment to democracy, pluralist values and welfare state, and it has never flinched from its well cherished goals and values despite the situation of political topsy turvy in the country. When democracy was jeopardized on the eve of the sixties , Nepali Congress, under the leadership of late B.P.Koirala, held high the banner of struggle against authoritarianism imposed in the country.

The struggle against the partyless undemocratic polity lasted for thirty years before it collapsed under the weight of popular revolt in 1990. It was NC leader late Ganesh Man Singh who converged all the left and democratic forces against the authoritarian polity and fought to restore multiparty democracy lost out to the autocratic King in 1960. Again in April 2006 the seven party alliance led by Nepali Congress fought against the despotic monarchy and demolished its apparatus. Going by its history and contribution to the political modernization and development, Nepali Congress has always been a champion of unity and solidarity. But it is a matter of paradox that the party itself is riddled by factionalism and split. At a time when the country is going for polls to the constituent assembly and the role of political parties is very crucial to spearhead the process of democracy building, it is necessary that the Nepali congress stay united and consolidated to offset the challenges faced by the nation. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has already recognized the need for unity of the party and given full backing to further the process for unification of NC and NC(D) . Former prime minister and NC(D) president Sher Bhadur Deuba is all committed to NC unification for consolidating it to take on the challenges of the time. It is high time the unification process was furthered and completed and a strong NC was made to secure an enlarged political space in the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 29, 2007

Unresolved issues: Political conference necessary for CA

Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay

Last week witnessed certain developments on the political front that have increased uncertainties surrounding CA polls scheduled for November 22 although the Election Commission has published a detailed poll schedule. The ongoing agitation of Tarain groups and Janajatis, political party’s lethargy in educating the masses on the importance of a constituent assembly, the indifference and opposition of the Madhesis and Janajatis and the new political position taken by the CPN-Maoist are factors which need serious attention.

On August 22, the Tamang National Liberation Front declared a successful bandh against the indifference of the coalition government to Janajatis’ demands. On August 23, the MJF declared that unless their demands were fulfilled within a week it would declare a movement for the ‘liberation’ of the people. The same day a statement by the UNMIN head Ian Martin urged the political parties to go to villages to motivate the people with regard to CA election. He made it clear that most of the reports he had received concerned inactivity of political parties.

One of the gravest developments was the Maoist demand for postponement of CA election till April-May 2008 and declaration of a republic in order to curtail conspiracies against the election. The formation of the coalition government and the interim parliament had acknowledged the Maoists as one of the three major political parties. On the basis of such an acknowledgement, the Maoist stand has to be taken up seriously.

There are 84 days to go for the scheduled election. But how can any credible election be held in an atmosphere of uncertainty and violence? In order to create an atmosphere conducive to free and fair election, dissenting voices have to be listened to and talks have to be conducted with a view to arriving at consensus. However, the government team that is conducting negotiations is lethargic and biased. Even before the talks are conducted a member or two of the team makes his ideas public and spoils the atmosphere for the talks.

Dialogues with different dissenting parties should have the single objective of arriving at consensus among negotiating parties. Such consensus cannot be achieved by listening to the grievances of a particular party only, as issues involved have wide dimensions and affect multiple parties, communities and groups. So a new mechanism has to be created to promote interaction among all dissenting groups and eight party alliance.

How serious are the political parties about holding the election on time? Till date, only the CPN-UML seems serious about the need for timely election. Smaller parties like Jana Morcha and NWPP are also seen active in election campaigning. And yet other major political parties have not made any initiative to go to the people. The question of maintaining the eight party alliance is also crucial to achieving the mandate of Jana Andolan II. However, one can easily discern that the partners in the alliance are drifting apart.The question of proportional representation has been raised by a big segment of population. The MJF as well as Dalits and Janajatis have been demanding adoption of a single system of proportional representation. CPN-UML is the only political party which took this stand from the very beginning. Now the Maoists have thrown their weight behind proportional representation. To ridicule the Maoists for shifting their position from their stand during the signing of draft interim constitution is insensitive in a democratic society. The Maoists have fathomed the popular will in favour of proportional representational system and have followed the people’s will by displaying their democratic credentials. In a democracy, it is only right that any individual, group or party change its position in honour of public opinion. It is hypocritical to assert that one has to stick with a pre-conceived opinion come what may.

The issue of proportional representation was not received well by others in the beginning because this was thought of as a CPN-UML agenda. Today the question of convening a political conference is not being considered as this is branded as CPN-Maoist agenda. Such an attitude is not good for maintaining the alliance or honouring popular will. In order to solve the numerous issues of grave importance, convening of a widely participated political conference has become inevitable. Only such a forum could address the issues before the nation and provide a sound guideline for the CA which is to be the baseline of a new Nepal.The political conference should include all those who are willing to negotiate and even those unwilling to negotiate and create law and order problems. Thus, they can be isolated, divided and punished. Because of the constraint of time a political conference must be convened, which could, in turn, also tackle the issue of whether a new Nepal would be a federal republic.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 29, 2007

Inconvenient truth

The ongoing stir in Kathmandu of Badi women from western Tarai has brought the world’s oldest profession into focus. Badi women have jumped on to the bandwagon of countless agitations that followed the April Uprising. They descended on the capital in dozens, and have been protesting for the past week in various ways, including their novel “semi-nude” demonstration in front of Singhadurbar last Wednesday. They have threatened to protest by stripping off fully if their demands are not addressed. In yesterday’s demonstration outside Singhadurbar, more than a dozen Badis were injured in police baton-charge. They are demanding an alternative to the sex trade they live by. They want the government to give them land and their children free education. A number of Badi women, though unmarried, have children and, in many cases, the fraternity of their children has remained unknown.

The government ought to do what it can to rehabilitate the willing among the Badi sex workers in other more respectable occupations. Badis are a special community with a history, many of whom have plied their trade as something of a tradition handed down from one generation to the next. After all, they have been doing nothing different from what tens of thousands of other girls or women across the country are doing — selling sex willingly, under compulsion or under coercion. There is no clear-cut legislation on prostitution. The law has neither recognised prostitution as legal, nor categorically made it a punishable activity with clear penalties. That is why those arrested on prostitution charges are booked under the Public Offences Act. The accused are released soon, often after some time in police cells. This state of affairs has gone on for decades. In this legal vagueness, malpractices have flourished against women. And these malpractices often happen to be more punishable than the accused women’s offence.

