India to help UN on Nepal's transition to democracy

India has told the United Nations that it will strengthen its hands to help Nepal's transition to democracy, Indian diplomats said here Thursday.At a meeting between Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, the two sides discussed the situation in Nepal in terms of the ensuing elections in the Himalayan country, arms management and the UN resolution 1740.

'Both the prime minister and the secretary general said that they looked forward to helping Nepal to achieve her democratic transition in a peaceful and orderly manner,' Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon said after the meeting. 'UN has an active role in Nepal,' he said and added that India will also extend all the help it can in helping its South Asian neighbour that is slated to elect its constituent assembly in November. After being criticised by the international community for delaying the crucial election, regarded as the key to peace and stability in Nepal, the ruling eight-party coalition had announced last week that the polls would be held in November.

Manmohan Singh and Ban also discussed other issues like climate change and felt that the right forum to raise the issue should be under the UN's Framework Convention on Climate Change. The secretary general, who has served in India in the past, proposed a meeting of world leaders, ahead of the General Assembly in September, to discuss climate change.

Source: Malaysia Sun, June 7, 2007

Prachanda tells India to keep hands off from Nepal

A series of meetings between top Indian officials and leaders of two of Nepal's biggest political parties in New Delhi has given rise to deep unease among Maoist guerrillas here, with their chief Prachanda lashing out at "Indian interference". Maoist supremo Prachanda, who was touring the Terai plains as top leaders of the Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (UML) were in New Delhi to attend a conference of MPs from South Asia, on Wednesday accused India of trying to suppress the Maoists by playing a divide and rule game. "India has no right to say which Nepali parties should come close or which ones to stay away from," the Maoist leader said.

The anger was caused by a meeting on Tuesday between Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and UML chief Madhav Kumar Nepal, who was also accompanied by two former deputy prime ministers, K.P. Oli and Bharat Mohan Adhikari. The Maoists are smouldering at the Indian prime minister reportedly urging close ties between the UML and the Nepali Congress, two of their biggest rivals in the upcoming November elections. Though Maoist MP Dinanath Sharma is also taking part in the parliamentarians' conference, he had not been included in the meetings between UML leaders and the Indian authorities, including Congress president Sonia Gandhi and External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee. The Delhi meets come at a time there has been a fresh war of words between the Maoists and Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. Earlier this week, Maoist cadres handed over to the police a businessman wanted for nearly a year for defrauding a bank of about Nepali Rs.200 million.

The "arrest" of wanted businessman Sitaram Prasain, who is considered close to Koirala's Nepali Congress party, triggered an angry reaction from Koirala, who called the cadres of the Maoist Young Communist League the 'Young Criminal League'. The comment has given rise to widespread anger and criticism, both among the Maoists and the public, who are accusing Koirala of shielding corrupt businessmen. Maoists MPs on Wednesday threw a challenge to the prime miniser in parliament, saying he should ban the YCL if it was a criminal organisation, or else, apologise. Information and Communications Minister Krishna Bahadur Mahara, who is the government spokesperson as well as one of the top Maoist leaders, said Koirala's comment smacked of bias towards criminals.

Source: The Peninsula, June 8, 2007

WILL US REVISE ITS NEPAL POLICY?

Though unstated and undeclared, the American administration appears to have concentrated its entire efforts on mainly two key points wherein it would wish the stated two points established.
Those two key points, opine analysts, rests upon the presumptions, for example, uniting the liberal and the democratic forces scattered in different political camps, and secondly to keep the communists, more so the Maoists at a comfortable distance. Undeniably, the US appears to have got the point as to what it meant by the inclusion of the Maoists into the mainstream politics of the country. The US too can’t escape the blame for having worked in “tandem” with the countries in Nepal “axis” around 2005 which in effect facilitated the Maoists entrance into the government structure.

It was a Delhi sponsored 12 point agreement which the then agitating seven party alliances signed with the Maoists right in Delhi which allowed the smooth entry of the Maoists into the country’s political scene. Needless to say, the efforts of the countries in the said axis-Delhi-Washington-London not only brought the down fall of the King’s regime but also paved the way for the Maoists to have a “bold and determined” say in the country’s politics.
Nevertheless, Ambassador Moriarty is on record to have denounced the 12 point pact saying that it was the Maoists who brought the SPA to their political sphere of influence contrary to what had been propagated by the SPA partners after the Delhi agreement.

Ambassador Moriarty, for example, though he fathomed in advanced that the SPA were inviting trouble not only for themselves but for the entire country as a whole then why he could not convince his friends in the “axis” not to encourage the Maoists and the SPA members to come together through the 12 point agreement. Analysts very well remember that during the agreement period in Delhi, Ambassador Moriarty made several declared and undeclared trips to the Indian capital and is on record to have met the notorious Indian Foreign Secretary-Shyam Saran and discussed with him over the unfolding political events then in this country.

Question thus becomes pertinent as to when this innocent Ambassador knew every thing in advance then why he could, as a representative of the lone super power, not veto the entire game being played by London and Delhi which had only a single motive: unseating of the what they used to call the “autocratic monarch”? Now that the monarch has been out of the political scene, the Maoists have certainly gained what they wanted. Clearly, the Maoists in the government structure have allowed them to impose their say in the cabinet. Add to this the Maoists new incarnation in the form of Young Communist League that has already become the synonym of terror and panic in the entire country whose reverberations could also be felt in the international media.

