New Nepal government has a golden opportunity

Democracy and republicanism have not ended Nepal’s biggest problem—a fractured polity. Exactly a year has passed since Nepal’s Constituent Assembly (CA) declared Nepal a Republic. Over the past year, Nepal’s budding republic experienced several political highs and lows. It began with the abolition of the 250-year-old monarchy. The Maoists rose to power and then fell equally spectacularly. There was an emergence of strong regional forces in the Tarai, the sidelining of the mainstream political parties, rise of the demand for equal representation and autonomy by ethnic and marginalised groups, an upsurge in violent activities and, most importantly, increased politicking by foreign countries in Nepal’s affairs.

However, the climax was the tussle between the Unified Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (UCPNM) party and the Nepalese Army over the issue of ‘civilian supremacy’. It led to the downfall of the Maoist government and changed the whole discourse on Nepal’s polity.

As of now, the first elected government led by the Maoists has collapsed and has been replaced by a new one headed by senior Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML) leader Madhav Kumar Nepal. With the support of 360 CA members from 22 different political parties, Madhav Nepal was elected unopposed as no other candidates filed nomination for the top post. The UML-led coalition easily obtained the magic number required to form a majority government in the 601 member- House.

However, the allegations and counter-allegations, symptoms of virtual and near-splits in political parties, moral posturing, allegation of buying CA parliamentarians and talk of foreign interference continues to be an issue of debate in the country. Moreover, the Maoists alleged that the new government was installed at the behest of foreign powers and have threatened to continue their protest in Parliament and on the street unless the President’s ‘unconstitutional’ move was rectified.

In the past, the coalition that made it possible for the Maoists to head the government under Pushpa Kamal Dahal, or Prachanda, was, at best, a group driven by short-term political interests and evident by serious splits within the coalition. The two main partners of the coalition, the CPN-UML and the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF), had two equally divided camps. On the other hand, the Nepali Congress (NC), which had opted to sit in the Opposition, kept an eagle eye on the government’s functioning and did not loose opportunity to criticise it. Thus emerged give-and-take politics, which is a characteristic of parliamentary system where no outright majority exists.

The recent crisis emerged after Prachanda announced that he would sack the Army chief for disobeying the civilian government’s supremacy. The Maoists certainly had an axe to grind here. They wanted to dismiss the current Army chief, who was vehemently opposed to the integration of the 19,000 PLA combatants housed in UNMIN-monitored cantonments. The Maoists wanted to replace General Rutmangad Katuwal with another General who was pro-Maoist and possibly would have been more accommodative with their proposals.

The MJF, for their part, had tried to find a middle path and work out a consensus with other parties by offering two alternative proposals to resolve the crisis. The party proposed that a committee should be formed within the cabinet or a high-level committee consisting of all major parties in the parliament should be set up to study and report on the clarifications provided by the CoAS. At that point of time, all the other coalition partners had agreed to the proposal except the Maoists who were hell bent on removing the Army Chief and the reasons remain unclear.

The issue became more complicated after the President intervened and vetoed the PM’s order and reinstated the Army chief. Analysts believe and blame the Maoists for the foul play, but it is also true that both the UML and the MJF had earlier agreed to seek clarification and sack the Army chief if necessary for surpassing the orders of an elected government. Though Prachanda had consulted his coalition partners and obtained their support, the coalition partners had backtracked. The controversy got more impetus after the NC and a faction within the UML and MJF opposed to the Maoists’ style of functioning decided to go for the final step. However, whatever the reasons, the fact remains that Prachanda had to resign after one of its main coalition partner withdrew support over the Army chief controversy leaving it in a minority position.

In his address to the nation, the newly elected Madhav Kumar Nepal said that taking the peace process to its logical end and drafting the new Constitution within the stipulated time are the two most important tasks. Besides, he also committed to respect the past accords, take care of the country’s law and order situation, provide relief and reform packages to the people and adhere to the civilian supremacy that has held the attention after the Army Chief row came to the fore during the tenure of Prachanda, has been highlighted with the government. Going by his word, it appears that there is a ray of hope in the leadership of Madhav Nepal. However, the uncanny behaviour of the coalition, guided by vested interests, remains worrisome. At the moment, the majority government has laid stressed on the importance of a national consensus and this is a good indication. In fact, this is an immediate lesson learnt from the past government’s ouster in nine months where the Maoists took each and every decision unilaterally.

At this juncture, the trust among the political parties and within them is at the lowest. The NC and Maoists can hardly see eye to eye; the UML and the Maoists share some commonalities but their confidence in each other remains shattered. More importantly, the parties also suffer from internal problems—the UML and NC are all divided. The MJF have somehow managed to pull off from the brink of a split but the internal feud is fast gaining strength.

Therefore, with so many challenges and hurdles on the way, it will take strong resolve, determination, firmness and all support and cooperation from the other parties to see that the UML-led government delivers. Madhav Nepal headed government has several key tasks to perform, most important of them is to expedite the Constitution drafting process and take the peace process to its logical end. Apparently, it is the successful completion of the following tasks that will bring an end to the transitional period. More importantly, isolating the Maoists will also have grave consequences to the peace process. Therefore, it is the prime responsibility of Madhav Nepal to reach out to the Maoists and keep them engaged in the peace process.

Courtesy: The Pioneer

The day of the generals

SHYAM K.C. While presenting his party's vision of a new constitution last week, the Maoist party chairman told a Constituent Assembly (CA) committee that his party was for multi-party democracy and that it was committed to generally accepted human rights norms. As if to illustrate the sincerity of their leaders' pledge, Maoist-aligned groups took out demonstrations in different parts of the city to protest against the Supreme Court order regarding the tenure extension of some senior army officers. Similar protests by the Maoists were reported on Thursday in Nepalgunj. (The Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister said that the judiciary and the army stood in the way of “democratisation”, obviously meaning that kangaroo courts and the Maoist-aligned army should replace the existing judiciary and the national army.)
The Maoist protestors must have been incensed by the court's audacity to overrule a decision taken by a government elected by the people. After all, can't a government elected by the people do what it deems fit or proper or right? In most cases, decisions free of corruption and emotional underpinnings will ensure that the rights of the people are safeguarded at all times, and that no government decision infringes on the rights of the citizens, whether such citizens are employed by the government, private firms or corporations.

Did the government break an established precedent when it refused to extend the term of office of six brigadiers?
Not long ago, when a long-term lease on a piece of land owned by Nepal Industrial Development Corporation (NIDC) and used by a five-star hotel as an approach road ran out, NIDC wanted to reclaim possession of the land and close the road. The Supreme Court was moved by aggrieved parties, and the court ruled that the approach road should continue to be used as usual. Did not NIDC that owned the land have any right? Why did the court rule against the legitimate owner of the land? (There is a similar case about a closed path and road to the east of Sundhara. The Employees Provident Fund took possession of the land, and those trying to protect the Sundhara area have yet to move the court to legally open up the closed footpath and road. Surely, if a property used as a road for 25 years can continue to be used as a road, then the path and road used by the common people for over 100 years deserves at least the same treatment, if not more.)
The Supreme Court has had the distinction of upholding the basic rights of the people who have to face the colossal giant called the government. This is true not only in the post-1990 period but also during the panchayat era when the government, probably dissatisfied with the political leanings of some of its employees, had served them notice terminating their service. Some of these notices were upheld, but in many cases where the termination was not in accordance with the prevailing laws, rules, regulations and precedents, the employees had come out victorious against the all-powerful government. If such things can happen during the iron rule of the panchayat era, is there any plausible reason as to why this cannot or should not happen in a liberal democracy led by the most liberal of liberals, the Maoists?
The Maoist-led government has faced a series of reverses at the apex court. A media report said that the court ruled against the government in as many as six different but major cases. This may be due to the fact, as the prime minister admitted while addressing the nation sometime ago, that the Maoists and their coalition partners were not as experienced in governing as some other parties, like the Nepali Congress. But it must not be forgotten that the apex in any country is the last hope of individual citizens against the wilful imposition of the powerful on the weaker sections of the populace.
An individual waging battle against a powerful government is unthinkable, but the apex court in a democratic country makes the unthinkable possible. The court is also the last resort for those in the military who believe that they have been wronged by the military or by the government. The army and police personnel also have individual rights like any of us. The apex court sees to it that the individual, no matter how weak, gets his or her justice and that the government, simply because it is rich (thanks to taxpayers' money) and powerful (thanks to the army and police and other security agencies) cannot do what it wants throwing all accepted democratic norms and practices to the winds.
In a democracy as opposed to monocracy (or even mob rule, if you will), decisions are not taken based on personal likes and dislikes nor out of personal grudges. But there are rulers who do so, and the one place where the victims can be protected against their whimsical decisions is a court of law. Whether true or not, reports have been in the air for some time that the defence minister and the army chief do not see eye to eye on many issues, and that the government decision not to extend the terms of office of six brigadiers stemmed from this decision. But if the government took the decision throwing precedents to the winds and on the basis of personal likes and dislikes of individuals, such a decision certainly made the day for the generals.