Sadly, others often go unpunished while sex workers find themselves at the receiving end. This state of affairs must end. Unscrupulous policemen often take undue advantage of the fact that female sex workers are on the wrong side of the law. Besides, many others also play on these women’s vulnerability. As tens of thousands of the “weaker sex” continue to receive ill-treatment at the hands of men, and even women who live off their earnings, it is deplorable that clear legal provisions do not exist. This profession has existed from time immemorial in the most regimented regimes as well as in deeply theocratic societies prescribing harsh punishment for the sin. So, unsurprisingly, this trade goes on, perhaps even more briskly, in societies that are more tolerant. On top of that, prostitutes also fill a biological, and some say, a social need. These realities call for a clear law for governing the profession. It would appear sensible to consider permitting the willing to practise it, of course, with reasonable restrictions and safeguards. And these safeguards should include a legal deterrent against anybody else who may try to exploit women for their selfish ends.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 28, 2007

Congress unification: A story of leadership failure

Ajit N S Thapa

Ever since King Gyanendra dumped Sher Bahadur Deuba’s government for its inability to hold elections on time on Feb 1, 2005, there have been demands from all quarters for the merger of the two parties — the NC and NC (D) — in order to strengthen democracy and fight regression. Responding to this demand, PM and NC president Girija Prasad Koirala made a clarion call for the unification with the promise that the members of both parties would retain the positions they held in the mother party prior to the split. Deuba-led NC (D) did not react positively and dubbed the unification call a ruse to entice NC (D) members to NC.However, unable to withstand mounting pressure for unity from party workers, well-wishers as well as the international community, Koirala and Deuba agreed to take the process forward and constituted a six member team to recommend merger modalities. For some reason, this committee did not work with the sense of urgency that the situation warranted and failed to come to any kind of consensus. With CA election barely three months away and as international pressure mounts, the two leaders have apparently agreed upon the following points.

The united outfit will have a central committee consisting of 37 members from NC and 27 members from NC(D); the general convention and general committee (Mahasamiti) members of both will continue in their respective capacities; the active members of both will be included; district presidents and chairmen of electoral constituencies will be decided on the basis of seniority, positions during the 10th general convention and their contribution to Jana Andolan II; GP Koirala will be No 1, Krishna Prasad Bhattarai No 2 and S B Deuba No 3 in party hierarchy, while Sushil Koirala will be No 4; and acting president in the united party and Deuba will be consulted in all major decision making processes.Meanwhile, it is learnt that NC (D) has come up with a set of demands which among others stipulates that the two vice-presidents and the general secretary retain their respective positions and that the current party spokesperson too continue in the same capacity. This demand does not bode well for party unity since it undermines the seniority and capabilities of more deserving colleagues on the other side.

At this juncture, it might be useful to delve into the genesis of the split. While Koirala can be lauded for his grit, determination and stamina to fight for the cause of democracy, his capacity for institution building, fostering internal democracy and decentralisation leaves much to be desired. It was his intention to monopolise all power that prompted him to dump four cabinet colleagues without consultation with his two senior colleagues when he was the PM in the first elected government in 1991. This resulted in formation of a group of 36 dissident MPs who opposed the PM. During a budgetary vote in the parliament, the dissidents made themselves absent. The PM could not muster a majority and dissolved the parliament (again without consulting his colleagues) and sought a new mandate.

In the mid-term election, the NC fared badly and came out second biggest party after CPN-UML, which formed the first communist-led government in Nepal. After the fall of the UML government, Deuba became PM and led an unsuccessful coalition which could not secure a vote of confidence in the House owing to the deliberate absence of two NC MPs. This aggravated the intra-party conflict.In the third general election, KP Bhattarai was proposed as NC’s PM candidate and the party won a comfortable majority. Unfortunately, Bhattarai soon began to face obstacles from his own party.Ultimately, he was forced to tender an emotional resignation. Koirala, who succeeded Bhattarai, also had to resign in the wake of Holeri, when the army refused to attack the Maoists.

Deuba assumed prime ministership again and soon declared a state of Emergency, also mobilising the army against the Maoists. At the behest of the army, he wished to prolong the six-month-long Emergency, but the NC leadership refused to co-operate. Sensing a foul play, Deuba dissolved the House and announced mid-term polls. This prompted the party leadership to annul his party membership for three years and in turn Deuba split the party. Deuba’s inability to hold polls enabled King Gyanendra to usurp power.In this backdrop, it is clear that NC management is weak and leadership myopic, self-centered and ineffective. After the split, the two parties have fared even worse, NC (D) more so in terms of lack of internal democracy and direction. We hope that the two leaders will be able to unite two parties. They should also pave the way for a new generation of leaders who will be able to manage the united party more effectively by instituting internal democracy, decentralisation, worker evaluation, and financial viability and equip the united NC to cope with the challenges of the 21st century.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 28, 2007

Parties Moving Slowly For CA Polls

Narayan Upadhayay

The nation is hurtling to wards the November Constituent Assembly (CA) election, but the skepticism whether the polls would be held in a fitting manner in the stipulated date has refused to die down. The statements and reports coming from various quarters and some incidents taking place are alarming as they suggest the path to CA polls is still strewn with many complexities that need to be sorted out before any awkward situation comes to pass.

The Code

Even as the government, composed of eight political parties, has come up with code of conduct for the CA polls, the parties are blamed for their lackadaisical response to the pre-CA polls campaigning. The prevailing mood among the political parties is they have not yet jumped into the electioneering bandwagon. Lately, the Elections Commissioner himself has, in a round about way, admonished political parties for failing to create an environment for polls and lacking in initiative to stir up the real interest among the electorate for polls. The commissioner?s very suggestion that the political parties must now expedite for the polls drops a hint that the political parties have not yet fully geared up for what many believes an epoch-making November 26 poll. It is sad to see that our political parties, almost all of who are never tired of professing their respect for democracy and freedom, had to be given the ?wake-up? call by none other than the commissioner himself.

In democracy, it is the political parties that must remain at the forefront to take the proactive role in launching various activities while they seek electorate?s vote for them through an election, agreed upon by the existing constitution of the nation. Likewise, in a democratic political set-up, the onus of making the electorates attentive and responsive to any kind of polls and the post poll consequences that will have far reaching implications on the well-being of a nation rest solely on political parties. There are several reasons that have slowed the three major political players- Nepali Congress, the Nepali Congress (Democratic) and CPN-Maoist. They have been sluggish in their approach to the CA election. In other words, they have their own axe to grind before the epoch-making poll is conducted.As far as two Congresses are concerned, they seem to be in grip of nagging fear that it would be suicidal if they go into the polls without being united.The fractured Congresses are a worried lot and are also under fire from the party workers for failing to take an unambiguous stance in the fate of Monarchy and issue of republicanism. While many party top brasses are reluctant to support the idea of republicanism, plenty of the congresses? workers are supporting the idea. The raging controversies within Nepali Congress might have delayed the party?s election manifesto.

For the Maoists, the results of the mock elections conducted by the Election Commission are not encouraging while the ?persisting? issue of declaring the nation republic before CA polls and the issue of proportionate election in all seats for CA- have been consuming their time and energy. The two demands however, are at variance with the Maoists? various agreements and understandings with government and other political parties. The Maoist party leadership is also in the know that some activities of the party workers in recent time have done nothing good in raising the popularity of the party. And, of late, the party?s submission of 22-point demand to the government has made the task all the more difficult for those who want to create the conducive environs for holding CA polls. The Maoists are pressing to see their demands come to the fruition. But the problem for the authority that have power to fulfill these demands too need some time while many of the demands are not likely to be duly met, because they are against the 12-point agreement.