Clearly, the US Ambassador was ditched, cheated and deceived by his two friends in the axis. Ambassador Moriarty just wanted the King to step down. However, London and Delhi worked in tandem and very skillfully brought the Maoists into the government structure. Nevertheless, both London and Delhi must have come to their senses looking at the current political events that have unfolded of late more so after the YCL men dared to vandalize a UN car which was ferrying American Ambassador Moriarty last May 25 Friday in Damak, Jhapa district. Nonetheless, London-Delhi-Washington managed peace in this country with the Maoists entrance into the mainstream politics. However, analysts say that the peace that has heralded in this country is a “negative” one. The second attack of the growing YCL activities would be India for sure. (Read in-depth analysis) Be that as it may, now look at the chain of events.

Exactly after five days of such a YCL attack on its Kathmandu posted envoy, the US sent comparatively a high level functioning State authority to listen to the unfolding events in this country and apparently to sound the Nepal government that the US would not tolerate any more if such YCL vandalism continued in the future that targets the US authorities here.
The US Assistant Secretary Barry F. Lowenkron who just concluded his four day Nepal trip talking to press prior to his departure has said that “one can’t have ballots and bullets in a democratic process and that intimidation and violence have no roles whatsoever in the democratic process of any country”. In saying so the US dignitary sounds that the US still views the Maoists and its YCL boys as trouble makers and that the US wanted the Maoists to behave that is demanded of them in a democratic system.

In addition, the US still believes that the Maoists have not abandoned the acts of intimidation, and violence even after joining the government structure. “Nothing justifies the use of violence as a legitimate political tool”, concluded Barry. All in all, the visiting US authority must have been briefed by his embassy colleagues about the nature and the feature of the YCL boys of the Maoists. More so Ambassador Moriarty must have told Secretary Barry in private as to how he felt when he was stoned by the YCL cadres in Damak. Now that the Ambassador of the lone super power has been mentally tortured by the Maoists and their kids, how the US influences the country’s politics in the days ahead is any body’s guess. It is therefore no wonder that the ailing Prime Minister Monday described the YCL as Young Criminal League.

Perhaps this explains so many things unspoken. Perhaps Koirala’s stern warning to the Maoists is a message to the US that things must change and he will change the Maoists in the days ahead or else the ex-rebels will be taken to task. However, what is intriguing is that how Koirala will penalize the erratic Maoists? Neither he can expel the Maoists ministers from the cabinet nor he can check the increasing high handedness of the YCL outfit. For Home Minister Sitaula appears still sympathetic to the Maoists. So to expect that Koirala can tame the Maoists in a matter of days or even weeks appears a remote eventuality.

Yes! What is for sure is that Ambassador Moriarty will not settle for less. But how he proceeds with his political cards, if left any under his sleeve, to cut down the size of the Maoists will have to be watched. Nevertheless, this time he enjoys the backing of the entire diplomatic community who have very promptly denounced the YCL attacks on Ambassador Moriarty. The otherwise European Ambassadors who appeared less energetic in denouncing the Maoists not so in the distant past too have openly condemned the YCL erratic behavior. This adds to the strength of Ambassador Moriarty definitely. Will he then advise his administration to go in for a revision in the current US policy on Nepal? Who knows what is in store? However, what is for guaranteed and taken for granted is that the erratic activities of the YCL and the Maoists’ combined is surely benefiting the now silent monarch though in a subtle manner. What is going to his pockets for free is also from the dismal performances of the EPA leaders being in the parliament and in government as well. The more the leaders lose in the process would mean, by default indeed, a sort of windfall to the now sleeping monarch.
Politics is simply the art of the possible.

Source: The Telegraph Nepal, June 8, 2007

NEPAL: MAOISTS TO REVISE ITS INDIA POLICY

With Shyam Saran-the former Indian Foreign Secretary, gone, the Indian establishment appears to have now shifted its sympathy from the Maoists to the unity in between Nepali Congress and United Marxist-Leninist, the UML-party. It was none less than the Indian Proxy Prime Minister Dr. Man Mohan Singh who “instructed” the visiting UML delegation led by Madhav Kumar Nepal to forge a sort of alliance with the Nepali Congress led by Girija Prasad Koirala. Now that the Indian PM has said so, the UML, as a good student of India since a decade or so, would go by the Indian instructions. Naturally, the news itself is a disturbing one for the Maoists.

Reacting to this fresh Indian political overture aimed at “cornering” the entire Maoists paraphernalia, Comrade Prachanda sees an Indian “design” in the instructions provided to Comrade Madhav Nepal the other day. “If this is so, then we are also free to frame an entirely different policy on India”, said a fuming Prachanda today. Prachanda made these declarations upon listening to the changed Indian stance in Butwal. Analysts say that the Indian politics in Nepal has ever remained “divide and rule” which they copied from their colonizers.

Now that the UML and the NC would certainly come closer as per the Indian sermons which mean that the Maoists will be left in the cold. An extension of this would mean that India wants now the unity among the SPA but not the EPA. The Maoists are not fools, any way. They know how to tame India. Kalapani, the continued land encroachment and the Susta issues are some, among others, which would be more handy for the Maoists to torture India in Nepal. The stage is thus set for Maoists-India face to face. No wonder one fine morning India could even declare that it has revived its “Three-Pillar Theory”.