Posted on: 2009-03-29 22:53:48

Is politics imploding?

BY ABHI SUBEDI

Nepali politics in less than one year has opened up many avenues of change. But judging by some developments over the months, we can make wild speculations about its future. But the hope that a new era of stability, equality, freedom and prosperity will alight like a glorious morning on the Nagarkot heights from a special clear sky once the elected jumbo Constituent Assembly (CA) writes a new federal republican constitution of the land is slowly fading. But we should approach this problem without harbouring any preconceived notions about any political parties or organisations, and close or not-so-close friends of this land.
Some of the landmarks of the chaos are the virulent battles among the youths of this land. We ordinary teachers who have witnessed the dynamics of youth for decades have always warned that the seeds of belligerency planted by political parties among the young people of this land will grow to such an extent that political party leaders will have to define their actions according to the degree of casualties that the youngsters inflict on each other in the skirmishes that will happen on a regular basis.

An example is in order. The assassination of a member of the United Marxist Leninist (UML) Youth Force member Prachanda Thaiba in Butwal allegedly by a Maoist YCL cadre on March 26 has even threatened the very existence of the coalition government. The Maoists are asking the UML and the Nepali Congress (NC) not to politicise this event, but nothing short of “decisive action” against the killers is likely to save this uneasy alliance.
The CA session opened in Kathmandu on March 29 with a note of obituary, just a day after the prime minister of the beleaguered government Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda left for a visit of the Nordic countries to curry economic and trade favours that Nepal needs urgently for its economic stability. It is commonplace to hear the litany of what happens when the prime minister leaves the country at a time when it is plunging into chaos. But the CA has commenced like a wartime parliament where the predominantly male voices in the House create a choric song with contrapuntal variations of different styles and modulations. The CA session this time is going to be a pandemonium, one can guess. Parties want to settle scores with the Maoists who will get a chance to review their own occasional misfires. Some parties are overtly expecting this session to pull down the Maoist-led government and create a new coalition. But that will not bring a more stable government and far less a more stable situation in the country. The country can slowly plunge into civil war, at worst.
Implosions have begun to occur; ideological boundaries of simulation and reality kept up by Nepal's social democrats and communists are getting erased. They have begun to curry the favour of external powers to replace that loss. The psychological projection of India as a power that can put leverage on the political parties to change the power equation here is one example. Former monarch Gyanendra tried his own round of this psychological game by meeting Hinduism stalwarts like Narendra Modi, L.K. Advani and others in the third week of this month. This visit of Gyanendra clearly and timely organised by his supporters and Hindu parties was a reactionary exercise more than anything. Just see the reaction of the people here and also there appears to be the motto of this visit.
Indian writers and journalists asked me mind-boggling questions at the Agra SAARC writers' meeting in the second week of March about the possibility of restoring the Nepali throne to the erstwhile king's grandson for the sake of unity in a chaotic land. Girijababu's concurrent visit was linked to the former king's visit. I said that there could be no such political possibility at all. I even spoke publicly about that. Ironically, by overreacting to Gyanendra's India visit and his meetings with Indian politicians, the political parties and the media are giving him and his men what they have precisely wanted to achieve from this visit.
Nepali politicians and the people know very well that it would be a futile attempt to revive the influence of the Hindu monarchy in Nepal either as a symbolic institution or a symbolic presence in the form of a party favoured by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and other Hindu parties of Nepal and India. For India, Hinduism is a social construct, which, in the postcolonial context, has become a subject of political study. The Hindu nationalist movement known as Sangh Parivar was created concurrently with the secular Congress party in the 20th century. Though Hindutva could not gain tremendous influence, it remained an important religio-political construct in Indian politics.
In Nepal, the Hindu aristocracy has a different historicism. When Jung Bahadur Rana visited Britain and France in 1850 as a so-called “Hindu prince”, which is an interesting postcolonial study of mimicry, the British colonial rulers did not have much idea of what a Hindu religious designation would be like. They established Hindu as a religious group only 21 years after Jung's “'Hindu prince”' visit to Britain, i.e., after the census of 1871. The Indian Hindutva used and has been using strong rhetoric, terror and violence to create its niche. The leaders of the BJP that formed the national coalition government in 1998 made no secret of their camaraderie with the RSS and Bajrang Dal that carry the legacy of Sangh Parivar.
The confusions that the politicians in Nepal and India make about the so-called symbolism of the Nepali monarchy (of the past) is that the people of this country through a very powerful political process and consensus have overthrown a feudal order, and with it the institution of so-called Hindu monarchy. They have shown the world that the Nepali political experience and history does not need to emulate the Indian politicised Sangh Parivar legacy of Hinduism in Nepal. The monarchy was not in any way related to that Indian Hindu political experience, and for the Indian Hindutva politicians to try to use a very Westernised erstwhile monarch to contest the Maoists, the leftists and other republicans would be a futile political exercise. Any future Indian government will find it worthwhile to establish links with the leftist political parties and the NC on a pragmatic basis to solve political problems not only in Nepal but also in India and Bhutan. And the seasoned Indian politicians know that reality very well.
The political parties of Nepal are mainly responsible for the political chaos that reigns in the country now. However, what they cannot escape is their existentialism. They are united by agreements; they are brought together by the CA; they have put their heads together over problems that they can solve only jointly. I feel that the politics of Nepal is not changing; it is only seeking new dynamics. But the problem is that political leaders are not showing magnanimity, openness and democratic commitment that are in short supply in Nepal now.

Posted on: 2009-04-01 00:07:19

“To Have A Federal Structure Or Redefine The State Boundaries Based Upon Janjatis Is A Dangerous Situation” - Sona Khan

Senior advocate of Supreme Court of India SONA KHAN is a well known lawyer of the region. As Nepal is in the process of constitution making, Khan addressed a gathering at CONCOI. Khan spoke to KESHAB POUDEL on various issues regarding federalism and constitution making process. Excerpts:

How did India come up with pluralistic constitution?

Without the presence of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in the constitution committee of India, I don’t think the preservation of pluralism would have been as effective as it survives today. The role of Mahatma Gandhi and Nehru with vision cannot be ignored. But the master were not the people but were these two elite gentlemen who had the opportunity to be educated in the western system and they brought the concept of justice and equity along with them.

Why is the state so important?

One of the purposes of the existence of the state is to deliver equity and justice in an equitable fashion. There is the crux to preserve the dignity of the individual. How do you go about it is the frame work whether that is parliamentary form of government or presidential form of government is immaterial. The ultimate aim of the state is to deliver the dignity to individual in just and equitable manner.

How is it possible to have absolute pluralism in a country with so many castes, and so many people with different persuasion of culture?

That is the craft of the constitution. Various constitutions have been tried and western society has found just an easy way out. They conceptualized the secularism minus religion. They thought they have created a civil society and they have brought everything out of the religious sanctity. But, this is not so in south Asia. In South Asia religion and culture is the way of life. We cannot live without religion and culture. I am talking about the concept of pluralism in the South Asian constitution.

How would they like a society to consider and explore the possibilities of preserving the common heritage and common culture?

Here it is very important to understand that the ownership of the pluralism belongs to no political section of the society, religion, castes or creeds. It is a collective property of the nation and that collective ownership evolves upon all of us the possibility to preserve it with the state duty.

How important are pluralism and harmony?

I would humbly, with great respect to all of you, say that pluralism has to be recognised but at the same time the harmonious aspects should be respected to survive as a sovereign republic democratic notion. One would need to generate harmony. That harmony will come by bringing to preserve your individual rights by recognizing the pluralistic culture. In the case of India, for political appeasement purposes often pluralistic constitution is very handy. The supreme court of India has been playing very important role to sustain the constitution by interpreting.

How do you see the impact of globalization in all this?

The globalization which will determine the global forces determines their own equity, I don’t know what can happen in Nepal but in India very soon our politicians will be irrelevant. Why? Because the economic forces will generate another dharma and that dharma will be superior than the political agenda. Political agenda so far has been only catering to the narrow vision of the political parties. They have not gone above the party politics. They interrupt the country which is the paramount Dharma. In my opinion globalization and gender issue are undergoing a very definite change. Since the globalization will convert the burden of state into a social capital. The hunger and poverty which is the burden of the state will be harnessed into the social capital by the economic forces.