The position of CPN-UML on the upcoming CA polls is slightly different. It is the only party that has declared to be doing its homework for CA electioneering. But the sad part of it is that the party as big as UML has not been able to prepare its manifesto to catch the attention of its supporters and the electorate as whole even when the much-talked about polls are less than three months away.A cursory glance at the present position of the major political parties makes it obvious that these parties are mainly engaged in their own party interests rather than for the nation?s and people?s. The fear that the CA polls would once again be deferred for new date is all the more glaring.But the psyche in the nation is against any deferral of the poll. Almost all of the foreign donor agencies, the United Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) diplomats from India, the USA, the UK and other nations form European Union, who have provided assistance in cash and kind for the polls and restoring peace, are voicing their concern that the epochal polls must be held in its stipulated time. They are pressing hard to liven up the political parties for polls, because like all of us, they too are aware that the future of this nation and its restructuring are closely connected with the success of the CA polls. Now this nation can not do away with CA polls. There is no denying that the nation will be pushed into new crisis in case the polls can not be held in peacefully.

Unity Vital

However, in the face of mounting skepticism, one can be fully assured that the vital poll can be successfully held, if the eight parties, the true representatives of the people, go for it in united manner right now. To do this, the ruling elite must rise above their narrow party agendas and must shake off petty interests.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 27, 2007

CA Polls: Ball In Parties' Court

Prem N. Kakkar

IT is 89 days for the Constituent Assembly (CA) election. There have been some activities in the direction of meeting the deadline. In this, the Election Commission has been making the necessary preparations. It is also worried that the political parties that are the major players in the polls are not seriously taking up the issue. In fact, it is they who did the needful to announce the date for the polls. Now, they themselves are not hitting the campaign trail.

Differences

It is true that there are some differences among the eight-party members. Each have their own path carved out, yet they insist on unity. They do not want to break the unity, but they seem to be drifting away from the announced agreement. This is rather unfortunate.Due to the differences, the cabinet and the eight-party meetings have been far and few in between. In the past, there was great zeal, and the eight-party meetings were held on a regular basis. It is no longer the case. This has once again bewildered the people in general. The people had believed that once the date for the CA polls was announced, the political parties would shed their differences for a while and embark on the election trail. Despite reports of some parties sending their leaders to the villages and districts, the progress has been slow.In this connection, no party has so far come up with their election manifestos. Some leaders have said that their manifesto, to be focused on the political agenda, would be ready and out within 24 hours. But it is not as easy as said. It is not only the manifesto that counts, the people, too, have to be made aware of the importance of the constituent assembly.

Moreover, confusion still remains on how the voting process is to be done. The voters just do not have a clue as to how the election is to be conducted and how they would be casting their votes. It is the task of the political parties, concerned agencies and even the media to propagate the message.Looking at the present scenario, even the voters in the urban areas do not have much idea about how the votes need to be cast. The problem is further complicated in the rural areas. The majority still have the notion that the CA polls will be like the previous general elections. Though there has been tall talk, educating the voters and creating awareness about the CA is still a far cry. This seems quite a paradox when the country is heading for one of the greatest events in its political history.Instead of the political parties nudging the Election Commission to speed up the election preparation process, just the opposite is happening. The commission says that it has made the necessary preparations, including the placement of voting booths, but the political parties are not listening. It seems that the eight parties are only sorting out minor issues. Meanwhile, the Maoists have come up with their 22-point programme. It also states they are forgoing their peaceful movement. Coming as it does at this juncture, it seems rather unnatural. They may have their own priorities for doing so, yet as far as the agreement with the other seven parties is concerned, there has to be some adjustment. In fact, the present developments seem more like a conundrum, which the ordinary people cannot understand.

Moreover, the Election Commission has also made public the Code of Conduct and the election programme. So what are the political parties waiting for? No one seems to know except the concerned political party leaders.

Assurances

Once again, it rests on the political parties to untie the knot so that the people can rest assured that this time around there will be no backing away from the scheduled date for the CA polls. The party leaders have to be resolute in expressing their commitment for the polls. If they do not, then the days ahead will be quite difficult and will only give the regressive forces the opportunity that they are looking forward to.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 24, 2007

Maoist 22-Point Demand : Way To The Future

Vijaya Chalise

Following the Communist Party of Nepal-Moist (CPN-Maoist) protest programmes to press for its 22-point demand put at the eight-party meeting, some of the political leaders are saying that it could have an adverse impact on the peace process. The 22-point proposal to ensure that the CA polls are held on November 22 includes, among others, the declaration of a republican set up, proportional election system, round table conference with the different interest groups and implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement.

Pressing demands

One can presume that two of the demands are particularly pressing - declaration of a republic and a fully proportional election system. The party wants the proclamation of a republic by the Interim legislative parliament prior to the CA elections as it sees the monarchy as the main hindrance to the CA polls. Similarly, the Maoists believe that the state should first address the issue of the various indigenous, ethnic and Madhesi groups, and a round table conference alone could address their demands. Obviously, a round table conference might be a suitable way of assuring full representation of the oppressed ethnic and indigenous nationalities, women, dalits and Madhesis. The statement issued by the CPN-Maoist states that in the past, the party had shown flexibility over its demands for a republican set up and a federal structure for the country as well as proportional election system so as not to disrupt the peace process. However, the events following the developments in Madhes have shown that the CA poll is not possible unless the proportional representation of all the marginalised classes, castes, regions, communities and genders and civil society is ensured, the statement says.

However, some leaders from different parties argue that it was not necessary to come up with the demands as the eight parties have agreed to carve the country's political set up after the CA polls. They fear if the demands are not fulfilled it might have an adverse impact on the peace process, including the Constituent Assembly election. They even accuse the Maoist party of trying to stall the CA election by launching the protest program. But as the credit for declaring the Constitution Assembly elections and high people's awareness about it goes mainly to the CPN-Maoist and its long people's movement against feudal regimes in the past, doubts about their stance on the CA polls are irrational.Although the Constitution Assembly polls are now just 89 days away, most of the political parties do not seem to be mentally prepared for them. They have not prepared their election manifesto, although the CPN (UML) has formed a committee to prepare one. The Nepali Congress has not even formed a committee to draft the party's manifesto as they are waiting their unification. The Nepali Congress and Nepali Congress (Democratic) want unification prior to the polls as they think the NC will not wield enough influence if they go separate ways.

The Maoists, on the other hand, have reached a conclusion that the CA poll could face many hurdles until there is the existence of a conservative feudal institution, which sounds realistic. For this reason, the Maoist party has demanded the proclamation of a republican state. Obviously, until there is a power that is always creating obstacles against radical changes in the country, there cannot be a favourable environment for the CA polls.Undeniably, not only Maoists but all the people, including the political parties, should be aware of the reactionary forces that are busy conspiring to foil the achievements of the people's movement-2. Though the May 18 (2006) historic declaration of the House of Representatives (HoR) has confirmed the supremacy of the Nepali people, by giving a permanent structure of a republican federal democracy, the people are not fully assured.Thus, the need to bid farewell to the authoritarian elements from the national political arena cannot be denied. Therefore, as soon as the major political parties realise this objective reality, the aspiration expressed by the people through the historic Jana Andolan last year can be fulfilled. No one should, therefore, be hesitant about proclaiming the country a republic prior to the CA polls.