Source: The Telegraph Nepal, June 6, 2007

Nepal: Obstacles to the Maoists

Rajat KC

In May 25, cadres of Young Communist League (YCL), a youth wing of the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) in Nepal, threw stones at a United Nations (U.N.) vehicle, in which United States (U.S.) Ambassador for Nepal James F Moriarty was also traveling. As per report a group of people headed by YCL coordinator of district level named, Prasant pelted stones at the U.N. vehicle with the number plate (66-1-0077) in Jhapa district. They also chanted slogans and waved black flags against the U.S. ambassador. Couple of months ago similar type of incident was took place when King Gyanendra was on his way in capital city. In both the incidents Monarch and Moriarty escaped uninjured but the vehicles were minor damaged.

Moriarty and Monarchy are three main pillars in present context that create great obstacles to the Maoists in their path to declare Nepal a communist state. The Maoists knows very well that as long as Monarchy exists in Nepal their dream will not come true. On the other hand the United States at all cross will not compromise in democracy and freedom by allowing the Maoists to declare one party totalitarian political system. Mainly due to these two reasons both the institutions become biggest enemy of the Maoists in present context. Therefore, time and again they try to create misunderstanding between Monarchy and Moriarty and some time target both directly.

Last year the Maoists publicized news that with the help of Army the Palace and US Embassy is plotting assassination plan to killed Maoists Supremo Prachanda and Leader Baburam Bhattarai, which was later proved false propaganda. Such a dirty propaganda was exposed by Comrade Rabindra Shrestha, a leader of rebel fraction of the Maoists. Again few months ago Prachanda announced that the Palace is plotting another assassination plan to kill Kathmandu based US diplomats and senior officials. On this baseless remark the Embassy challenged the Maoists leadership to present evidence if they have, but they were failed to present any sort of evidence. This indicates the Maoists is masterminding negative propaganda to create conspiracy to obtain their desired goals.

Nepalese Monarchy probably would not have imagined facing dilemma as they are facing now. Their contributions in nation building are remarkable but it was overshadowed by the Maoists' sponsored propaganda staged in national and international arena. The Maoists is able to launch propaganda against the Monarchy to degrade the latter's image and popularity. Surprisingly, other political forces are also carrying same impression that makes people to believe all fabricated negative propaganda about the Monarchy. The Maoists are destroying various historical monuments and statues related to Monarchy that includes statue of the late King who is known as founder of the nation.

The Maoists gave false icon to international communities and Nepali people that they pretend to show their faith to ongoing peace process. This gives impression that the peace process is moving towards right direction to establish peace and democracy in Nepal. Most of the people believe that the Maoists have joined main stream politics of Nepal, however, they do not know that the Maoists are using present platform as their launching pad to seize the power to declare Nepal a communist model People's Republic. The strategy of 'Prachanda Path' adopted by the Maoists is designed to make Nepal a communist state. This strategy clearly spells out their desired objective with the vision to establish communist set up in the country. Bunch of Maoists leadership at different level are openly expressing that they are fully committed on strategy adopted by the Maoists leadership to make Nepal a Maoists (communist) state. Unless and until they officially abandon "Prachanda Path" and announce their new strategy (dedicated to full fledged democracy) complying with mutual understanding of eight party alliance, one should not trust them on their false claim. Daily activities of the Maoists in the name of YCL also indicate that they are still unbending in their original hard line philosophy of communism. Recent violent activities across the country also make people pessimistic on ongoing peace process.

The Maoists often blame America as imperialist and is always against the peace process of Nepal. Where as, in the contrary, the United States constantly express her strong support on peace process and concern about democracy and freedom. The US Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Barry R Lowenkron said on his recent visit to Nepal that the United States would always support Nepal in its peace process. He further said that he is in Nepal to "promote setting a firm date for the Constituent Assembly elections, to encourage the Interim Government to establish an open and inclusive electoral and political process, to examine human rights protection and abuses, and to encourage all parties to the comprehensive peace agreement to adhere to their commitments to bring lasting peace and democracy to Nepal." During a meeting with Minister for Foreign Affairs Sahana Pradhan, Lowenkron opined that since the country was heading towards Constituent Assembly elections, it was not justifiable
to declare Nepal a republic through the parliament itself. This is indeed slapping statement for the Maoists as it slams their strategy to eliminate their first enemy (Monarchy) by declaring republic with the help of leftist dominated parliament by captivating advantages of ongoing whim.

The Maoists in Nepal are able to make inane to most of the elements at national and international level with the help of their craftiness strategy except the United States. As the US authority has correctly perceived their inner motive always putting pressure on the Maoists to adhere the norms of the peace process. Therefore, it has been said that if Mr. Moriarty had not put substantial pressure on this regards Nepal would have already declared a Maoists states. No matter what strategy Maoists play in present Nepal the democracy is uncompromising necessity of the country. The Maoists think they are true democrats but their philosophy, attitude and behaviors never comply with democratic norms. They need to be completely changed to be the democratic force but in the contrary they are trying to create strong leftist alliance to confront with other democratic forces. Only democratic force may not be able to counter their future threats in order to drag the Maoists into democratic track, oldest institution of the country like Monarchy also can contribute extra support to the democratic political forces to secure democracy and freedom in Nepal. If the key international friend understand this fact and seriously provide necessary support no one can play against the ongoing peace process.