What about the effects of migration?

The migration of labour forces from one part to another would provide employment and access to economic resources. May be standard differs from one place to another. But at least, it takes care of hunger and poverty. The importance of that part is recognition of that pocket. Road, water, housing, health care and education are primary role of the country. Any regional and national party which is unable to provide this will not last for too long. Now the water cannot be pursued by the concept of Janjatis solidarity, religious solidarity or regional solidarity. The consumers set the condition for globalization. The availability of goods and comfort change the mindset. That is the phenomenon and no one can stop it.

How do you see the WTO in the context of globalization?\

The WTO norms which are part of international federalism are alluding to it. These elements are more important legal tool including the convention of international law and various other protocols which the governments of today have necessary to agree and enter. And the moment they agree and enter, the country is part of all these laws. Once the concerned government signs such protocols and conventions, they are the part of law of particular countries. But there are certain aspects which cannot be changed. For example, the fundamental rights cannot be amended, new rights may be added. Preservation of pluralism is important. The guarantee of pluralism is the guarantee of understanding and delivery to the constitution.

How do you see the concept of federalism?

Indian experiences are different. For example, the Sri Lanka and France have different federal structures. Indian federalism started with unitary federalism. The federalism has two forces - there is gravity towards the center or gravity towards the autonomous state. Both have their own merits and demerits. In my opinion, the interest of the country is paramount. The purpose of federalism is to deliver the mandate of the people and others. Functioning of the government should be proper.

How do you see federalism under the basis of caste and ethnicity?

To have a federal structure or redefine the state boundaries based upon Janjatis is a dangerous situation. You are abdicating your responsibilities or state to bring them to mainstream. It is easy for politicians but it is not conducive for the country. Because they will be happy for the moment for the autonomy but what are they going to do with that autonomy. The reason is not driven by patriotism or nationalism or regionalism but reasons are driven by economic forces. Each country has to craft and fascinate its own system. But however the ultimate key will be to make sure that you are able to be around the mainstream of development. Supposing Nepal wishes to exercise its national identity as Nepali. If you start to say, I am just Janjati and not Nepali, it may come down to people. It is not in the larger interest. What cab the Janjatis autonomy deliver in today’s context of globalization. It is only going to deliver psychological satisfaction.

What is important then?

The important thing is delivery of dignity. Janjatis are after all the citizens of Nepal. Do you think they are going to be happy with the identity without any education provision made for them or without any job provision made to them, surplus of land or reclamation of land, local sustainability, without fertilizer or without water for irrigation? Identity serves very limited purposes.

How do you satisfy all?

For example, schedule cast and schedule tribe banks have purpose to deliver the loan as micro credit banks did in Bangladesh. The purpose remains same whether you give name of schedule cast bank or micro credit bank. The description has to be differed. However, the identity base is a very dangerous thing.

If ethnic federalism will not work, what federalism is going to work?

You can list the Janjatis in constitution itself so that identity is preserved. Recognize them in constitution which was not recognized in earlier. Have a separate commission to look at them but not an ethnic commission. You have to clothe it and you have to find out your own wordings. For example, justice at door step. You have to make temple of justice. Like the case in Philippines and Indonesia, they have their own system. In South Asia, all the countries have various castes and ethnicity. Don’t encourage them to destabilize the government. You need to allocate fund to generate the goodwill. We have divided the states on various models. For instance, the Uttar Pradesh is a very big state and there is now Uttaranchal State. Jharkhand comes out from Bihar. I want to share with you the case of Punjab. For instance, Haryana was never a state as it is today when India became independent. There was referendum to see who is Punjabi or other speaker. Many people said they don’t speak Punjabi so they created Haryana. It is actually the economy which determines the state.

Source: Spotlight, VOL. 28, NO. 24, March 20, 2009

Nepal elects its first President

In a historic move, the Constituent Assembly (CA) in Nepal elected the first President of the country--Dr Ram Baran Yadav of the Nepal Congress, backed by the Communist Party of Nepal-UML and Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF).On July 21, Dr Yadav secured 308 votes defeating Ramraja Singh, a Maoist-backed candidate, who secured 282 votes.

The election result had in fact become apparent when at the last moment, a new alliance of NC, UML and MJF emerged to challenge the Maoist plans to get their candidate elected.

The newly-elected President, Dr Yadav hails from a small village of Safai in Dhanusha district in south-eastern Nepal. Most of his schooling and higher education was completed in Kathmandu. He later studied medicine in India, completing his MBBS from Calcutta Medical College and MD from Post Graduate Institute of Medical Research (PGIMR), Chandigarh.

Despite a successful medical practice, he chose the political life and entered the Nepalese politics in the 1960s as a student leader. He led the anti-Panchayat demonstrations against King Mahendra. Since then, for more than three decades, he participated and spearheaded every pro-democracy movement in the country.

During the first general elections in 1990s, he was elected from Dhanusha constituency as a Nepali Congress candidate. He served for two terms in the government as Health Minister. He was the general secretary of NC before being elected as the President.

The presidential election has set the country’s political discourse on a sharp turn. The defeat of the Maoists’ candidate has changed the political dynamics in the country. The failure of the Maoists to work up a consensus on the presidential candidate and the sudden emergence of a rival coalition indicate a confrontational politics in the days ahead. Maoists have accepted the results of the presidential election, they see a foreign conspiracy in the outcome. They believe that it was part of the conspiracy to keep them away from forming the government.

The Maoists, rolling high after the unprecedented victory in the elections, have suddenly turned reticent about their participation in the government. The Maoist leaders maintain that they have lost the moral ground to stake claim for leading the new government. The victory of the NC presidential candidate has given a major blow to the Maoists who won the largest number of seats in the April assembly elections. Presumably, their decision to stay away from heading the government was not an unexpected move.

It is obvious that the new alliance of the NC, UML and MJF enjoys a majority in the House as compare to the Maoists and its chances of forming the new government have certainly brightened after Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s resignation. The Maoists, however, can stake the claim being the single largest party in the Assembly. Senior leaders of the alliance are keen to work with the Maoists and have approached them. It is too early to figure out the alliance’s objectives in first defeating the Maoist candidate and then making efforts to persuade them to lead the government.

These developments have certainly undermined the consensual politics which was emerging after the April elections. The political parties should review their rigid stands and work towards creating a New Nepal as they had promised to the people during the campaign. The Maoists should take the lead in playing a constructive role and take the initiative in forming the new government. They should refrain from creating any obstacles in the peace process and avoid delaying the Constitution drafting process.

There is an urgent need for the political parties to stay on the path of consensual politics and avoid confrontation among themselves, to steer the country through the tough times ahead.

Source: Observer Research Foundation, July 26, 2008

Koirala lets Maoists form government

Ending the month-long political stalemate and uncertainty, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala invited the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist Chairman Prachanda, also the leader of the single largest party in the Constituent Assembly (CA), to form a new government. But Koirala urged the Maoist chief to form the new government in accordance with the Interim Constitution. The Maoists applauded Koirala’s step and welcomed his move for creating a favourable political atmosphere.

Apparently, the three main parties- Maoists, Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN-Unified Marxist Leninist (UML)—evolved political consensus and found a way out of a problem which has been dogging the formation of the new government. However, issues like amendment to the Interim Constitution, nomination of 26 CA members and appointment of ‘ceremonial President’ remain a matter of serious concern. Senior NC, UML and Madhesi Janaandhikar Forum (MJF) leaders had earlier agreed for a common stand on future power sharing but came out with pre-conditions at the negotiating table. The amendment proposal, which allows the removal of a government through a simple majority in the CA, is being strongly opposed by the Maoists. Eventually, even if they agree to the amendment, it is unlikely that they would give up both the posts of PM and President to other parties.

Source: ORF, May 27, 2008

Fate of monarchy linked to Nepal's poll

Dhruba Adhikary

KATHMANDU - Nepal on Monday appeared like a country finally heading towards an election of historical significance later this week. There is visible enthusiasm among voters - an atmosphere that was not to be found a week ago when candidates in the 601-strong Constituent Assembly conducted their campaigns amid fear and insecurity. Just days ago, uncertainty surrounded the poll, which is expected to pave the way for the Himalayan kingdom's transformation into a republic. After two postponements since last June, the interim government finally approved a date, April 10, and directed the Election Commission to make necessary preparations. Thousands of poll observers, including from Western countries, will be closely watching the voting for which over 17 million Nepalis are eligible. There are about nine thousand candidates for the election - to be based on a mixed system of first-past-the-post and proportional representation.