The need of the hour is not a verbal commitment. The need is of creating an honest environment that is favourable for holding the elections successfully. As time is running short, the political parties should realise that they have not yet been able to inform and educate the general mass about the importance of the CA poll from the political perspective. The parties and leaders must work hard to make the people aware about the importance of the Constituent Assembly elections. The CA polls are the main entrance for epochal changes and in the creation of a new Nepal. Obviously, there is no alternative to a republican democratic system. The current scenario presents evidences that conservative feudal forces led by pro-palace factions have been instigating different elements to derail the polls and create anarchism in the country.

Lasting Solution

This provides an opportunity for foreign forces to convert Nepal into a playing ground. Keeping this in mind, it is time for the political parties to come out with their manifestos so as to intensify the debates and discussions on the future of the Nepali state under a new republican constitution. It is a high time to seek a lasting political solution, as people are pinning high hopes on the success of the peace process, with all the political forces of the country, including the Maoists, expressing flexibility in their past stances. One hopes the meeting of the eight-party leadership will sort out their differences and stand united to fulfill the people's aspirations.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 24, 2007

Hindu righteousness

Not this king, but India’s religious right still wants the monarchyc

Prashant Jha

India’s Hindu right which has been traditionally sympathetic to the monarchy and opposed to Nepal going secular is split about Nepal policy. There are differences in approach between the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). about the political approach to Nepal. The RSS is reassessing its past policy on the future of the monarchy and say putting all their eggs in the royal basket was not a wise move. Besides being a Hindu king, they believed only the king could fight the Maoists. Now, senior RSS leaders admit the erosion of the king’s credibility in Nepal has damaged them as well.

We depended on proximity with the king for our influence, now with the king gone we have lost our strength on the ground,” one senior RSS leader told us. Despite this, the RSS would like the institution of monarchy to remain. While more radical groups in the Vishwa Hindu Parishad still hope for an active monarchy, most in the Hindu right in India know that the days of an assertive king are gone.

"We would be quite happy if the institution remains, it is a symbol of unity and is the only Hindu monarchy in the world. We know Gyanendra and Paras are unacceptable but then the grandson formula could work,” says an RSS leader who has tracked Nepal for decades. BJP leaders, including Atal Bihari Vajpayee, have said they will not actively push for retention of monarchy, and will decide on their stance based on the public mood in Nepal. The rightwing in India has kept the channels of communication open with king Gyanendra who has met three intermediaries in the past few months: a former minister from Tamil Nadu close to the RSS, a journalist with a Delhi-based pro-BJP paper, and a former intelligence official. All have returned with the impression that the king is relatively calm but at a loss about what steps to take. It appears he has been advised that a four month retreat, possibly a pilgrimage to India, would be in his interest as this would take the sting off criticism that he is obstructing elections.

More than saving the monarchy, the RSS wants to contain and curb Maoist influence and begin a political campaign in favour of reverting to a Hindu state. It is on these two issues they are willing to invest energy and capital, not on the monarchy. Utterly convinced of Maoist insincerity, the Indian right is, contrary to popular perception, keen on constituent assembly elections. The RSS is convinced that the Maoists would fare miserably and see the polls as the right way to expose them. They believe that Maoists are keen on derailing polls and using the ensuing uncertainty to organise violent street agitations. Like many others in India, the RSS was happy with the madhesi movement because it eroded Maoist support along the border. On the ground, especially in Raxaul and Gorakhpur, some RSS activists provided support (political, logistical, and possibly, limited financial help) during the movement through the Seema Jagaran Manch, a front organisation. Upendra Yadav has met senior BJP leaders in Delhi through RSS interlocutors.

But this support is limited and they neither have the will nor capacity to drive the movement. “We realise there is limited benefit for us out of the madhesi agitation. There is a crisis of leadership. Upendra Yadav is playing too many games with too many people and can’t be trusted. No madhesi group is willing to boldly say they are for a Hindu state. "What’s in it for us?” asks an RSS activist. The RSS’ opponents tend to over-estimate its strength, and even the RSS leaders know their capacity to influence domestic politics in Nepal is limited. But its leaders are aware there is strong sentiment in Nepal opposed to secularism. For now, the Hindu right in India is waiting for a strong anti-Maoist leader with a popular base who can publicly declare he is for a Hindu rastra.

Source: Nepali Times, Issue No. 363, August 24-30, 2007

Press Release of CCOMPOSA

Ccomposa calls on South Asia peoples to oppose Indian rulers’ growing intervention in neighbouring countries

13 August 2007. A World to Win News Service. Following is a press release sent out by the Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) dated 25 June 2007.The Indian rulers seek total domination of the countries of South Asia acting as the gendarme of the US in this region. At the SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) Summit in April, they went so far as to propose a South Asia Parliament, seeking to undermine even the existing limited sovereignty of the South Asian countries. Earlier they had proposed a common currency for the region to further consolidate India’s economic hegemony in the region. At the SAARC Summit they continued to push their SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Association), in order to dominate the markets of the region and allow the unhindered free flow of goods made in India (mostly by the big comprador houses and the transnational corporations) to all countries of South Asia.

CCOMPOSA calls for the disbanding of SAARC and the setting up of genuine forums of people-to-people relations between the countries of South Asia.Lately the Indian rulers have been even more crudely intervening in the internal affairs of neighbouring countries and even more crudely crushing the national aspirations for self-determination of the peoples of Kashmir, Naga, Manipur, Assam, etc.

In Nepal they have been playing an active role to diffuse the democratic aspirations of the Nepalese people and prop up the reactionary elements after isolating the Maoists. They have been instigating the Madheshi people of the Terrai (Nepal’s southern plains) region against the Maoists, in league with the Nepalese monarch. Hindu fundamentalists have been particularly active in setting up vigilante gangs to murder activists, as happened in Gaur where 28 Maoists were killed. Recently these gangs murdered a YCL (Young Communist League) Central Committee member in the Terrai region, together with another comrade. The Indian ambassador has, of late, been pro-actively roaming the interior of Nepal, offering large sums of money for schools, hospitals, roads, etc., in order to wean the masses away from the influence of the Maoists. In addition, the Indian paramilitary have fired on and killed Nepalese of Bhutani origin (to prevent them) from returning to their motherland, and have been fully involved in the US conspiracy to transport 60,000 refugees to the West as a modern-day form of slave labour. The US imperialists and Indian rulers have been working to prop up the reactionaries and neutralize the Maoists.

CCOMPOSA strongly condemns the role of the Indian rulers in Nepal and demands that they stop meddling in the affairs of Nepal and that the Indian people bring to justice the murderous gangs operating across the Nepalese border.In Bangladesh, the Indian rulers have not only openly backed their stooge Sheikh Hasina but have utilised the present army-backed caretaker government to push through massive deals for Indian big comprador houses. They have sought to help the Tatas (an Indian monopoly capitalist group) to make massive investments there and lately the Mittals (an internationally powerful Indian steel monopoly) have signed a gigantic deal in the energy sector of Bangladesh. The Indian ambassador has been actively working in the country together with the US ambassador in the dealings between the various political parties and the caretaker government.