Source: American Chronicle, June 6, 2007

Nepal seeks to abolish monarchy through parliamentary vote

Kathmandu, June 07: Nepal has introduced a bill in the interim Parliament that seeks to abolish the monarchy thugh a parliamentary vote incase the king obstructs the holding of the constituent assembly polls to frame a new constitution for the Himalayan nation. The government registered the bill to amend the constitution after a cabinet decision yesterday that sought to abolish the monarchy through two-third vote in case the king obstrus the process of holding the constituent assembly elections pnned at the end of this year.

The Maoists have warned of a massive agitation if the parliament fails to end the monarchy. Maoists chief Prachanda has said the former rebels would launch a movement from both within parliament and outside to declare Nepal a republic if the parliament fails to end the monarchy in the Himalayan state.

The bill also seeksrovision for the ouster of the Prime Minister by a similar majority vote of the Parliament, review of the delineation of the electoral constituencies and to fix a new date for the crucial constituent assembly polls. The government also decided to debar persons found guilty by the high-level probe commission formed to punish those involved in violently crushing the April 2006 agitation from the Constituent Assembly polls.

Source: Zee News, June 7, 2007

BJP in favour of democracy in Nepal

New Delhi: Expressing itÂ’s concern over the growing Maoist problem in the neighbour Himalayan Kingdom Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) said on Thursday that the party would support a democratically elected government in Nepal. The gesture came from the party president Rajnath Singh after a meeting with Madhav Nepal, chief of Communist Party of Nepal, who is on a visit to India.

The two leaders discussed about the ISI activities and the Madhesis' problem. The Communist leader also discussed with Rajnath Singh the agitation of Madhesis, people of Indian origin living in the Terai region of Nepal, and assured the BJP leader that he would convey his suggestions and concerns to his party colleagues. Notably a five member delegation from BJP had visited Nepal in January 2007.

Singh also emphasise the importance of conserving the religious and cultural identity which has been the foundation of relationship between two countries. Indirectly cautioning the newly formed government in Nepal to take proactive steps in order to preserve the Hindu and Buddhist heritages in the country.

Source: Headlines India, June 7, 2007

Nepal on the track

Imran Khalid

Last week's agreement between the governing seven-party-alliance (Spa) and the Maoists to hold elections for a constituent assembly between mid-November and mid-December is a significant episode in Nepal's political history. The promise of elections, which were originally scheduled for June, was a key part of the deal signed by the Maoists with the government last year. Since April 2006, when the Nepalese monarch retreated within 19 days of protests, albeit with a toll of 19 lives of the protestors, there has been smooth progress towards the culmination of the Maoists' insurgency and establishment of democratic culture in a country that has been a monarchy for the last 238 years.

The restored parliament has drastically curtailed the king's power and prerogatives in the political system, and the Maoists are showing a readiness to get assimilated into mainstream politics and the power structure -- raising hopes of a move towards peace, stability and economic growth in this impoverished country. Since 1996, the Maoist factor has been dominating Nepalese politics. The Maoists, who had been violently agitating for the "removal of monarchy, liberation of rural population from the grip of the landlords and local administration, and creation of a "republic Nepal" for over a decade, got the impetus in their movement only during the last 14 months of King Gyanendra's despotic rule that had blatantly purged any traces of freedom of expression or democratic rights from Nepal.

Factually speaking, during their decade-long "people's war" that took at least 13,000 lives, the insurgent Maoists were able to generate as much momentum in their struggle against the monarchy as they had after February 2005. The real problem with the Maoist leadership was that it constantly squabbled with the mainstream political parties on this issue, and clung on to its violent methods. However, despite the heavy human toll, the Maoist's violent campaign could not generate enough effective thrust to seriously challenge and threaten the stability of the Kathmandu establishment.

Late King Birendra's constitutional reforms of 1990 -- that encouraged the establishment of a constitutional monarchy and rendered the King a popular titular head -- was certainly a prudent decision that kept the political forces from joining hands with the Maoist guerillas, and extinguished the possibility of any tangible anti-monarchy movement. The current intensity in the anti-Gyanendra movement derived its impulse from the fact that seven major political parties formed a loose alliance with the Maoists under a 12-point agreement that asked the Maoists to play by the rules of parliamentary democracy. The synergy created by the joint political forces and the Maoists added the incisive punch in the anti-monarchy campaign that had been missing in the past. The most positive aspects of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the two sides on November 21 last year are the Maoists' announcement to lay down their arms and to join the interim government, as well as to nominate members for the parliament.

The fact is that the Maoists control almost two-thirds of rural Nepal, and no government is likely to succeed in the implementation of any kind of developmental programs in Nepal without their cooperation and support. With 83 nominated members in the 329-member interim assembly, and five ministers in the interim cabinet, the Maoists are quickly de-learning their violent trends. But, despite registering their fighters and weapons with the United Nations, the Maoists still face allegations of extortions, beatings and kidnappings -- raising doubts whether the jungle warriors have really changed their outlook. Some members of the Maoists who have yet to adjust to their new life are habitually involved in these kinds of street crimes, and the Maoist leadership is trying to control these elements. Last month, after a hotelier was kidnapped and beaten for failing to hand over cash to the Maoists, the business community in Kathmandu staged a three-day strike. This was a major blow for the Maoist leadership's claim regarding a "change."

Even Maoist chairman, Pushpa Kamal Dahal (also known as Prachanda), was forced to apologise and take action against the renegade former fighters. Apparently, the Maoists have understood the changed ground realities, and they want to take full advantage of the current situation. They are in a really good position to secure enough seats in the constituent assembly, and thus fulfill their prime demand that primarily revolves around the abolition of monarchy in Nepal. The coming months are likely to be dominated by an intense debate on the future of monarchy in Nepal.