The men and women contesting the elections have had differing experiences, from disinterested crowds to candidates in far-flung districts being killed, abducted and intimidated, mainly by young militants associated with the Maoists. In April 2006, the Maoists agreed to be a political party - the Communist Party of Nepal - and joined electoral and competitive politics. The Maoists continue to draw widespread criticism for their cadres' crude and deadly behavior, ignoring their pledge to abide by provisions of the peace accord they signed to formally end a 10-year armed insurgency which claimed over 13,000 lives. Villagers in remote areas have complained that Maoist cadres routinely visit them and threaten retribution if they do not vote for their candidates and parties. Maoist cadres have made hundreds of villages inaccessible to other parties, forcing them to confine their campaigns to district centers. Responding to these complaints, the top Maoist leader publicly issued a directive for his group to behave like Indian non-violent spiritual leader Mahatma Gandhi for the remaining days of the campaign. His cadres at the village level, however, do not appear to have been paying attention.

Threats and hurdles

What happened on March 29 in Biraatnagar, the home town of interim Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala located in the southeast, provided an example of how precarious the law and order situation is across Nepal. Within hours after Koirala addressing local authorities on enhancing security services in the region, powerful bombs exploded at a neighborhood mosque, instantly killing two persons and inflicting serious injuries on others. The incident added a communal dimension to the existing problems in the Hindu-majority country. In its pre-election report issued on April 6, the special United Nations mission in Nepal alluded to a "climate of fear in which candidates and voters function". While appreciating pledges by leaders of three parties - among the seven political parties in the interim alliance - to conduct the campaign in a peaceful manner, the UN report continued to express frustration, saying that "these commitments need to translate into reality on the ground - which has too often not been the case". As if to prove this perception, Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal (also known as Prachanda) last week canceled all of his public engagements outside the capital for security reasons.

Ironically, he is also the head of the "People's Liberation Army" and is usually surrounded by scores of armed personnel around the clock. It is odd to see the Maoist leadership scared to move around in a country in which they say is 80% under their control. "Death has come to haunt its greatest purveyor," wrote a newspaper columnist. Prachanda's decision came in the wake of threats from some two dozen armed groups in the Terai region, mainly bordering the Indian state of Bihar, which have said they would disrupt the April 10 polls by "eliminating" candidates. Some of these groups are said to have political agendas and demands that their regions be declared autonomous with a right to self-determination. It is a widely held belief that New Delhi is behind this separatist movement. Meanwhile, political rivalry between the main contesting parties remains acrimonious.

Both the Maoists and the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), the more moderate of the two, depict the Nepali Congress, the party with centrist credentials, as a supporter of the status quo (meaning support for the monarchy) , even if the Congress leadership has agreed to their republican agenda. The Congress sees the Maoists as a party of anarchists. But the dual between the UML and the Maoists has been strikingly bitter, with each accusing the other of being royalist. Nobody knows what Gyanendra, whose days even as a "suspended" king are numbered, would have said about these verbal battles. But is Gyanendra still in a position to move or shake Nepal's political course at this decisive phase? Apparently not.

The country's army has ceased to be "royal" and there are no other visible domestic forces to salvage the monarchy, even in a ceremonial form. Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, a former prime minister and Koirala's rival while he was still in the Nepali Congress, is the only political personality of any standing to say that the monarchy is still needed. But since Bhattarai is no longer politically active, it is unlikely his statements will make any direct impact on the ongoing political process. Two of the 54 political parties in the fray have said openly they are in favor of a ceremonial monarchy. One of them is the Nepal National Development Party, which is headed by a Nepali citizen of Japanese origin, Takashi Miyahara. He thinks Nepal can take Japan as a role model and stresses that people forgave their emperor despite the loss of 2 million lives during World War II.

Some of the world's top 10 countries, he contends, are monarchies, such as Japan and in Scandinavia. Gyanendra has publicly said he has no plans to leave Nepal. Instead, the palace last week sent out customary cards with New Year's greetings from "Their Majesties the King and Queen". Nepal's new year, 2065, begins on April 13. Nepal's interim constitution and concomitant agreements between the seven political parties that make up the ruling coalition stipulate that the first meeting of the newly-elected assembly will "implement" a proposal to declare Nepal a republic. And the assembly has to meet for its maiden session within 21 days after the announcement of the last election result.

In election commissioner Neelkantha Upreti's estimation, all results will be out within three weeks of the poll, provided no re-polls are required. In other words, the 240-year-old monarchy which has remained a symbol of Nepal's stability will be relegated to the history books in a matter of weeks. Will Gyanendra quietly wait for that day without making a final attempt, be it overt or covert, to save his throne? Some politicians in the coalition have said they suspect the palace is behind the recent spate of violence. In private conversations, very few prominent politicians, including the Maoists, see the monarchy disappearing easily. They know they themselves are primarily responsible for the anarchy and chaos the country has witnessed since the successful pro-democracy movement of April 2006.

They are also aware they have alienated a large section of the population by declaring Nepal a secular state without putting the issue to a popular test. Similarly, leaders in the coalition hurriedly pushed through a citizenship law in the interim legislature, subsequently granting Nepali citizenship to about 4 million aliens, mainly Indians. Even the Maoists, who always claimed to be more nationalist than others, did not raise any objection while the "liberal" law was being enacted. "Maoists, too, showed that they are no different from others when it comes to vying for New Delhi's favor," said Somnath Ghimire, editor of Yugsambad, a Nepali language weekly. Widespread fear and indifference could lead to an unexpectedly low turnout of voters, with some estimates claiming it could be as low as 25%.

In the absence of a law requiring a minimum percentage of voters, even such an election could be declared valid by Nepal's election officials and endorsed by international observers. But will it achieve the political legitimacy needed to complete the current transitional process? This is a question that might be asked, among others, by Gyanendra, who earlier told the media the people alone had the right to decide the fate of the monarchy. Additionally, it is as yet unclear which of three main parties is likely to emerge as the winner. Some analysts say that despite splits and mergers, the Nepali Congress stands a chance to lead the other parties. Others believe the UML has brighter prospects.

The Maoists are not being viewed as the main winners. However, this is a prediction the Maoist leadership refuses to accept. Prachanda has publicly thundered that the Maoists will not accept the results if his party is denied victory, and thereby a chance to introduce revolutionary reforms. According to Prachanda, his party will take such a result as a conspiracy, compelling it to restart the armed insurgency. One senior Nepali Congress leader told Asia Times Online that the Maoists want to be in a win-win situation - either winning the majority and accomplishing the dream of "taking over" the country, or staying out of election without being seen as the main villain. Worrying trendsInstitutions tasked with analyzing emerging trends have made no secret of their concern. The latest report by the International Crisis Group predicts the post-poll period will be more "difficult and dangerous". In the words of the group's Asia program director, Robert Templer, "The turbulent aftermath would require cooperation and forward planning from the main parties." Will that be forthcoming if the Maoists decide to reject a defeating poll verdict and boycott the elected assembly thereafter? Recent events in Kenya and Zimbabwe do not offer encouraging messages. One school of thought has it that while communist slogans may be attractive to poor, illiterate and credulous people, the West-dominated international community would hate to see - or recognize - a Maoist regime in Nepal, which shares borders with Tibet, and thereby China. The US, for instance, has yet to remove Nepal's Maoists from its official list of terrorists. For the moment, the great electoral exercise remains on the threshold, although a section of Nepal's intelligentsia continues to view the mission as an enigma.

Source: Asia Times Online, April 8, 2008

Maoists fear losing elections

Paul Soren

The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) has warned of another phase of revolution if the party was not voted to power. While campaigning in the eastern part of the country, Maoist chairman Prachanda and other prominent leaders have strongly articulated that the party will not accept defeat in the coming Constituent Assembly elections of April 10. Prachanda said “the pro-palace elements, Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist (UML), Nepali Congress and some foreign powers are conspiring against the elections``. The Maoists believe that anti-national elements in Nepal were making efforts to prevent them party from winning.

The Maoists have realised that the elections would not be a cake walk for them as their support base has reduced over the past few months. They are now getting restive and engaging in anti-election activities. The cadre has been defying the Election Commission’s directive to follow the election code of conduct. The Young Communist League affiliated to the Maoist party has been indulging in violence during the campaign. In remote areas, they are intimidating and preventing common people from attending political programmes of rival parties. In all, the Maoists seem to be in a desperate mood to win the elections and are likely to use any means to achieve their objective.