CCOMPOSA demands that the extensive natural wealth of poverty-stricken Bangladesh be utilized for the development of their own country and not robbed by Indian compradors and the US imperialists.In Sri Lanka, they openly threatened the government when it sought arms from China and Pakistan. The Indian rulers have already imposed humiliating free-trade agreements on Sri Lanka. They have also surreptitiously been assisting the Sri Lankan government to crush the just aspirations of the Tamil people for a Tamil Elam.CCOMPOSA demands the scrapping all these unequal agreements and supports the just struggle of the Tamil people for their self-determination from the jackboots of the Indian ruling classes.

In addition, the Indian rulers continue to maintain and tighten their vice-like grip over the small countries of the region like Bhutan, Sikkim, the Maldives, etc., and continue their attempts to bully Pakistan utilizing the Kashmir card. Particularly they continue to forcibly maintain the oppressed nationalities within Indian hegemony. Not only does the Indian army of occupation crush their just demands with utmost brutality, they have been pitting one section of the people against the other to drown their just struggles in oceans of blood. This is to be seen in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Kashmir and elsewhere.CCOMPOSA demands that the people of these oppressed nationalities be allowed to determine their own future and the immediate and total withdrawal of Indian army and paramilitary forces from all these regions.South Asia has become a burning cauldron of revolutionary, democratic and nationality movements. CCOMPOSA supports all these just movements and calls on the peoples of South Asia to unite against their common enemy and not fall prey to the divisive policies of the rulers and their US imperialist backers in the region.

1) Proletarian Party of Purba Bangla-CC – PBSP (CC) [Bangladesh]

2) Communist Party of East Bengal (ML)(Red Flag) – CPEB (ML)(Red Flag) [Bangladesh]

3) Bangladesher Samyobadi Dal(Marxist-Leninist) – BSD(ML) [Bangladesh]

4) Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) – CPB(MLM) [Bhutan]

5) Communist Party of India (Maoist) – CPI(Maoist)[India]

6) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari – CPI-ML (Naxalbari) [India]

7) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) – CPI(MLM) [India]

8) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) – CPN (Maoist) [Nepal]

Source: Maoist Information Bulletin, June 25, 2007

UN Support For Polls

The United Nations has given full support to the process of holding the polls for a constituent assembly in Nepal. The UN has established its full presence in Nepal and is backstopping and overseeing the peace building and democratisation process in the country. The UN general secretary Ban Ki Moon, like his predecessor Kofi Anan, has evinced keen interest in the peace and democratisation process in Nepal. At one end, the UN is involved in the verification of the Maoist combatants to pave the way for their demobilisation. The global organisation is putting its weight behind making the polls to the constituent assembly a success. It needs to be mentioned that the UN has been consistently helping the country to ensure that the election to the constituent assembly is held during November and a democratic and peaceful Nepal is constructed. The UN voter education specialists are at work to assist the Election Commission to design and implement a strategy for empowering the Nepali electors to make informed choices in the polls.

Moreover, the UN has set up an advisory unit to provide technical and intellectual resources in the process of framing a new democratic constitution in the country. High level UN officials have been visiting Nepal to oversee and encourage the process for conducting elections to the constituent assembly. The visit by B. Lynn Pascoe, UN undersecretary general for political affairs recently, has been crucial in boosting the prospects for the constituent assembly polls in Nepal. At a time when pessimism and frustration have been heightened due to feuds and fissures among the political actors, posing serious questions on the prospects and possibilities of the polls for a constituent assembly, the positive remarks given by the high level UN official with regard to the polls should be commended. The UN official remarked that the political process for holding the constituent assembly elections in Nepal is moving on the right track and spoke with certainty that there was no room for despondency and pessimism. These observations have contributed to giving the political situation a positive direction. The political actors are expected to work in concert to make the scheme of the constituent assembly a success.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 23, 2007

Overcoming Poverty

Lok Nath Bhusal

Indeed, time has come to put the poverty alleviation agenda at the heart of the development debate and action for since a long time, poverty has been a major hurdle to prosperity. Broadly, poverty is a human situation in which people lack what they need to possess - economic well-being, political awareness and social inclusion - for their meaningful and dignified existence in the society. Therefore, it embraces the whole gamut of economic, political and social dimensions; not necessarily only their incomes but capabilities as a whole.

Policy failures

For advanced economies, poverty is generally a relative concept whereas it is an absolute one for developing countries like Nepal. People hate poverty and wish to come out, but some unfortunate ones are destined to live under the shadow of poverty and suffer it. This situation is basically attributed to the failure of state policies and their proper implementation. Since poverty is one of the major reasons for socio-economic instability, the state must make systematic interventions to fight against this socio-economic ill. First, the current subsistence agriculture must be transformed into a competitive and wealth-yielding business to tackle the poverty systematically. Our agricultural productivity is the lowest in South Asia. Over two thirds of the economically active population works for agriculture, but its contribution to the GDP is a mere 40 percent. Hence, majority of the poor people come from agriculture. Again, the Economic Survey 2005/06 reveals that in the last fiscal year, the entire production of food crops was adversely affected due to the vagaries of the weather - drought. Indeed, farmers should be able to receive extra income, and conventional agricultural practices must be by more profitable techniques and marketisation of agro-products through the development of physical infrastructures.

A Green Revolution through the use of high-yielding varieties, expansion of irrigation facilities and availability of reasonably-priced chemical fertiliser, comprehensive land reforms and expansion of extension services must materialise. Furthermore, economic development throughout the world suggests that rapid industrialisation must be supported by a strong agriculture sector as the latter has backward and forward linkages to the development of the former. In the context of Nepal, since the agriculture sector is the topmost contributor to the GDP, positive state intervention is most crucial and urgently required to successfully compete with other countries, especially India. This is why farmers of the developed countries are enriched by the state, and much of the trade impasse is concentrated around reducing agriculture subsidies provided by the state.Second, disparity in the distribution of income and resources must be reduced to uplift the penniless population. Our average per capita income has risen to US$ 311, but it is an understatement of the degree of income inequality; averages have great significance in statistics, but they can be dangerous. For example, there have been frequent reports that 20 per cent of the population captures 80 per cent of Nepal's resources whereas the remaining 80 per cent population is stuck with 20 percent of the national income. This has been largely supported by the Nepal Living Standard Survey (NLSS) conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics.