The constituent assembly's major business will be to rewrite the constitution and redefine the role of monarchy. But, given the growing disillusionment with the monarchy, there is little hope for any significant role for it in Nepal, where the people were used to viewing the King as a God-like figure. But the "people's war" of 2006 has changed the whole scenario. Even the respected octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who until recently was considered to be the only prominent politician in favour of the monarchy, has now changed his tone and has started talking openly about ditching the monarchy. This is a major development that may further heat up the issue when the elections are held in the later part of this year. So, Nepal is on the track.

Source: The Daily Star, June 8, 2007

CIVIC COMPETENCE OF VOTERS

Dev Raj Dahal, FES

Is the political system in harmony with representativeness? Does the electoral system make citizens approach the political system? Do both systems provide the voters self-constitution and self-organization or just mean to subject them to the realities of power struggle? One can safely assert that voting rights are not something hopelessly legalistic, it is civic, political and practical whose awareness among the Nepali voters is wretchedly superficial and low. Mere formalization of rights makes voters bitter, skeptical, passive and ultimately apathetic. In other words, they end up precisely which the democratic regime does not want them to be. Voter education should constitute a big part of Nepal's elections as the bulk of the electorate is participating for the first time and many simply do not know the meaning of voting at all. How is the message of election put forward? How do people know their choices? Manifestoes of political parties, gluttonous speeches of candidates, directives, norms and orders reflect only one aspect of the world of politics. The web of civic life consists of dense network of citizens.

This does not prevent vote buying and selling, character assassination of candidates, belittling national sensitiveness, social harmony and decent voting behavior which indicates the abdication of one's own reason, conscience and civic responsibility unless voters themselves participate in defining and creating world-views. Their ability in doing so places them in a position to make political decisions with sufficient bearing for the nation and people. What are the foundations of civic obedience? Civic knowledge and skills. The educational process should lead to discovery, not indoctrination; insight, not facts and data; and engagements, not just interest. It should help challenge outmoded values and assumptions and consciously induce them to involve in the political process.

Preparation of youth for participatory democracy requires continuous discourses focusing on the acquisition of civic knowledge and voting skills to engage and act on important public issues and challenge the fundamental problems in Nepali political and economic system, such as corruption, cronyism, opaque politics and economics and squandering of development funds in unproductive activities. Civic competence of citizens sets out what are the rights of citizens, what they may do and what they may not do as well as to move into the sphere of imagination, self-experience, reflection and will to sovereignty. It is here citizens develop a sense of trust in political authority and facilitate their engagements in politics.

The basic objective of civic education is to bring activities of parliament closer to the people. Nepalis must establish the habit of active citizenship through educative means, that is, being players, not spectators, and assume personal commitment and responsibility for what is going on in their communities, localities and the nation-state. Unfortunately, there is woeful absence of civic education by schools, by the press and perhaps by parents which speaks a lot about "non-voting" behavior of citizens. In this sense, adequate civic competence is essential because it helps to revolt against the normalizing function of traditional politics and stages a dialectical play between democratic theory and real-politik.

In Nepal so far the state supports political parties in giving space in the state-run television and radio, provides information on different aspects of election and some knowledge and information about the techniques of voting. But it does not put national problematic debate in an analytical context and stimulate thinking on alternative world-view to democratic participation.

Source: The Telegraph Nepal, June 8, 2007

Empowering Voters

Chief Election Commissioner Bhoj Raj Pokharel has emphasised on the need to accelerate the pace of preparation to conduct elections to the constituent assembly. Interacting with representatives of civil society organisations and donors, the other day, the chief election commissioner pointed out that the legal framework to guide and administer the polling process is yet to be legislated upon and called upon the political parties to reach consensus soon on the electoral design and procedure. It is to be noted that the political parties have already agreed on the electoral system and, accordingly, a new kind of polling system has been introduced in the interim constitution. For the first time a mixed election system has been adopted in the country. And it is considered as a mechanism to promote inclusion and democratic representation of all sections of the society in the affairs of the state.

The merit of the mixed system of polling lies in the fact that it combines the attributes of proportional representation and majoritation system of elections and creates sufficient space for efficiency and legitimacy of the political system. Some political parties are advocating that the proportional representation system should be adopted fully without mixing it with the majority system. This argument holds some logic as different ethnic groups have called for it too. However, since the mixed polling system has been agreed upon and this has been embodied in the constitution, there is no point on going back and introducing further amendments in the constitution. As pointed out by the chief election commissioner, the crux of the issue lies in defining the details of the polling procedure so that the Election Commission would be enabled to carry out preparation for holding the polls for the constituent assembly as agreed upon by the political stakeholders. Moreover, it is also equally urgent to carry out initiatives regarding civic education to empower the voters so that they understand and know how to exercise their franchise right

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Revamping Ministry Of Foreign Affairs

Dr. Trilochan Upreti

Merely changing the name of His Majesty's Government to the Government of Nepal (GON) is not sufficient to address the needs of the people. The government must strive to make its mechanism functional, action-oriented and result-oriented as per the changing times. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had asked the secretaries to recommend a road map on ways to make the existing mechanism more functional, responsible to the people and efficient. The report has already been submitted and is awaiting implementation.