Source: ORF, South Asia Weekly Report, March 30, 2008

Terai crisis may delay elections

The continuing crisis in Nepal’s Terai region poses a serious challenge for holding of timely elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA). The week-long general strike called by the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF), an alliance of three Terai parties, Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF), Terai-Madhesh Loktantrik Party (TMLP) and Sadbhawana Party (SP) has only aggravated the situation. The UDMF has been pressurising the government to address six of its major demands, including, a separate Madesh province with right to self-determination. They threatened to boycott elections if their demands are not met. Subsequently, the Federal Republican Front (FRF), an alliance of ethnic groups in eastern hills has launched agitations pressuring for their demands. Apparently, the two separate agitations is Terai, has raised serious doubts of holding the elections on stipulated time.

The strike has adversely affected normal life in the region and Kathmandu valley. Many of the industries located in Terai have closed down due to shortage of raw materials. Most of the educational institutions have shut down and transport remained off road. The supply of basic necessities has been largely affected due to blockade of vehicular movement. There is an acute shortage of fuel and this impacted vehicular movement in Kathmandu. There are also stray incidents of violence and clashes reported between security forces and demonstrators in different parts of Terai.

The FRF’s acceptance to sit for talks has given some respite to the government. The government tried hard to strike a deal with UDMF leaders to hold elections on time. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and Seven Party Alliance (SPA) leaders invited UDMF leaders for talks. This week, a series of meetings took place between UDMF and SPA leaders to find a political outlet. The government assured UDMF leaders that elections will address most of their grievances. Initially, the Madhesi leaders responded positively to government’s offer. However, the talks did not yield any results and the UDMF decided to continue with their agitations. Though, the government and other parties are gearing up for elections but the security and election scenario in Terai does not look favourable. Even, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP-Nepal) has decided to boycott the April 10 election. It is obvious that elections will not take place if, the Terai parties continue with their agitations and security situation does not improve.

Source: South Asia Weekly, February 24, 2008

Maoist’s making tactical move

The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) is making desperate attempts to pressurise the Nepali government and to intimidate political rivals before the April 10 elections. Last week, in a major political decision, the Maoist party announced the revival of the United Revolutionary People's Council (URPC) people’s government. The Maoists re-constituted URPC central committee and appointed senior leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai as convener and Krishna Bahadur Mahara and Dev Gurung as deputy-conveners.

On February 6, Maoist party held a meeting of the URPC and decided to revive the people's government and resolve people’s problems at the district and local level. The Maoists claim that this will assist in holding of smooth elections and also extend support in development related works. Subsequently, the Maoists also announced to initiate model joint development projects in eleven autonomous regions.

According to the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) signed between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and Maoists in November 2006, the Maoists had agreed to dissolve their parallel government. The recent announcement of reviving local government is a gross violation of previous peace agreements. The Maoists decision has also drawn criticism from several quarters. All major political parties strongly reacted to it and raised suspicion over the Maoists move. The parties termed the decision as violation of the peace accord and other understandings signed in the past. The United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) assisting in managing the arms and monitoring peace process termed the decision violation of earlier accords and questioned the rationalization behind it.

Over a period of time, the Maoists have lost their popular support base across the country and there is a growing realization that they may fair badly during the elections. Thereby, the Maoists are attempting to maneuver the local government by reviving their local body. Though, the Maoists have rhetorically stated to cooperate and participate in elections but their recent move has left scope for suspicion about their sincerity towards the peace process and elections.

Source: South Asia Weekly, Febryary 10, 2008

Pragmatism Must Prevail

The much-awaited parley between the government and the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF), an alliance of the Terai Madesh Democratic Party, Madhesi Janadhikar Forum and Nepal Sadhbhawana Party (Mahato), failed to yield the expected results the other day. The people who were eagerly waiting for the fruitful outcome of the meeting throughout Friday were once again disappointed when the media reported that the meeting ended inconclusively. The people, badly hit by the indefinite closure called by the UDMF from 13 February and curfews across the Terai, had expected that the meeting would end their woes and pave the path for the constituent assembly elections as they knew well that both sides had done adequate homework before sitting at the table. But it could not happen as there was no agreement on the UDMF�s demand for �one Madhesh, terai, one province�, which is impractical and against the national integrity. With the inconclusive outcome of the meeting, the Nepali people as well as the economy of the country are sure to suffer more. The movement of people and essential goods like fuel and food has already been affected throughout the country by the indefinite bandh. The serpentine queues of vehicles in front of the petrol pumps are a common sight in the valley. Moreover, the failure of the meeting has put the entire peace process at risk as it would be incomplete without holding the CA polls in the absence of peace in the Terai or in any part of the country. This has created some amount of uncertainty. If the seven political parties and the UDMF do not sort out the outstanding issue immediately, there is a danger that the CA polls, the process of which is already underway, might have to be postponed possibly for the third time. Therefore, UDMF should be more serious about the safe and bright future of the country and give up the demand which the present interim government cannot fulfill. It wold be the most logical step in order to free the nation from the present chaotic situation. No one should forget that dialogue is the best weapon to arrive at a solution to any problem. At the same time no one can compromise on national integrity and the wellbeing of the people at large. It is time that flexibility be resorted to in taking the country on the forward looking path in the interest of the people and the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, February 25, 2008

Strike, Scarcity Linger RJP

Ritu Raj Subedi

Life in the capital city and elsewhere is becoming more difficult with the acute shortage of fuels, increasing load-shedding and skyrocketing prices of essential commodities. Crisis triggered by the short supply of POL products and irregular electricity has triggered other problems: dwindling water in the taps and chaotic transport services. Power cut has hampered the water supply body to pump out groundwater and distribute it. Absence of cooking gas and kerosene has made the condition of housewives pathetic. Travelling in the public transport equally offers one with harrowing experiences. The widespread shortage of everything is a glaring example of the failure of current governance system in the transitional period. Despite this unbearable situation, the public has not revolted against the government. This sense of greater endurance is a testimony of Nepalese for the greater cause of the nation, namely the constituent assembly elections.Legitimacy It is common knowledge that the existing fuel crisis has been unleashed by the Terai bandha that was called less than two months ahead of the CA polls. At this time, any activity that obstructs the polls process can be interpreted as anti-election move. The legitimacy of the incumbent government largely rests on its capacity to hold the elections as scheduled. However, the alarming thing is the demand of the agitating groups to establish a separate Terai province. This disruptive demand must have sent a chill down the spines of the people and forced them to be patient at the time of crisis because no genuine Nepali can accept such a demand. To meet this key demand, the Terai groups are giving continuity to closures across the southern belt crippling general life from east to west. Whatever the outcome of the negotiation between the government and the UDMF, the strike has created doubts over the election. At the same time, the move of UDMF has ironically consolidated the unity of Seven Party Alliance (SPA). The three major parties � Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoist �,which are often engaged in squabbling over trifle issues, have evoked a unified and coherent voice in addressing the Terai issues. The chiefs of the three parties have discussed the Terai�s problems and held common stance on the matter. The SPA unity is vital to conduct the polls and subsequently to draft a new constitution. Many have raised eyebrows on the moves of the Front when its leaders defied the government�s call to solve the issue through talks and issued conflicting remarks regarding the election. On one hand they claim the Terai strike has been organised to make the CA polls a success. On the other, they argue the CA polls can�t be held until their demands are met. The contradictory statements have cast doubt over the sincerity of Madhisi leaders in backing the resolve of the nation to hold the polls that will formally abolish monarchy, restructure the state and institutionalise the federalism. Giving a sudden U-turn, Rastriya Janashakti Party (RJP), a pro-palace group, decided not to participate in the elections on the pretext of the ongoing Madhesh agitation. The dramatic move by its chairman Surya Bahadur Thapa has taken all by surprise. This has generated questions: Does his step support the ongoing political process or has a negative connotations? Is he a genuine sympathiser of Madhesi people? What did he actually do for the welfare of Madhesis when he was the prime minister several times? He led the governments under the Panchyat system for years that often played pahades against madhesis. Divide and rule was the mantra of the panchayat regime. Thapa was its skilful executer. Known as �a pancha in crisis,� Thapa, in the capacity of the then prime minister, earned notoriety when his government allegedly rigged Nepal�s first referendum in favour of partyless panchayat regime in the late 80s. To this end, But, the move of ex-soft pancha at the crucial hour of Nepalese politics will only help those waiting to fish in troubled waters. ChallengesIf there were any connection between Thapa�s poll boycott and UDMF�s refusal to register its closed list of candidates at the EC office for the proportional election, it will be a wake-up call for the SPA that there are formidable challenges on the path of the CA polls. Amidst the widespread uncertainty, over three dozens political parties have submitted their closed list to the EC. This has certainly aroused the hope that CA polls process will go on as scheduled and meet the key deadlines. Realising the gravity of situation, the EC has extended the period of submitting the closed list by today. By participating in the polls, Madhesh will not lose anything but strengthen its position through the restructuring of the state.