Alarmingly, the Gini ratio, which measures the inequality in the income distribution, was 0.34 for the first NLSS carried out in 1995/96. But this jumped to 0.41 in the second NLSS of 2003/04, suggesting an economically more asymmetric society. Moreover, there are colossal income gaps between the rural and urban population and the people working in the formal/organised and informal/unorganised sector. Clearly, this is a threat to a civilised society. Hence, the state must ensure a more equal and inclusive society through a progressive tax system so that those who can afford pay more, and thus help freeing the poor people from poverty.Third, enhancing social and political consciousness among the people is an equally important determinant in effectively tackling poverty. So far, age-old laws and conventions based on the feudal system and with ill-intention have been able to suppress the people in the name of religion, race, caste, ethnicity and gender. Social change has been terribly slow due to strongly grounded vested conventions designed to promote the elite. As a result, the so-called lower caste people, minorities, various ethnic communities and women have been deprived of their social rights. Consequently, poverty has been hovering around them. However, overcoming such a situation through ethnic autonomy as proposed by some political forces is more likely to aggravate the situation rather than truly addressing the issue.

Precisely, the politics of ethnic autonomy cannot be justified in the 21st century. In fact, it must be realised that the unprecedented economic success made recently by Japan and South Korea has been largely attributed to their homogonous society. Precisely, in developed societies we do not observe informal institutions such as caste, race and ethnicity. This reflects that the ultimate cure to the problem is social transformation, not the autonomy based on ethnicity. Clearly, ethnicity unknowingly invites disintegration which has been proved as a major barrier to rapid socio-economic development. As a solution to these maladies, we need to decentralise, delegate the central power and resources to the people and make them responsible to understand their local problems and to identify alternative local solutions. For this, the notion of home-rule and local government as a fundamental right must be ensured in the upcoming interim constitution. Also, promotion of human rights, building strong communities and strengthening civil society organisations and local bodies are very crucial engagements required to improve the demand side of the equation. Such an unequivocal and inclusive social and democratic political system helps to reduce the poverty in a sustainable manner.

Challenges

Finally, poverty mitigation has been the single goal of the Tenth plan and all our development efforts for quite a long time. However, the progress made so far has not been very satisfactory. Agricultural, economic and socio-political challenges must be overcome to eradicate the extreme poverty. More aggressive state intervention in the form of crafting and implementing pro-poor programmes is extremely desirable to maintain socio-economic stability and national prosperity. Given the recent political developments, the poor population is likely to decrease significantly in the next couple of years. For this, it is quite understandable that an economic agenda, one that particularly focusses on the above issues, must go simultaneously with the ongoing political transition.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 23, 2007

Trust deficit: Nepali politics at crossroads

Madhav Shrestha

Irrefutably, the fluidity of Nepali politics is constantly increasing while the common people’s trust in the political leadership is on the decline. While there is growing public discontent, the political leadership seems to have no wherewithal to win back public trust, which was lost due to their failure to keep past promises. The yawning credibility gap between the leaders of the eight political parties and the people at the bottom is certainly growing bigger as the nation steps into a threshold of yet another democratic revolution. Promises solemnly declared by the government leaders have hardly touched the hearts and minds of the general populace. The political scenario appears volatile and doubts still prevail over the democratisation process following Jana Andolan II.

In view of the present political turmoil in the country, it would be appropriate to quote an ancient Chinese adage: “The proper man understands equity, the smaller man profit”. This maxim aptly explains the emerging scenario in Nepali politics. Evidently, every political leader and every political party is looking to gain a political advantage, blatantly ignoring the needs and aspirations of the greater masses. The political leaders now in power could have done a lot for the people by adopting an all-inclusive approach. However, things appear to have gone awry as the recent political developments have indicated. The broader template has not been put into place but instead pushed to the sidelines with self-centred political interest top on the priority list.

Currently, no single political party, however big among the eight political parties currently represented in the government, has widespread support base among the people right across the country. This reality clearly indicates all political parties are, in fact, either sectarian or regional with limited influence and questionable organisation capacity. This has resulted in fractured and fragmented politics, which precludes an integrated approach. This trend is helpful neither in nurturing the democratisation process during this transition phase, norin serving the interest of common people. Certainly, such a queasy situation isindicative of the long-running political tension with the disruptive forces making headway.

Apparently, the leaders of the eight political parties lack the capacity to create an ambience of political cohesiveness which is vital to take the country out of the present political impasse. This situation is regrettable with the political bickering getting worse. The common people are scared of the likely repercussions of such a state of affairs, which might ultimately invite new forces of disruption and disturbance. Given the politically self-motivated agenda of political leadership, prospects of democracy going on the right path are almost unimaginable now. At present, no political leader seems to possess the much-needed ability to bring all pro-people forces into a common fold. Far worse is the fact that the Nepali society at this critical juncture feels an acute need of a charismatic statesman who could lead the country.

Evidently, the political void has left Nepal a wrecked ship in tumultuous high sea. Those at the helm have hardly ever cared about the suffering of the people who are in great distress owing to a decade-long political unrest and frequent natural calamities. Instead, the political leaders are busy jockeying for power and position. Nowhere in the world are the government and the political leaders so inconsiderate as to be blind to the suffering of the poor and the afflicted.

It would be appropriate to remind the political leaders of this blunt (if not hateful) remark of Bertrand Russell: “Politics is the last refuge of scoundrels”. Nepali politicians would share the same pedestal of scoundrels if they do not work for the good of the common people. And if they failed to meet the aspirations of the Nepali people which were expressed through Jana Andolan II, the political leaders who are promising to build a new Nepal would not only be scorned by the present generation but also by generations to come.Most recently, the increasing build-up of external pressure and people’s aspiration to see Nepali politics moving on right track with the election to the constituent assembly held at the stipulated time should not go unheeded. Political brinkmanship would help no one at all.

Statesmanship on the part of all leading democratic figures is the most needed demand at the moment to carry the democratic politics to its logical conclusion.Deviation from the desired path will be counterproductive and unlikely to be spared by common Nepalis. It is therefore crucial that the political leaders wake up to the need of the hour and work in unison to build a democratic society.Can they now do the right thing and stand ready to bear with the judgment of future generations?Shrestha is ex-foreign ministry official

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 23, 2007

INTERVIEW WITH PRACHANDA

Are the Maoists planning a fresh people’s revolt after their Fifth Plenum? What will be the future of the CA polls? What policy will the Maoists embrace towards India? And how far will the Maoist-SPA alliance go? Maoist Chairman Prachanda spoke on these and various other contemporary issues in an exclusive interview with Nepal magazine recently. Excerpts of the interview:



Q. Your Fifth Plenum (extended meeting) drew much attention. What was so special about it?
Prachanda: The difference between the political circumstances during the earlier four extended meetings and this year’s meeting is the specialty. The earlier extended meetings were held during wartime, for the preparations of the war. This year, the extended meeting took place in a completely new environment of the ongoing peace process and at a time when we, too, are a part of the government.


Secondly, when we entered into the peace process from the process of the People’s War, it was but obvious that several questions would be raised from within and outside the party. The Fifth Plenum has answered all such questions and brought about uniformity in understanding.