Old bureaucracy

It is obvious that the present structure, policy and working culture do not meet the aspirations of the people. There have been several reports on reforming the bureaucracy in the past, but the suggestions were never implemented. The bureaucracy and its structure remain a ghost of past governments dating back to the Rana regime. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is no exception, and the present structure and its manpower are unable to cope with the challenges presently facing it.It is not possible to compare our Ministry of Foreign Affairs with similar entities from around the world, where there is continued research to make this high-profile government institution a centre of excellence. Its organisational structure remains as it was thirty years ago; the working culture is the same as during the Panchayat period, and sycophants and relatives of those in power continue to be given plum posts. There is little or no research, study, strategy and plan of action to tackle the challenges facing the nation ahead.

In the last 20 years, there have been incredible changes in international politics, international relations, international trade and business, and in the businesses of government. With these changes, such institutions were automatically revamped elsewhere, but our ministry refused to change. Neither the past government nor the ministry itself ever felt necessary to introduce reforms, make it efficient and establish it as a centre of excellence. Change is reform and evolution. But the type of changes required as well as the manpower and structure needed should be determined only after detailed study. What has obviously been felt necessary is that in order to bring more economic assistance, promote inward investment, tourism and enhance foreign employment, two divisions must be set up. Professionals, whether from within the government or hired from outside are urgently needed to lead the divisions. Without doubt, we need more investment, economic assistance, loans and technology for infrastructure development in this country. Huge investments are needed in water resources, tourism, railways, highways, education and health.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, however, doesn't have a Legal, Foreign Direct Investment Division or other necessary divisions, considered so vital to promote economic and other interests of the country. Every nation recruits highly knowledgeable professionals who work to safeguard the wider interests of the nation and its people. Expertise and legal assistance on such complex areas as negotiating skills, reaching agreements, implementing agreements, revising and signing treaties with nations are needed. For example, Nepal also faces legal challenges in the international courts and tribunals, for which expert opinion and suggestions are required. If such assignments are not handled by professionals, then the nation is bound to suffer huge economic, political and reputational loss. Matters relating to the WTO, BISMITEC, SAFTA, political relations and building treaties also require up-to-date and efficient legal service, which, unfortunately, is not felt necessary at our ministry. The area of arbitration is also a complex area, for which expert advice is frequently sought. For example, Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) lost to IMPRISLIO SPA (an Italian bidder) in the Kali Gandaki 'A' case, and the former was made to pay a huge amount to the latter. If similar cases arising from the Middle Marsyangdi hydel project and Melamchi Drinking Water Project are not handled properly, then the Nepalese government will suffer heavy pecuniary losses, besides losing its credibility before the international community. In such a scenario, it will take years to establish the government's credibility before the international community.

The Political Division is another significant sector. For a nation like us, the United Nations is both a strength and an opportunity. However, professionals with knowledge of events taking place around the globe need to be recruited. Otherwise, we are less likely to benefit from this world institution.

Inconsistent policy

Policy formulation on what should be accepted during negotiation and what should be declined must be made. Nepal is infamous for inconsistency and discontinuity of its policy and frequent departure and changes in its policy, which is detrimental to our reputation and credibility. After every change of government, or even a change of ministers, huge changes are brought about without much consideration and without studying their implications. It is high time, Nepal restructured the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and promulgated a common foreign policy in order to deliver the expected needs of the people. This job can only be done with broader and wider mentality and wider consensus among the stakeholder, not in isolation.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Chinese Co-operation

MINISTER for Information and Communications Krishna Bahadur Mahara, inaugurating the Chinese Book Fair in co-operation with the General Administration of Press and Publications of the People's Republic of China on Wednesday highlighted the role such fairs had in informing the people wanting to learn more about China. Minister Mahara was also optimistic that such activities would continue and that the Government of Nepal would always encourage them. As the people have now become powerful following the emergence of loktantra, there has been accelerated development of the social sector, and it is hoped that China would expand its co-operation to raise the living standards of the Nepalese people. Nepal has always looked upon China as a true friend and the support and cooperation that this country has received in various sectors have been immense. Since diplomatic ties between the two countries were established, the scope of co-operation has increased. However, Nepal, because of the lackluster performance of the previous regimes, could not utilise the assistance received from China to build a prosperous country. Now that the supremacy of the people has been established, it is expected that developments will take a positive turn in every sector. In this respect, To expect further meaningful co-operation and support from the northern neighbour is obvious.

Speaking on the occasion, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Zheng Xianling said that China and Nepal enjoy a long history of bilateral co-operation and goodwill and expressed the hope that the fair would serve as an information centre for people wanting more information on China. The books on display include those in the English, Chinese and Tibetan languages. Such informative fairs ought to be organised regularly so that the people of both the countries can learn more about each other. This will be the basis of strengthened people-to-people ties. China has always been accommodative of Nepal's aspirations, and expanded economic co-operation can be expected in the days to come with China's economy growing at a phenomenal rate. What is needed is for Nepal to learn from the progress made by China so that the country can achieve faster economic growth in the coming years.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Civil Society For Polls

MEMBERS of the civil society and professional groups have been constantly demanding that the date for the constituent assembly be announced, as it was one of the main mandates of Jana Andolan II. In this connection, civil society members staged a sit-in to exert pressure on the government to announce the date for the election. Constant pressure and vigil from the people and civil society are necessary so that the government is reminded of its promises and people's mandate. Such vigil and pressure from the people are necessary to maintain checks and balances in a democracy. Now the sole priority of the nation is the election to a constituent assembly, which will write a new constitution. This is a historic process through which the people's elected representatives write the constitution and determine their destiny. The eight political parties and the government are also determined to hold the election to a constituent assembly in November this year. For this, necessary preparation has already been initiated. The interim constitution has to be amended as it was earlier written in the interim constitution that the constituent assembly election would be held by mid-June 2007. As this election cannot be held by mid-June 2007, the constitutional provision has to be amended. The government has, thus, registered a proposal for the amendment of the constitution. Secondly, necessary laws for the constituent assembly election are being prepared.

