The day of the generals

SHYAM K.C. While presenting his party's vision of a new constitution last week, the Maoist party chairman told a Constituent Assembly (CA) committee that his party was for multi-party democracy and that it was committed to generally accepted human rights norms. As if to illustrate the sincerity of their leaders' pledge, Maoist-aligned groups took out demonstrations in different parts of the city to protest against the Supreme Court order regarding the tenure extension of some senior army officers. Similar protests by the Maoists were reported on Thursday in Nepalgunj. (The Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister said that the judiciary and the army stood in the way of “democratisation”, obviously meaning that kangaroo courts and the Maoist-aligned army should replace the existing judiciary and the national army.)
The Maoist protestors must have been incensed by the court's audacity to overrule a decision taken by a government elected by the people. After all, can't a government elected by the people do what it deems fit or proper or right? In most cases, decisions free of corruption and emotional underpinnings will ensure that the rights of the people are safeguarded at all times, and that no government decision infringes on the rights of the citizens, whether such citizens are employed by the government, private firms or corporations.

Did the government break an established precedent when it refused to extend the term of office of six brigadiers?
Not long ago, when a long-term lease on a piece of land owned by Nepal Industrial Development Corporation (NIDC) and used by a five-star hotel as an approach road ran out, NIDC wanted to reclaim possession of the land and close the road. The Supreme Court was moved by aggrieved parties, and the court ruled that the approach road should continue to be used as usual. Did not NIDC that owned the land have any right? Why did the court rule against the legitimate owner of the land? (There is a similar case about a closed path and road to the east of Sundhara. The Employees Provident Fund took possession of the land, and those trying to protect the Sundhara area have yet to move the court to legally open up the closed footpath and road. Surely, if a property used as a road for 25 years can continue to be used as a road, then the path and road used by the common people for over 100 years deserves at least the same treatment, if not more.)
The Supreme Court has had the distinction of upholding the basic rights of the people who have to face the colossal giant called the government. This is true not only in the post-1990 period but also during the panchayat era when the government, probably dissatisfied with the political leanings of some of its employees, had served them notice terminating their service. Some of these notices were upheld, but in many cases where the termination was not in accordance with the prevailing laws, rules, regulations and precedents, the employees had come out victorious against the all-powerful government. If such things can happen during the iron rule of the panchayat era, is there any plausible reason as to why this cannot or should not happen in a liberal democracy led by the most liberal of liberals, the Maoists?
The Maoist-led government has faced a series of reverses at the apex court. A media report said that the court ruled against the government in as many as six different but major cases. This may be due to the fact, as the prime minister admitted while addressing the nation sometime ago, that the Maoists and their coalition partners were not as experienced in governing as some other parties, like the Nepali Congress. But it must not be forgotten that the apex in any country is the last hope of individual citizens against the wilful imposition of the powerful on the weaker sections of the populace.
An individual waging battle against a powerful government is unthinkable, but the apex court in a democratic country makes the unthinkable possible. The court is also the last resort for those in the military who believe that they have been wronged by the military or by the government. The army and police personnel also have individual rights like any of us. The apex court sees to it that the individual, no matter how weak, gets his or her justice and that the government, simply because it is rich (thanks to taxpayers' money) and powerful (thanks to the army and police and other security agencies) cannot do what it wants throwing all accepted democratic norms and practices to the winds.
In a democracy as opposed to monocracy (or even mob rule, if you will), decisions are not taken based on personal likes and dislikes nor out of personal grudges. But there are rulers who do so, and the one place where the victims can be protected against their whimsical decisions is a court of law. Whether true or not, reports have been in the air for some time that the defence minister and the army chief do not see eye to eye on many issues, and that the government decision not to extend the terms of office of six brigadiers stemmed from this decision. But if the government took the decision throwing precedents to the winds and on the basis of personal likes and dislikes of individuals, such a decision certainly made the day for the generals.

Posted on: 2009-03-29 22:53:48

All attention on the Army

Being one of the two primary institutions that founded the Nepali State, the Army bears a moral, historical, and institutional obligation to salvage the faltering state. Now, the question remains: when and with which partnership will the Army act?