Q. What does uniformity in understanding mean?
Prachanda: Transforming a country by addressing the class, caste, regional and gender issues in the transitional phase in a peaceful manner and being a part of the government to hold a Constituent Assembly election are rare experiments in communist movements. Our party has transformed the people’s war into strategic defense, balance, and then strategic retaliation and then ultimately into the peace process, which is a novel experiment in itself. Therefore, this process would obviously have given rise to several questions from within and outside the party. Whether this process will lead us to success or surrender? Such questions had been raised very naturally. We had to answer such questions. And, understanding the fact that the path we have chosen to bring about social and revolutionary changes in a novel way by analyzing all the revolutions and counter-revolutions of the 20th Century is what we call the uniformity in understanding.



Q. We heard that your party rank and file came down heavily on you, that internal differences were spilled over, and that three lines conspicuously surfaced in the fifth plenum. What is the truth?
Prachanda: This is utter nonsense that I was heavily attacked. Had it been so, it would have been impossible to get the 2200 representatives of the plenum united again at the end. Definitely, the honest revolutionists were gravely concerned whether the party would deviate (from its original path). Because of such concerns, several questions were raised. What about security when the central leaders congregate in Kathmandu? Would the follow the path of deviation like the CPN-UML while staying in Kathmandu and enjoying vehicle ride? It’s true that concerns such as these were raised. But it was more than clear that they had a huge confidence in the leadership. As far as the three different lines are concerned, they exist in all parties: Rightist, extremist and the middle-path. We represent a revolutionary line. I did not write Prachanda Path in the document of the plenum. But no one said Prachanda Path was the main line and should not be left out. This also helps to understand the line and debates of the party’s extended meeting.


Q. Your earlier documents used to attack directly; this time around you have said many things vaguely. Why?
Prachanda: The language we used when we were in Rolpa and the one we have to use while in Kathmandu has to be inevitably different. The language used while in one’s own base area and the language that is used while in the White Area cannot be the same.



Q. Do you still consider Kathmandu a ‘White Area’?
Prachanda: Yes, because Kathmandu still does not belong to the people.


Q. You often mention the phrase ‘a new or a novel experiment’. What is this experiment for-- for a revolution or a compromise?
Prachanda: When we talk about a new or a novel experiment, it is for a revolution. Considering the global and national situation and development in science and technology, we have to find a conclusion to push forward the revolution and for that a new and novel experiment is required.


Q. What will that revolution do?
Prachanda: In Nepal’s context it (revolution) will alter the feudal-production relationship or the feudal-property relationship. It will also change the feudal-political relationship and the feudal-cultural relationship. Secondly, it will free Nepal and the Nepali people from the interventions of the foreign imperialists, reactionaries and expansionists.


Q. That means, at a certain point, violence could again take place in the name of revolution?
Prachanda: In one way or the other, each revolution is violent. No matter how peaceful a movement you call it, it always has violence and counter-violence. Secondly, we have felt if we can move forward on the political base formed after our 10 years of people’s war, people can achieve freedom in a peaceful manner as well, and we can constitute a new society. And we are currently engaged in the same experiment. But whether it will always remain peaceful or turn violent again does not depend on us; it depends on our opponents. It depends on the imperialist and feudalist elements which are not yet completely defeated. There is a possibility that they could use violence against the people once again. In that case, the people will have to retaliate against them. At that point, the revolution could again turn violent.



Q. So, there still remains a final confrontation, no?
Prachanda: It can be understood that way. If the process we have embraced after the 12-point understanding and other agreements is obstructed and if the people are not given an amicable atmosphere to express their mandate in a peaceful way and if violence is again used against the people, then a final battle can take place.


Q. There have been allegations that it’s you who have been committing violence and excesses through the Young Communist League (YCL).
Prachanda: Some media houses that believe in reactionary violence are engaged in this propaganda. This is not the truth. If you go to the bottom of each such incident, then you will realize that these incidents have taken place in retaliation to the ruling mindset of the ruling class.


Q. You are in the government. Then aren’t you, too, among the rulers?
Prachanda: If one looks at the outer structure (of the government), one can say so. But, in essence, we joined the government just for the sake of the Constituent Assembly polls. We are not the whole-sole in-charge of the power. Power and government are not the same thing. And again, when we joined the government, we were told that it would be run on consensus, which is not happening. If it continues this way, the relevance of us staying in the government will be over.


Q. So, when are you quitting the government
Prachanda: Our ministers are giving an ultimatum today. Then, it will depend on how the government leadership takes the issue and how it is discussed in the eight-party. It will be sorted out in a few days.


Q. People still have doubts about the CA polls; will the election take place on the said date?
Prachanda: It should. But looking at the preparations made by the government leadership and its modus operandi, we have serious doubts about the polls taking place on November 22. Holding the elections without creating certain essential conditions will not fulfill the people’s aspirations. For example, all the agreements reached so far must be implemented in a proper way. Above all, all the groups, including those in Madhes, which are creating troubles, must be controlled. Since the Gaur carnage, our more than 50 cadres have been killed. But no action has been taken against the guilty. They are walking free. In such a situation, how can one believe that the government can hold the elections in a proper manner? How can we believe? We have already said that India does have a role in one way or the other in creating unrest in Terai, especially the Hindu extremist groups of India are creating troubles in Terai. The government’s failure to control this has given rise to misgivings about the possibility of elections. Besides, feudal royal and other reactionary forces are also trying to thwart the elections. Therefore, we have been saying that an environment for the elections can be created only by declaring the country a republic before the polls.


Q. It is said that you yourself don’t want the elections because your (party’s) popularity has gone down lately.
Prachanda: There is no reason to doubt us as far as the elections are concerned because thousands of our fighters sacrificed their lives for the CA polls. We cannot be against the polls. Yes, we do feel that we might lose; it’s because the feudalists in the country and imperialists-reactionary forces are hatching conspiracies and trying to marginalize us. Despite that, we are not going to deviate from the election front. We have already formed a high-level committee to write an election manifesto. We will soon announce our first list of the candidates in the preliminary level.


Q. There have been allegations that you are complicating the already sorted out issues like a republican set up and proportional electoral system to obstruct the elections.
Prachanda: When it was decided that the CA polls would not take place on June 20, we wrote a note of dissent that the CA polls would not happen unless the country is declared a republic. After we pitched the republican voice high, parliament amended the interim constitution incorporating a provision that it could remove the king with a two-thirds majority. In this circumstance, how can it be said that we are against the polls. This (republican set up) is our old demand. As far as the proportional electoral system is concerned, this is what we have always believed in. We had compromised thinking that the elections would be held within June and also because the Nepali Congress did not accept the demand for a fully proportional system. But, we were unable to clarify ‘the compromise’ before the people. We admitted in our fifth plenum that this was a mistake and we clearly put forth that the proportional electoral system is our belief. But we have not said that we will shy away from the elections if the country does not adopt the proportional electoral system. In this situation, how are we obstructing the elections?


Q. On the question of a republic?
Prachanda: Our party has decided that a republican set up is a must. We have already announced that we will run campaigns for the republican set up. However, we will not shy away from the elections if that does not happen.


Q. Is your relation with Prime Minister Koirala thawing?
Prachanda: I won’t call it thawing… But the truth is there is a contradiction in the way the political developments are taking place and the way the Nepali Congress is working. Girija Prasad Koirala and other leaders who, during the people’s war, told us what we did – attacking the headquarters or targeting the choppers – was alright, now act in a way as if they want us go back when we are in the peace process and in the government. We doubt that Koirala is going to have a huge regressive and bourgeois change.