These laws are under discussion in the interim parliament. Once the constitution is amended and laws are formulated, the government would formally announce the dates for the election to a constituent assembly in due consultation with the Election Commission. These developments have shown that the government is serious about holding the constituent assembly election about which Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has time and again expressed a clear commitment. But there are several things that have to be done to ensure free and fair elections. Laws and announcement of election dates alone will not ensure free and fair election. The first and foremost requirement for a free, fair and fearless election is law and order. But the law and order situation does not appear perfect as some groups and elements are openly flouting laws and trying to create chaos in the country. Unless such offensive activities are totally checked, people cannot vote without fear. Thus, the government must ensure strict law and order, and those who try to take the law in their hand must be punished. This would alone create a conducive atmosphere for a free, fair and fearless election. The political parties and civil society should also co-operate in maintaining security along with the pressure for announcing the dates for the elections.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Honey in the horn

A Bill to amend the Interim Constitution (IC) was tabled in Parliament yesterday. The amendment, second in four months, would incorporate a new timeframe for the elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) within this Mangsir (by Dec. 15) after the existing date, June 20, could not be kept. Other features include disqualification from contesting the polls of those people who are thought to have had a hand in trying to suppress Jana Andolan II or those who are black-listed as bank defaulters; providing for official status of opposition in the legislature; the provision to abolish the institution of monarchy and to remove the Prime Minister — both by a two-thirds parliamentary majority. The requirement of a two-thirds majority to decide the monarchy’s future is necessary, as it relates to an institution that has existed for 238 years.

But the requirement of the same proportion of votes to remove the Prime Minister too conflicts with the practice of democratic parliaments. It can even lead to a constitutional crisis and a deadlock in governance. If Girija Prasad Koirala ceased to be the Prime Minister for any reason, Parliament would have to choose a successor. But, then, there is every possibility that the political parties would be divided. It is likely that no prime ministerial candidate would get the required number of votes. For practical purposes, simple majority is the norm in both appointment and dismissal of the head of government. Why cannot the MPs choose the Prime Minister from among them through a simple majority? A two-thirds rule would complicate matters, and may even encourage a tendency to develop in any Prime Minister to act in an authoritarian manner.

The system of the opposition benches — with the resultant salaries and perks — in a Parliament created by Jana Andolan II — is a contradiction in terms. In fact, there was no need for an artificially created parliament in the first place — after the 1990 Jana Andolan, the then interim government had wielded legislative powers, too. The eight parties’ consensus is all-important to decide every nationally important matter because it is they, not the individual members of the Parliament, who have received the people’s mandate to steer the country through transition and hold the CA polls. As for the tiny parties outside the alliance that are represented in the legislature, they are there just because of the alliance’s large-heartedness, not because of their significant role in fighting regression. In all probability, the proposed amendment will be passed unanimously or with a resounding majority. But the setting of Mangsir as the month for the polls also has some risks — the government may fail to keep the new date yet again. As the eight parties are still divided over the crucial issue of the monarchy, Maoist chairman Prachanda says the CA polls cannot take place until they reach a consensus on the monarchy — either to retain it or to abolish it. Other political leaders have given other reasons why the CA polls may be delayed further. So, what if this happened again?

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 8, 2007

On The Move For CA Polls

Prem N. Kakkar

THE country is going through one of its crucial phases. The unity of the eight parties and the constituent assembly elections are as important as ever. Herein, it may be remembered that the date of the CA polls slated for mid-June could not happen because the Election Commission (EC) had made it plain that it could not prepare at such short notice. Moreover, the electoral laws that were necessary could not be discussed and approved by the legislature parliament because the proceedings could not take place for almost a month and a half.

Cabinet meetings

Even the council of ministers could not meet, but more recently things have gotten better with the cabinet making some very important decisions. This is necessary as keeping the whole democratic process in a limbo becomes more harmful than good. That seriousness has dawned among the eight parties is evident now that some important amendments to be made in the interim constitution have been registered at the legislature parliament. It can be hoped that the amendments will be effected after discussion in the parliament.The war of words and the blame game, however, continue. This is rather sad for the parties' unity that had played a vital role in bringing the country to the present state. The optimism that that been generated with the eight-party agreement still reverberates today. So blaming one or the other leader will not prove fruitful. The first person to be condemned was no other than the prime minister himself. In fact, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had been doing everything possible to keep the eight-party unity intact together with doing the needful for holding the CA polls as agreed upon earlier. But the stalling of the House proceedings was unprecedented. That created all the delay, and then there was the need to defer the polls to a later date.