Chiran Jung Thapa

Rookmangud Katawal
Once again, the Army has become the centre of attention. First, it was the Chief of Army Staff (COAS) General Rookmangud Katawal's salvo against the integration of the Maoist rebels that caused a stir. Then immediately following his remarks, the Maoists accused the Army of plotting a "democratic coup." And now, the hottest debate underway is about the idea of mobilizing the Army to provide security for the putative Constituent Assembly elections (CA).

It was the COAS' non-accommodative remarks that started the wave. Hinting at the issue of Maoist integration into the Army, General Katawal had strongly opined that no politically indoctrinated individual or group should be inducted into the national army. While the Prime minister and most other political leaders concurred with Katawal's sentiments, the Maoist boss - Pushpa Kamal Dahal aka Prachanda lambasted Gen. Katawal questioning his authority to make such remarks on integration.

But the fussing did not stop there. The Maoist retorted by making an even more sensational allegation. Dahal and his second-in-command - Baburam Bhattarai accused the Army of plotting a "democratic coup." Dahal has even claimed that the foreign powers were hatching a conspiracy to install a military-backed government like in Bangladesh and Pakistan.

Repeatedly, Maoists have proved themselves to have mastered the art of crying wolf. But, some reckon that their allegation could possibly hold some semblance of merit this time around.

The element that has provided some weight to the Maoist allegation is the induction of Sujata Koirala (the daughter of the Prime minister) into the cabinet. Ms Koirala was recently appointed as a minister without portfolio. Given her ailing father's dwindling abilities, many reckon that she is taking charge of his portfolios - which happens to include defence. And it is said that her relationship with the Army top brass has warmed up quite a bit in recent times. Apparently, she was also in Delhi at the same time when Gen. Katawal was there. These turn of events added weight to the Maoists’ claim that her lucid preference for constitutional monarchy has resonated well with the Army top brass and a “democratic coup” is in the offing.

But even before the dust settled, Army was again dragged into the limelight. This time, it was about mobilizing the Army to provide security for the putative elections. Although the Army has remained tight-lipped over the issue, all divisional commanders were recently called into Headquarters to discuss the issue. As for the political leaders, they have been voicing their preference to mobilize the Army almost on a daily basis.

The Army has become the primary choice for the security provision because it is still the largest and the strongest security apparatus in the country. At a time when the security situation has deteriorated critically and that the other security apparatuses have become utterly debilitated, Army remains the only robust hope for the purpose.

Army's power
Perhaps the main reason why the Army has received so much attention is because of its undeniable power. A recent report, released by the Brussels based International Crisis Group (ICG), positions the Army as the most powerful institution in Nepal. There is more than a grain of truth in ICG's assessment. With a total strength of six divisions comprising of 95,000 personnel, the Army is certainly the largest and the most powerful public institution.

The Army derives its power not just from the sheer numbers, but also from the public faith in the institution. According to the most recent nationwide survey titled "Nepal's contemporary situation" conducted by Sudhindra Sharma and Pawan Kumar Sen, the Army enjoys the highest public approval rating amongst the primary government institutions (legislative parliament, Cabinet, Civil service, Nepal Police, and Judiciary). Even the NGOs, Civil society, and Human rights activists’ were unable to override Army’s approval ratings.

Another opinion poll conducted by Nepalnews/Nepali Times had yielded similar results. In response to the poll question, "In light of the recent developments what is your opinion of the Nepal Army?”, 79% of the respondents indicated that they held the army in positive light.

The public’s faith on the Army stems mainly from its unfaltering discipline and cohesiveness. Unlike the blatantly brazen violations of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) committed by its signatories, the Army has strictly abided to all its terms and conditions. And the Nepali people have taken notice to this fact. Also, until date, the Army has remained remarkably subservient to the Transitional Governing Authority’s (TGA) authority and staunchly adhered to the constitution. In stark contrast to the fissiparous political parties that have all endured splits at least once in their political history, the Nepal Army has remained intact and very loyal to its chain of command too.

It is also the financial capability that has provided the Army with an additional oomph. Not only does it receive a budget allotment from the government, but it also earns a substantial amount from the UN Peace keeping operations (PKO). As the fifth largest troop contributor, the amount the Nepal Army rakes in from the PKOs is almost equal to the amount it receives from the national budget. One estimate even has it that about thirty percent of the capital circulating in Nepal's financial markets comes from the Army's funds.