Q. What will be the status of the Koirala government if, in case, the elections don’t take place?
Prachanda: There won’t be the Koirala government if elections don’t take place. Not only will Koirala’s government go, the country will face a huge disaster.


Q. Civil war?
Prachanda: Yes, a civil war. The series of events have shown that. At that time the scale of international forces’ intervention will be very large. Many people even indicate Nepal’s fate as that of Afghanistan and Iraq. But not Iraq or Afghanistan, Nepal could turn into a Vietnam of the 21st century. This means, there is a possibility that the Nepali people will once again have to revolt against international intervention. What I believe is, if the peace process does not move forward in a proper manner, yet another people’s revolt is a must.



Q. Are you in a position to organize that sort of people’s revolt?
Prachanda: The people of Nepal have to do that. We, on our part, could of course try to lead the revolt.


Q. But, how much possibility is there of deferring the polls to Baisakh (mid-April to mid-May) through an agreement by amending the constitution?
Prachanda: I don’t think so. It does not happen every time. There won’t be any situation where the Nepali people will tolerate the postponement of polls time and again.


Q. That means, if polls don’t happen in November, there is no possibility of polls at all in the near future?
Prachanda: I think it won’t be wrong to draw such a conclusion.


Q. For what the people’s revolt you are talking about?
Prachanda: Firstly, it is for holding of the polls. If that could not happen, it is for transferring all the power to the people.


Q. Power in the people’s hands means power in your hands?
Prachanda: Power in our hands means power in the hands of those who represent the people


Q. When are you launching your people’s revolt?
Prachanda: The process has already begun. Our comrades who are ministers have outlined certain points and given an ultimatum to quit the government if those points are not met. This itself is the beginning of the revolt.


Q. What will be the eight-party equation if the elections do not take place?
Prachanda: I doubt that the coalition will remain intact if the elections do not take place. Either the eight parties will again launch a fresh movement or some of the parties will join hands with the reactionary forces and some will reach out to the people.


Q. What will be the role of the PLA in the revolt?
Prachanda: The PLA cannot be used in course of the people’s movement. But, anything can happen if a situation arises wherein the country heads towards the people’s revolt. The PLA may not remain inside the ‘cantonments’. It will come out.


Q. What will happen to the UN monitoring/ supervision process if the election does not take place on the scheduled date?
Prachanda: The agreement was for nearly one year. If the election does not take place within that period then the UN’s role would come to an end. There will be no need of the UN to stay here.


Q. Let’s change the context. You claim that there is a conspiracy against you in the Terai. Where was that conspiracy hatched?
Prachanda: The problem in Terai is of a serious nature. It is not true that the Hindu extremists alone are behind it as we had been mentioning sometimes. When we sealed an agreement for the Constituent Assembly elections, representatives of the United States went to Madhes to instigate (the people) against us. America has tried to marginalise the Maoists in Madhes. Secondly, the expansionist faction of the Indian ruling class is also conducting planned activities. Thirdly, the feudal-landlord class, which was earlier displaced from Terai, is also involved for revenge. Fourthly, influence of the parliamentary parties was almost non-existent in Terai. They are also taking it as a chance to reduce the Maoist influence there. All these groups have united against the Maoists. And, the dacoits, murderers and criminals, who were chased away by our activists, have also organized themselves. Therefore, the Madhes problem is multidimensional.


Q. Haven’t you talked to the Indian side about the Madhes affairs?
Prachanda: We have been holding discussions. I have been raising the issue with the Indian ambassador—i.e. with the officials working in Delhi. If India had wanted then this kind of mayhem could have been definitely averted. Now they say that such activities are taking place due to the open border. But, there is no ground to easily accept that. It seems to be part of a strategy to sabotage Nepal’s revolutionary movement. Secondly, the general public in Nepal knows that a big ‘design’ of the Indian ruling class to expand its influence in Nepal-- particularly in Madhes-- has been in play. We have been countering this.


Q. What is your India policy now?
Prachanda: We had raised nationalism as the main agenda when we launched the people’s war. In the latter phase, when our responsible friends were getting arrested in India, and the Indian interventions increased, we started our preparations to fight against India. We discussed about a tunnel war with India. I had prepared a document after studying the tunnel warfare of the Vietnam War. It is an open secret that we wanted to hold talks with the royalists before ‘February 1’. Our policy on nationalism and threats from India remains the same if the issues of the tunnel warfare and the talks with Gyanendra are viewed together. However, the February 1 incident badly turned the situation towards an autocracy. It was a newer development than our expectation and analysis. After the advent of the autocracy, we had to go against it. We had to forge a working alliance with the parliamentary parties for that. On top of that, we had to opt for an alliance with the Nepali Congress. And for that, we had to seek Delhi’s support.


Q. Why? What is the relationship between Delhi and the Nepali Congress?
Prachanda: There is a very deep-rooted relationship between Delhi and the Nepali Congress. Is that a secret? Observing the developments since this party was born shows a special relation. For instance, we wanted to strike the 12-point agreement in Rolpa. But, we went to Delhi after Girijababu said he won’t come to Rolpa, and would rather meet us in Delhi. We had a tough time hoodwinking (the Indian authorities) to bring Girijababu to our place. But no matter how much we tried to trick the Indian government, we don’t feel that it was unaware of our meetings. Girijababu had stayed as a guest of the Indian government. That (12-point understanding) took place with the Indian government’s consent. In this way, India did have a role in the signing of the 12-point understanding. In other words, it won’t be otherwise to say that we, too, had some kind of relationship with India through the Nepali Congress.


Q. Now, what does India want from you and what do you want from India?
Prachanda: A relationship of equality. We want the past agreements and treaties (with India) be reviewed appropriately. Also, we want India to help us positively in this transitional period as a neighbour. On the part of India, may be it now wants us to work as per its interest and wish? However, we didn’t work in that way after joining the government. What we feel is India did play a role to marginalize our party’s influence in Terai; it wasn’t good.


Q. What do you feel about Indian Ambassador Shiv Shankar Mukherjee’s recent remarks about the CA elections?
Prachanda: The kind of language he used was very objectionable. That is against the Nepali people and the independence of the Nepali state. It gives a clear hint that India wants to dictate things (in Nepal). It smacks of the tone and language of former US ambassador Moriarty.


Q. Are Nepal’s nationality and sovereignty under threat due to foreigners?
Prachanda: Earlier, when I said the country is heading towards a catastrophe, I also meant to hint at the danger looming on Nepal’s national integrity. The way foreign meddling has been on the rise, if viewed in all contexts, it may pose a danger to Nepal’s independence if all nationalist forces do not stand united. However, I don’t think that danger has already come. The national feeling of the Nepali people is very strong. The Nepali people are always ready to make any kind of sacrifice for the country’s independence. Nevertheless, there are indications that do hint at huge conspiracies being hatched against Nepal’s national integrity and national independence.



Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007