Source: The Rising Nepal, February 25, 2008

SPA, UDMF finally reach deal

KATHMANDU, Feb 25 - The government and the protesting United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF) struck a crucial deal Monday morning ending the 12-day Madhes movement and clearing the deck for Constituent Assembly elections slated for April 10.
The two sides reached compromise on the key UDMF demand - One Madhes One Pradesh - which they said would be decided through the Constituent Assembly. They have agreed to form autonomous Madhes state and other autonomous states.
However, both sides were struggling till 3 am Monday on proper words to be mentioned in the draft.
"We have agreed on autonomous Madhes state. But we are still discussing proper words to reflect the desire of Madhesi people regarding the autonomous Madhes state," said Hridayesh Tripathi, a Madhesi leader, who was present during the meeting, held at prime minister's residence, Baluwatar.
The government and UDMF have also agreed to recognize all those killed in the course of the Madhes movement last February as martyrs and provide their families with proper compensation.
They have agreed to amend the Election Commission Act, which provisions that any political party which secures at least 20 percent result or more under the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system must prepare an inclusive list of candidates for the proportional electoral system.
"We have agreed to increase the provision from 20 to 30 percent," said Tripathi. The UDMF had demanded that the provision should be increased to 50 percent.
He said the final draft of the agreement will be ready by Monday morning.
Jayaprakash Gupta, coordinator of Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF), a constituent of the UDMF, said, "It is a big setback to tarai movement because the agreement is not constitutionally binding."
He said the government didn't agree to incorporate the issue in the constitution. "The Constituent Assembly will not have legal powers to recognize the tarai as autonomous Madhes state," he said.
He said the government also refused to make group recruitment of Madhesi people in the Nepali Army.
The UDMF had called an indefinite strike in the tarai from February 13 demanding that the government fulfill their six-point demand.
Earlier today, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, UML General Secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal and Maoist Chairman Prachanda had held a separate meeting at Baluwatar and reiterated their commitment to conduct the CA poll on April 10.
The three leaders had also agreed to persuade UDMF to participate in the CA poll to decide the issue of one Madhes one Pradesh. Following the Baluwatar meeting, UML General Secretary and Maoist Chairman Prachanda held a separate meeting at the UML central office in Balkhu and discussed the issue.
After developments in Kathmandu, the government arranged a helicopter to bring Upendra Yadav, MPRF chairman, from Simara Sunday evening.
Yadav and other Madhesi leaders including UDMF chairman Mahantha Thakur and Sadbhawana Party Chairman Rajendra Mahato held a special meeting at about 11 pm before sitting for a formal meeting with the government at Baluwatar.
Prime Minister Koirala and Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula held negotiation with Madhesi leaders.
Meanwhile, NC leaders Bijaya Kumar Gachhadar and Saratsingh Bhandari have urged the government to settle the Madhes issues soon. In a press statement, jointly issued Sunday, the leaders said the CA poll is not possible without addressing the issues of Madhesi political parties. The leaders, however, are not so clear on the issue of one Madhes, one Pradesh.
Similarly, Rastriya Prajantra Party (RPP), in a separate statement, demanded that the government immediately hold a roundtable to address the issues raised by Madhesi, Tharu and other indigenous leaders.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, February 25, 2008

Mockery Of Democracy

Narayan Prasad Wagle

The new threat to democracy does not come from tyrants as they can be fairly distinguished and removed from power by the people. It comes rather from the political groups that pretend to be democratic and keep sucking on the blood of the people. This is a new trend all over the world. As we could see in Pakistan, Musharaf ruled Pakistan in the guise of democracy, which many Pakistanis detested as a military democracy, and it was clearly manifest in the defeat of his allies in the recent election. The Bhutanese government has begun to exercise pseudo democracy to further strengthen the grip of the royal regime over the freedom loving people. TyrannyNepal, as one of the least developed courtiers of South Asia, has shown symptoms of the same disease. With the fall of the Rana regime in 1951, every succeeding ruler claimed to be democratic. Even the tyrannical Panchayat rulers feigned to be democratic, holding some sort of election periodically. They claimed that the democracy it expounded was in consonance with the soil of Nepal. Fortunately, it was dismantled after almost three decades of rule. With the restoration of democracy in 1990, people hoped that their quality of life would improve in a real democracy. However, it is confined to a closed set of elite people, and the benefits of the so-called democracy could not reach the oppressed, the marginalised and the poor. The political parties used democracy to enjoy power. As a result, the country got bogged down in conflicts.With the hope of changing their status from being victims to the sovereign, people came to the streets and defeated the king's ambition of establishing a dictatorial regime. They came to the streets pursuant to the promises of the political parties and the Maoists to correct past mistakes and renounce violence. Nearly two years have passed since the April uprising. The daily lives of the people have become extremely difficult and painful. Violence continues to be perpetrated in the name of the people. The INSEC year book on human rights reports that violent groups in the Terai killed half a thousand people while the government killed nearly three dozens during the period. The government could not prevent the violation of the basic right of the people to live. Rather it became a part of such violation. This clearly shows that the interests of the political groups are very different from those of the people. Otherwise, how could they kill so many people without much hesitation? The senseless general strikes have been a routine feature of the new Nepal. The sufferings these strikes incur on the people are intolerable. They are virtually made prisoners without access to health care, education and other basic needs. Of course, the political groups have the right to demonstrate peacefully for their cause. But do they have the right to kill people for their benefit? It is crystal clear that a group's demands may be supported by a portion of the population. But how can they violate the rights of all other people? In recent times, people have had little access to such basic needs as cooking gas, petrol and kerosene and services like electricity due to the inefficiency of the government compounded by the blockade and senseless general strikes in violation of the basic norms of humanitarian law. As a consequence, essential services like hospital services have also been affected. People who expected law and order, rule of law, better employment opportunities, a favourable business environment, social justice and stability are being hit hard daily. They are being exploited by the political interest groups, some of which are even more accountable to external powers. Some groups are relying on racialism to further their interests, which is clear from the fact that class is not tied with ethnicity while making provisions for the enlistment of the marginalised people. As we know, it is racism and interests of the great powers that create an unending cycle of violence.Compare these developments with the peace loving people of Nepal with so much religious and ethnic tolerance. Some political groups are hell-bent on destroying the assets of the Nepalese people while bringing down their standards of living. As everyone accepts that democracy is for the people, by the people and of the people, the present scenario of Nepal shows that it is against the people, by the elite and feudals and of racism and great power subservience. This is a mockery of democracy, which is more dangerous than tyranny.Illegitimate interestsTherefore, the responsible political parties must act lawfully to reverse this trend if they really want to consolidate democracy in the land of the Buddha. They must refrain from making it just an instrument to legalise their otherwise illegitimate interests and prevent others from doing so. The immediate step in this regard is to hold the Constituent Assembly election, which is a benchmark of democracy

Source: The Rising Nepal, February 25, 2008

Need For Dialogue

The meeting of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) has outright rejected the demand of 'One Madhes: One Province' put forth by the agitating United Democratic Madeshi Front (UDMF), saying that neither the SPA nor the interim government had the authority to fulfill the demand that undermines national sovereignty and integrity. The parley between the SPA and the UDMF remained inconclusive on Friday when the latter continued to stick to its demand for 'One Madhes: One Province'' though the ruling parties agreed to meet all the other demands of the UDMF. All the SPA leaders after much discussion have reached a consensus that the government would accept all the other demands except the impractical one of 'One Madhes: One Province.' When the SPA and the government did not agree to meet one of the six demands, the UDMF leaders have threatened to continue their strike, which has already affected life across the Terai. No doubt, the present government is there only to hold the elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) so that democracy and peace could be institutionalised in the country. It lacks authority to meet any demand that jeopardises national sovereignty and integrity. When the interim constitution has already declared Nepal a federal republic, it is inappropriate to come up with a demand for a particular province. In fact, Madhes does not belong to the elite Madhesi people, who are now launching the protest and strikes. It is the land of the people who have migrated from the hills, the Tharus, the Dalits, landless squatters and backward people who have been victimised by the people of the so-called high caste people of Madhes. Moreover, the Thraus, the indigenous people of the Terai oppose the demand of the UDMF. Indeed, it is a big irony that Nepal, which was never colonised by any power after its unification, is now in the verge of disintegration due to the inappropriate demands put forth by the different ethnic groups, including the Madhesis. The government and the ruling parties should discourage people from putting such up such demands that push the country towards disintegration. In fact, the government as well as the parties both in power and outside should work in a way to hold the CA polls within the stipulated time so that the people can have a new constitution drafted by their own representatives, which will, in turn, decide the fate of all the Nepali people, not of the people of a particular area.