Prime Minister Koirala has all along expressed his commitment to hold the CA polls, but events have gone in such a way that the date had to be postponed. Some said that the postponement of the polls to a later date was a blow to eight-party unity. So, what has emerged is the need for a new basis of unity. That is also slowly emerging. That the polls will be held in November has been agreed upon by the eight parties. Now the need is for the registered amendments to the interim statute to go through the rounds at the legislature parliament.Herein, it is worth noting that the amendments proposed include the provision for abolishing the monarchy. It is still not understandable why the focus is on the monarchy when it has already been agreed upon that the constituent assembly will take the decision on it at its first meeting. The focus, in fact, should all along have been on eight-party unity and holding the CA polls on a date agreed upon by them. It is high time that the eight-party leaders sat down together regularly and sorted out the issues instead of making comments and remarks that indicate that the concerned leaders do not see eye to eye. What goes on behind the scenes is hard for the people to understand. The leaders instead of making contradictory remarks ought to be united on holding the CA polls within the period agreed upon.Meanwhile, the necessary electoral laws, too, should be discussed and approved by the parliament so that the preparatory works of the Election Commission could be facilitated.Among the issues that the amendment seeks is the review of the report of the Electoral Constituencies Delineation Commission but only on technical matters. This has fulfilled a demand of the Madhesi legislators.

Law and order

Talks with the other agitating groups, too, are continuing. It can be hoped that the situation will now become more conducive for the polls to be held in a free, fair and impartial manner. It is also necessary that the law and order situation improve. Anarchy and chaos will be harmful. This is necessary as there are elements that want to disrupt the whole peace process. The eight parties must show greater vigilance and responsibility, and they must respect and fulfil the aspirations of the people expressed through the April uprising.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Foreign Policy Challenges

C. D. Bhatta

Kautilya in his famous Arthashastra says that "the welfare of a state depends on an active foreign policy". By 'welfare of the state', Kautilya meant both security of the state and welfare of the people living in that particular state. This leads us to conclude, at the outset, that the overarching aim of any foreign policy is to protect national interest and the interest of the citizens living within the nation.

Welfare state

Kautilya provides various methods in conducting statecraft, inter-state relations, which may prove useful even today. But for a small state like Nepal, the 'welfare' notion is the best option that we can chose from his recipe. And nation-states can only attain the Kautilyian welfare notion of state and citizenry when their foreign policy, economic policy and domestic policy intersect each other for broader public welfare. What can be said here is that the important pillar on which a nation-state rests is domestic policy, economic policy and foreign policy and efficient handling of these policies to safeguard national sovereignty and integrity, and protect national interest which ultimately reinvigorates confidence building measures between the state and society. Thus, the foreign policy of a country is not only the natural extension of its domestic policy, as normally interpreted, but the sum total of domestic and economic policy.

What is true, however, is that unless we have stable domestic politics, it is impossible to have a stable foreign policy. This is particularly applicable in a state like Nepal where everything, including foreign policy, runs on whims and fancies. The non-settlement of political issues is forcing Nepali citizens to bear the brunt on the foreign and economic policy front. The vacant ambassadorial positions for more than a year and the near collapse of the Melamchi and West Seti episodes, apart from the Bhutanese refugee problem, could be classic examples in this context. One can argue that our economic policy is in a mess, where everything has been diluted under the pressure of reaction. One of the major mandates of the 2006 political achievement was the 'people first approach' in every aspect of governance, including foreign policy. But one year down the road, it appears that the people first approach was merely floated to obfuscate the citizens. The open-ended political environment in the country has generated many new issues and challenges in the foreign policy front. Against this backdrop, Nepal's foreign policy requires a new direction. We simply cannot conduct our foreign policy on the basis of the old modus operandi and doctrines. The whole world is watching how the Nepali state will accommodate the far leftists in mainstream politics, how we deal with our immediate and distant neighbours and the international community as a whole; and overall how we craft our economic polices. All these facts need to be incorporated, revisited, resolved and explored in tune with the changed political scenario.

In the past, foreign policy was conducted merely to fulfill the vested interests of the political parties and their henchmen. The mismatch in the conduct of foreign policy by the post 1990s governments has resulted in the biggest foreign policy fissures with many issues remaining either unsettled or unattended at all. There never was any consensus on key foreign policy issues among the then political parties. Nepal's external relations came into limelight 'if and only if' they could be used to balance domestic political gains. This has repeatedly created public frustration against the successive ruling regimes. Even today we have the same faces in the government who might have the same interests, and this stands as a major challenge in operating the country's foreign policy. Perhaps, this can be avoided by having a common consensus on issues of national interest (nation first approach) such as geography, economy, political traditions, military, external situations and historical imperatives.The main thrust of statecraft should be Kautilya's 'welfare of the state', whatever the domestic disparities. This Kautilyian notion can only be achieved when we have a vibrant economic diplomacy in place (to get more investment) to salvage the nation from the ruins of war and give a boost to our economy. Nepal's foreign policy under the changed political context should, therefore, run under a new economic dimension to keep abreast with the changing global political economy. Nepal's economic diplomacy should take a full swing, and diplomatic missions abroad should be directed to market Nepal abroad, in addition to providing services to the Nepalis, in a way that we can take full advantage from tourism, investments and others alike that we lost to other regions of the world due to the heightened political tensions in the country.

Country's image

In addition to addressing unresolved foreign policy issues and uplifting the country's economy, we also need to adopt sound public diplomacy to clean up the country's image at the international level. The Nepali state should be able to take the international community into confidence that Nepal's political forces genuinely want sustainable peace and speedy economic recovery. We cannot allow peace overtures to go astray. Make full use of it to bring the Maoists completely into the institutional life of the state. For this, we need to be internally democratised (particularly our parties) and accommodative. This will lead us to achieve Kantian perpetual peace and Kautilyian welfare of the state.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007