But the variable that makes the Army so potent and powerful is undoubtedly its fighting prowess. Despite having fought an onerous insurgency for years, the Army still appears indefatigable. Although some have denigrated the Army for its inability to crush the insurgency, others have credited the institution for preventing a complete military takeover by the rebels. Many political pundits also believe that it was primarily the Army’s unyielding resilience that compelled the rebels to shift their strategic gears and opt for the Delhi compromise.

In the transitional period, analysts reckon that the Army has actually increased its potency. Pointedly, the number of personnel in the Army stands at its peak. Training has been made more frequent and more rigorous. It is even believed that it has greatly strengthened the capability of its special forces which comprises of one airborne battalion and one Ranger battalion.

Even more tellingly, the previously throttled supply of military hardware has resumed. The COAS' recent trips to India and China are believed to have revitalized the military ties. Presumably, COAS’ trips have opened more doors for military hardware procurements. Some Nepali news agencies have even reported sightings of two US Air Force C17 Globemasters, delivering a large consignment arms and ammunition to the Army at Tribhuvan International Airport. In sum, what makes the Army irrefutably powerful is a combination of pubic faith, financial capability and its fighting prowess.

Army's impending role
Today, most eyes rest on the impending role of the Army. Will the Army take the risk of absorbing the rebels? Will it completely severe its conjugal ties with the institution that is attributed for its naissance? Will it be mobilized to provide security for the putative elections? And more importantly, what would happen if it tilted in favour of one political force?

It remains to be seen as to how the Army’s role will play out. But, one thing is unmistakably certain: the Army is greatly perturbed by the rising insecurity and especially alarmed by the eroding state sovereignty. As it considers itself ordained with the task of safeguarding national sovereignty and territorial integrity, it is easily discernable why the downward spiral trend has been unsettling.

But more importantly, it has seemingly sensed its inevitable role. It has detected that the burden of cleaning up the political slag will once again be heaped on its shoulders. Either by being mobilized to provide security for the elections or deployed against the anti-establishment elements, it foresees itself springing into action sooner or later.

The Army, however, faces another formidable task as well. For the Army, more challenging than defusing the stray UXOs (unexploded ordinances) and IEDs (improvised explosive devices), will be the task of striking a balance between its historical institutional values and forces of modernity. Since other political forces have harped about the institution's conjugal relationship with the Monarchy, it has had to repeatedly counter these jaundiced outlooks. But by conforming to the universal norms like human rights, democratization and operating under a civilian authority, it is increasingly dispelling most doubts.

At a time when pervasive threats are undermining the existence of the State, however, many believe that it would be foolhardy for the Army to overlook the significance of its entrenched historical values and ties.

Being one of the two primary institutions that founded the Nepali State, the Army bears a moral, historical, and institutional obligation to salvage the faltering state. Now, the question remains: when and with which partnership will the Army act?

Source: Nepalnews, February 25, 2008

Unstable Nepal poses security threat to India

Centre feels feuding parties in the Himalayan kingdom will precipitate crisis along border

Seema Guha

NEW DELHI: India has officially welcomed Nepal’s decision to hold national elections by April next year, but privately there is serious concern that the Himalayan kingdom’s feuding political parties may not be able to sustain the current arrangement leading to a fresh crisis in its vulnerable eastern border.
Nepal has been a constant cause for worry for India’s policy planners ever since the strain within the political parties surfaced earlier this year. New Delhi realises that an unstable Kathmandu is a major security concern for this country which shares a long and unguarded border with Nepal.

Apart from security, India is not happy with the growing presence of the United Nations in the region and wants the international agency to wind up its mission as soon as possible. Prime Minister GP Koirala has for the moment been able to cobble together a 23-point agreement among the seven warring political parties. In the process, he had to give in to the Maoist demand for the abolition of monarchy by the parliament.
The prime minister and his party had wanted to play by the book and had plans to bring in constitutional changes only after fresh election gave a democratic mandate to Parliament. But the Maoists had walked out of the government and refused to yield ground, leading to the prime minister finally caving in to the Maoists.