Source: The Rising Nepal, February 25, 2008

Target: Election

On Saturday, the SPA did the only right thing it could do on the demands for a single state of ‘Madhesh’ and the right to self-determination. It rejected the demands by concluding that neither it nor the government nor the interim parliament had the mandate to decide on such an issue as would impinge profoundly on national integrity. It left the decision, therefore, to the Constituent Assembly, which is slated for election only six weeks away, on April 10. Out of the six demands put forward by the United Madhesi Democratic Forum (UMDF), four could be addressed even before the election, according to SPA leaders. These two demands, they said, could not be met also because these required constitutional and legal changes just ahead of the election. The front’s demand for exemption from the requirement for inclusiveness on proportional representation from the existing 20 per cent to 30 per cent still needed agreement, it was reported.The agitating Tarai groups did not submit their closed lists of candidates under the proportional representation system yesterday too — the date had been re-set specially with a view to enlisting their particiaption in the election, as they had ignored the original day). However, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala yesterday asked the public to rest assuredthat the Tarai crisis would be resolved in a day or two. The nation would applaud any suchbreakthrough so long as it did not compromise or threaten to compromise Nepal’s vital interests, such as its sovereignty and territorial integrity, or maintained the fairness principle in the political processes and a level playing field for all political parties. By these criteria, the two demands — one single Tarai state and self-determination — are out of the question — now and in the future.Even the front’s push for greater non-inclusiveness privilege is an example of the heads-I-win-tails-you-lose approach. While it has sought ‘proportional representation of Madhesis’ in all areas of governance, the front wants itself to be exempted from this need to include others. Other communities in the Tarai seem to be slowly waking up to the dire implications of ‘one Madhes, one state’ and ‘self-determination’. For instance, the Tharus, who are among the original Tarai inhabitants, have staged protests, warning the government against yielding to these ‘separatist’ demands. Nepal has remained a unified nation for about two and a half centuries. While even those countries in Asia that became larger relatively recently through the union of separate states have not granted these rights to their provinces or states, raising these demands in Nepal has naturally raised general suspicion about the protagonists’ motives. Jana Andolan II has provided all the groups with undreamt-of rights and powers, and the approaching CA election aims to institutionalise these gains and provide more. In this context, continuing the agitation, which enters its 13th day today, appears to be directed against the CA election itself. The SPA and the government need to demonstrate that the election takes place on schedule, come what may.

Source: The Himalayan Times, February 25, 2008

Nepal at a crossroads

Joginder Singh

Nepal evokes memories of a country full of beautiful scenery, high mountains and spiritual places. Till recently, the King of Nepal was regarded as god. However, the image of King Gyanendra has taken a beating, thanks to Maoists who have bullied the seven-party alliance into submission. Moreover, neither the King nor his crown prince has done anything to win the hearts of the people. In all fairness to Maoists, they have never hidden their ambition of removing the monarchy from the centrestage of Nepali politics.
Instead of begging and appealing to the King to become a titular head, Maoists went straight for his head. If they have their way in the election scheduled for April 10, the days of the King are numbered. Maoists have been -- and they still are -- in the forefront of a movement to abolish monarchy.
Nepal, one of the few monarchies in Asia and the only Hindu kingdom, has a population of 26.3 million, which is less than the population of Mumbai and Delhi put together. However, it has an area of 147,181 sq km. In Nepal, a landlocked country, tourism is the primary source of income.
During my recent visit to Nepal, I tried to gauge the ground reality in that country. One thing which came out clearly was that people were afraid to express their opinion openly. When pressed the most they would say was that all political leaders are keen to amass wealth for themselves.
In Nepal, petrol and diesel are being sold at Rs 50 per litre; after some time, even their availability will be a problem. Due to strikes, bandhs and non-payment of previous dues to Indian suppliers for petroleum products, 10 litres a day is the petrol sold to cars and five litres to two-wheelers. There was an interesting slogan put in the market in Nepali language, "Petrol chhenna, mitti taail chhenna, paani chhenna, bijli chhenna, sarkar chhenna" (there is no petrol, no kerosene, no water, no electricity and no Government).
There are power cuts in India, but the day I reached Kathmandu the power was off between 7 pm and 12 pm. I was told that we would have electricity between midnight and 5 am, and again between 9 am and 1 pm next day. This would be followed by no electricity between 1 pm and 5 pm and the cycle would continue till further notified.
When one visits Nepal, one is back to the candle age even in the best hotels. You need candles in the bathroom, in your living room and even dressing room. Normally, it is considered stylish to have a candlelight dinner. But it is not comfortable to live for eight hours in the hotel with candles lighting your room.
Due to political uncertainty, along with lack of basic facilities like water supply and electricity, many foreign companies are treating Nepal as a punishment posting. No wonder hardly any new industry has been set up in that country; worse, even the present ones are facing difficulties in their functioning. The first annual report of the RNA Human Rights Cell, 2006, has recorded 10,725 abductions and 72 killings by Maoists during the past six months of the year. It has also recorded 65 cases of explosion, 40 cases of extortion and looting and 30 cases of threats issued by Maoists. More than 12,000 civilians, Maoists and security personnel have been killed in that country since the rebels began their 'people's war' in 1996.
India, mostly for wrong reasons, occupies the front page of Nepal's media. The kidney scam king, Amit Kumar, who was recently arrested in Nepal, hogged the limelight in that country. On his arrest, Nepal Police recovered Euro 145,00, $ 18,900 and a bank draft of Rs 936,000. He was also guilty of possessing foreign currency -- the amount recovered from him was above the ceiling prescribed under Nepal's laws. Had he been convicted, he would have got up to 10 years of imprisonment and a fine of Rs 2 lakh. But at India's request, he was deported to New Delhi.
Today, Nepal stands at a crossroads. This strife-ridden nation is all set to implement a new 'deal' worked out between the current interim Government and Maoists. One of the conditions for arriving at the understanding is to abolish Nepal's more than 200-year-old monarchy after the election to the new Constituent Assembly is held on April 10. In the election, the electorate will also decide whether Nepal will become a democratic republic or retain ceremonial monarchy.
So far Prime Minister GP Koirala is the only SPA leader who has openly expressed his support for ceremonial monarchy. But now in the interest of peace, he has agreed to its abolition after the Constituent Assembly election. Most people in Nepal, however, will be happy to see King Gyanendra go, but not the monarchy.
Maoists may sweep the election as their writ runs in rural Nepal. Most people will vote for them to avoid any reprisals. The handful supporters of retention of constitutional monarchy will not be able to stem the anti-monarchy drive of Maoists. Of course, what Nepal does with monarchy is its internal matter, but a friendly Government in our neighbourhood is in our interest.
Bordering China and India, Nepal offers a geo-political advantage to any country that is influential there. Though one does not foresee any major conflict in the near future, India feels that the military capability of China will increase if it gets a foothold there. Also, we have to be respectful of the sentiment of the people of Nepal.
Winston Churchill once observed: "The monarchy is extraordinarily useful. When Britain wins a battle it shouts, 'God save the Queen'; when it loses, it votes down the Prime Minister." Only the future will indicate whether Churchill's statement is relevant to Nepal or not.