Source: DNA, December 26, 2007

PLA and NA Question Of Integration

Shyam Bhandari

Addressing the seventh anniversary of the armed wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the People's Liberation Army (PLA), in Chitwan recently, Maoist Chairman Prachanda is reported to have ruled out any possibility of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections unless the peace process moved ahead properly. Nothing new! The Maoists have made the CA polls a bargaining chip before, and it seems they will go on making it just until their hidden agenda is met.

For now, the Maoists do not seem to be quite keen to set a new deadline for the CA polls in a hurry. Their insistence on the government first agreeing to adopt the proportional representation system of election and abolition of monarchy outright have come in the way of the elections being scheduled the last time around. Going by Prachanda's declaration in Chitwan, it's anyone's guess that new thorns are sprouting even if the existing ones get cleared somehow.

New thorns

There is every indication that the Maoists will come up with a new set of demands if the present ones are met. Needless to say, their oft-repeated allusion to the integration of the PLA with the Nepal Army (NA) is the new thorn that is emerging in the paths of the ever-elusive CA polls. As far as the Maoists are concerned, it is commendable that a force that was married to bloodshed has come as far as it has in its new role as a peaceful, though not overtly genuine, participant of a political process. However, neither the Government of Nepal nor the Maoists have been fully implementing the commitments they inked in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of last year.

In fact, they have turned each other's shortcomings in fulfilling the commitments into a post-conflict conflict. While the government harbours an overabundance of tacit bitterness against the Maoists for not reining in its various organs, including the YCL (Young Communist League), that are involved in making the law and order situation go haywire, the Maoists have been more vocal in their accusations. They have been availing of every possible opportunity to point accusing fingers at the government for ignoring the promises made to them. Prominent among the accusations is that of the government's apathy towards its fighters enclosed in the cantonments under the watchful eye of UNMIN. The Maoists want their fighters to be integrated into the NA with the greatest urgency. Time and again, Prachanda has underlined that the integration process was delayed due to the government's indifference and the lack of interest over the issue among the concerned parties. He has been insisting on settling the PLA issue before continuing on the journey towards the CA polls.

Why is Prachanda so keen on doing this? Is this more important than the mammoth task of writing a new constitution, more important than rewriting the very politico socio-economic foundation of a New Nepal? From the Maoist perspectives, yes! Prachanda has every reason to be wary of the PLA fallout in the event of his party not meeting what they were promised during the hard days of the 'war' or during 'recruitment' - whichever may be applicable. It is an open truth that his party recruited every possible Tom, Dick and Harry with inflated promises both during the years of active conflict and post-CPA. The result - 33,000 armed and trained indoctrinates who are constantly itching for action - is certain to weigh down on his back. It is becoming more and more evident that the real issue behind the Maoists' refusal to wake and shake themselves up for the remaining leg of the journey in the peace process is the reintegration of their fighters more than the issue of Monarchy or the representation system. That the Maoist chairman is hell bent on fulfilling the promises he made to his cadres is evident from his stance. What about the promises he and the other signatories and participants of the CPA, and later the government, made to the remaining people? These self-proclaimed people's leaders seem to have their own definition of 'people'.

Just as his party cadres are the only people in the eyes of the Maoist supremo, so it is for Girijababu, MaKuNe (Madahv Kumar Nepal) and others. What happens to the large chunk of the population that is sidelined when each of the leaders works to milk the most out of the public coffers for the benefit of a chosen few? When will these narrow-minded leaders learn to work for the benefit of the people and the nation as a whole?

Question of integration

As far as Prachanda's proclivity for the integration of his army with the NA goes, it doesn't look viable both from the military as well as the general perspective. You can't expect two forces that faced each other in the killing fields not long ago to share the same bed and breakfast, especially with both armed to the teeth. Moreover, the Maoists were themselves trumpeting, and correctly so, until a year ago saying that Nepal doesn't need an army as large as it presently maintains. How come they suddenly seem comfortable with adding another 30,000 to that already oversized lot? But then there is still the question of how we can demobilise and reintegrate the ex-combatants from the Maoist camp. There is a middle path that can both reintegrate the Maoist PLA while downsizing the NA.