Source: The Pioneer, February 25, 2008

Two suspicious of polls

Yubaraj Ghimire

As the countdown for the April 10 election to the constituent assembly begins, the most powerful leaders are busy distorting the main intent of the whole exercise. The election, deferred twice in the past, is meant to elect the constituent assembly that will chart out Nepal’s future constitution as well as the model of government that people will elect through another election later.
But Kathmandu’s walls are painted red with graffiti by Maoist cadres saying ‘let us elect Prachanda as the first President of the Republic of Nepal’. Prachanda, chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), himself has stated that he will be president now at 55 and remain there for another 20 years during which Nepal will transform into one of the developed countries in the world. But the hidden message is simple: that once he is in power, Nepal will usher in a one-party authoritarian rule where change of government through the ballot will be impossible. After all, the CPN-M has also made it clear that their role model is Kim Jong II of North Korea.
Pitted against Prachanda is the octogenarian G.P. Koirala, the interim prime minister who is also discharging duties of the head of state, with King Gyanendra in a state of suspension. Koirala, in fact, began behaving like a king soon after Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called him a ‘legendary leader’ of South Asia, ignoring Koirala’s vices — mainly corruption.
When the interim constitution said the prime minister will also discharge responsibilities of the head of state, it was not meant to make him into an all-powerful dictator, but simply to get him to do jobs like accepting the credentials of ambassadors, something the king had been doing earlier. Koirala, however, went beyond that expectation. He literally curtailed the king’s right to religion even as in the individual domain and began acting like a ‘Hindu monarch’ during major Hindu festivals. He ignored the fact that Nepal’s revived parliament had made it a secular state from a Hindu kingdom, and that the head of state or government was no more expected to associate with one or the other religion. But he couldn’t resist the temptation to be like the king. In his personal life, he has avoided observing any Hindu rituals, even when his parents died long ago and his two sisters-in-law died within a year recently.
Politically also, he wants to introduce the Koirala dynasty in the politics of Nepal. He recently inducted his only daughter, Sujata Koirala, as a minister without portfolio in the cabinet. He never concealed his wish to make her prime minister — preferably when he is still alive — despite the fact that Sujata is one of the most controversial personalities in the Congress party, sometimes, a synonym of corruption. Interestingly, Koirala’s daughter has stated time and again that she is in favour of monarchy being retained in one or the other form. Her party has however, adopted a pro-republic position during its last general convention.
In a party with a monolithic leadership, Koirala has been able to give a message that like the all-powerful king, he or his daughter are above the party discipline and norm. That’s why no one from the party has so far questioned or demanded action against his daughter. There is speculation that should the April 10 election be called off like it has been twice in the past, given the prevailing law and order situation, Koirala knows that his days are over, along with that of the present coalition arrangement. As radical Maoists are sure to try to capture power through the gun once again, Sujata hopes to rally monarchist and democratic forces around her, with her father loaning his residual support base of the Congress party to her.
In fact, there is a visible amount of deceit and dishonesty both in what Koirala and Prachanda have been doing —both are taking a pro-election position, although, both know elections do not suit their ambitions. Moreover, with acute shortage of fuel and total dislocation of essential services in the country — that has triggered mass anger against the present government — Koirala knows his fate if elections are held. Prachanda has already given too many excuses to call them off by letting loose his supporters on political opponents, and by painting the campaign as a poll for a future president.

Source: The Indian Express, February 21, 2008

Ethnic unrest threatens Nepal elections

KATHMANDU (Reuters) - Nepal must address the demands for autonomy of its ethnic Madheshi people or risk more violence and another postponement of twice-delayed elections, the leader of a Madheshi group said on Monday.
Violent protests in the Terai, or Madhesh, region in Nepal's southern plains have clouded a peace deal between the government and former Maoist rebels, which ended the Maoists' decade-long rebellion against the monarchy in 2006.
At least 45 people have been killed in violent street protests in the past year. But Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has vowed to press ahead with the elections in April, Nepal's first national vote since 1999, despite the crisis.
"If it goes ahead with elections by force, the Terai problem will take a different course," Upendra Yadav, chief of the Madheshi People's Rights Forum, which organised most of last year's protests, told Reuters in a telephone interview.
"Armed groups will get a space to play and a secessionist movement could develop."
Many Madheshis want the region, which is home to nearly half of the country's 26 million people, to become a largely autonomous state within Nepal, and want a greater say in the running of the central government.
"If this is not done elections in the Terai are not possible," Yadav told Reuters. "The government does not want to resolve the problem and it wants to continue to suppress the Madheshi people."
Nepal is due to vote for a constituent assembly on April 10. The assembly is expected to prepare a new constitution, make laws and formally declare an end to nearly 240-year-old monarchy.
Since the Maoist rebellion ended in 2006, more than two dozen rebel groups have begun a low-intensity insurgency in the Terai.
Analysts say the government must act quickly and engage the Madheshis before the situation slips out of control. But Yadav ruled out an early meeting.
"Protesters are being shot and killed," he said. "How can we hold talks in this atmosphere?"
On Sunday, police shot at Madheshi protesters in the southwestern town of Nepalgunj as the crowd pelted them with stones.
Police said one demonstrator was killed and dozens of others were injured, the first fatal incident since an indefinite Madheshi strike began last week.
Schools, shops and factories have been forced to close, while oil supplies have been disrupted.

Source: Reuters India, February 18, 2008

Nepal’s Green Party not to contest CA election

We are not brave enough to contest the forthcoming election to the constituent assembly as we know we will be dubbed as royalists and thrashed by the cadres of the so-called big seven parties of Nepal, if we venture into the election campaign.
The founder president of the Green Party Nepal, Mr. Kuber Sharma said this at a press conference cum lavish cocktail dinner hosted by the party on Monday.
The Green Party Nepal is the splinter of the Nepali Congress Party formed almost a decade back succumbing to extreme Koirala hegemony in the NC camp. Mr. Sharma himself served the Nepali Congress as a Parliamentarian in the early democratic years. He got elected from his home constituency from Saptari district.
Mr. Sharma however, said that his party was not shying away from the CA election but it was a life saving formula for his party candidates.
"We are not ready to commit a suicide", Sharma further said.
“What difference will it make even if we win the election…in a country where non-elected representatives rein supreme over the others, thus there is no point in forwarding our candidacy for the CA poll?”, he continued.
I am not as brave as Prachanda- the Maoists chairman, to declare myself the first president of the republic of Nepal, Mr. Sharma further said.
Making public the views of his party on the ongoing Terai crisis, Mr. Sharma said the Terai agitation has no future at all.
Few miscreants are enough to make the environment nasty; resorting to peaceful means can however, ensure broader participation of the Madhesis in the State Structure, Mr. Sharma said.
On the issue of possible India links in Nepal’s Terai crisis, Mr. Sharma said that India may not dare to split this country as it might boomerang on it ultimately.
“India itself is primarily a troubled nation; the fresh ethnic cleansing campaign in the state of Maharastra is a proof of that, the voice of dissension coming as it does from the northern states of India are all but a sign that India itself is in sheer trouble”, Mr. Sharma added.
Follows the Press Release issued by the Green Party Nepal on 17 February, 08.
“The old order changed yielding place to new” wrote Alfred Tennyson, the English poet about two hundred years back. Nothing could be truer. Our people too have been — struggling for a change. And a couple of years back came a great change but the politicians who grabbed power could not rise up to the occasion. Their self oriented policies, their unbridled ambition to stay in power sine die, their authoritarian behavior and intense intolerance of the opposition, their naked corruption, their insensitive and inhuman attempts towards the demolition of our national heritages, culture and religion have impelled us — the Green Nepal Party to raise our voices against such behavior and appeal to our aggrieved patriotic sisters and brothers of our country to join us to save our dear motherland from dishonor and destruction. The acute shortage of power, the petroleum products ,even drinking water, skyrocketing prices of daily necessaries, the total absence of law and order, the chukka jams and bandh, the continuous loots, murders, extortions and abduction have not only made life of the common man most unsafe and miserable but turned it into absolute hell. The violent insurgency by the proponents of racialism, federalism amid regionalism has weakened the solid structure of our national unity. In these circumstances no sane Nepali will risk life to go to polling booth to cast the vote. Even before the nominations are filed the big parties are disturbing the election campaign of other parties. Big parties are using their muscle and money power on the one hand and talking about sharing of seats among themselves on the other. For that reason our party is demanding dissolution of interim parliament and Government and to form a neutral Government to conduct free, fair and impartial election. The interim government has not been able to govern. The village and district development committees are not able to carry out development works. The Country is trapped in economic crisis. In view of the increasing risk to the lives of voters and candidates our party will not participate in the election. Despite the absolute imperativeness of elections to the constituent assembly it is impossible to hold the election on 10th April, 2008 in such a chaotic situation. Moreover, the servile behavior of our statesmen has turned our proud nation into a vassal state of our big neighbor in the south and this has got to be corrected at the earliest. As such we all must join hands to change the government. I trust you all will not hesitate to come forward immediately to defend the sanctity and sovereignty of our dear country. Finally we must say that we remain strongly committed to continue our peaceful campaign in favor of Multi-party Democracy, clean politics and clean environment.

Source: Telegraph Nepal, February 17, 2008