What we can do is create an unarmed reconstruction and development force by incorporating the Maoists and a sizeable chunk of the NA into a Public Works Department (PWD). The work this department can do will include building roads and bridges, schools, community hospitals and other projects. It could also be mobilised for relief work during emergencies and natural disasters. The government can pay them at par with the NA soldiers, while saving a huge sum on arms and ammunition that it would need to buy for them otherwise. This would also serve as a purgatory for the Maoists that so unfeelingly destroyed the infrastructure of this country during their people's war. It would be a win-win for Prachanda for he could tell his fighters that he kept his word, while the rest of us could do with a long speech on how he trimmed the NA for the benefit of a New Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 13, 2007

Blasts In Capital : Crime Against Humanity

Yuba Nath Lamsal

The series of bomb blasts targeting public places in Kathmandu on Sunday was nothing but a barbarous act and a crime against humanity. The terrorist acts that killed two innocent civilians, including a schoolgirl, and injured over two dozen people must be condemned by all.Terrorism is the modus operandi of criminals. It can never be a means of achieving a political goal. Nowhere in the world has terrorism succeeded in achieving the political goals. World history has shown that those who resorted to terrorism and violence finally denounced such activities and joined peaceful political methods to achieve their political objectives. Those who failed to do so have been eliminated. Under no circumstance can terrorist acts be accepted as a political activity. This crime against humanity, thus, must be dealt with severely in accordance with the law of the land.

Terror

In terms of security, it is an act of terrorising the people, destabilising the nation and threatening national integrity. Politically, it is a ploy to disrupt and sabotage the ongoing peace and political process. Although the force behind this heinous crime would be disclosed in due course after a thorough investigation, one can easily point a finger at those elements that are against the political process in the country.

Nepal is now in the process of holding the constituent assembly election that will write a new constitution. It is an exercise through which the people would be involved in the constitution making process as their elected representatives would write the country's fundamental law. This is the process that Nepal is experiencing for the first time in its history. There had been demands in the past as well for an election to a Constituent Assembly to write the country's constitution. But these efforts were aborted time and again, and the Nepalese people were deprived of their right to make their own constitution. Instead, the king or people in power imposed the constitutions in the past, which was neither democratic nor in the interest of the people.As the new and democratic process of writing the constitution through the people's elected representatives has already started, some elements that would lose their privileges are active in sabotaging this process. Thus, the recent bomb blasts in the capital and some criminal activities in the name of political slogans must be viewed and analysed from that perspective. Against this background, the recent remarks of Maoist chairman Prachanda need to be analysed more seriously. According to Prachanda, elections to the Constituent Assembly cannot be held under the existing situation. He, however, came under heavy criticism from various quarters for his remarks. His main concern was about the present security situation. Moreover, there are elements that do not want the Constituent Assembly election. These elements want to thrive on chaos and anarchy. If the Constituent Assembly election is to held and the present political process to complete its course, they are sure to lose their privileges. These elements need to be watched so that such sinister activities do not repeat.

The fundamental duty of the government is to maintain law and order and protect the lives and property of the people. However, the law and order situation in the country is not satisfactory. This is because of the political transition. The situation always remains unstable and uncertain during the political transition. But terrorism is an act that cannot be totally eliminated through the efforts of the government alone. Terrorism is the enemy of civilisation and civic culture. Thus, there must be collective and united efforts from all sectors, including the political parties, civil society and the general people, to counter and combat terrorism in a more effective way. The election to the Constituent Assembly is a must to create a new Nepal in which all people have equal share and opportunity in all sectors. Once the political process completes its course through the Constituent Assembly election and writing a new constitution, most of the pending problems including ethnic, religious, political, linguistic issues and matters pertaining to governance would be resolved. It would also solve the issue relating the state structure as all the political forces have already agreed to go for a federal structure. It has also been agreed that the first meeting of the constituent assembly would decide the issue of monarchy. Given the present scenario prevailing in the country, it is certain that the monarchy would go and Nepal would be a republic.But some political forces and individuals, including the Maoist leaders, have been demanding for the immediate abolition of monarchy and declaration of a republic. Their logic is that the monarchy and the Constituent Assembly cannot go together, and one must be compromised for the sake of the other. According to them, the Constituent Assembly would definitely abolish the monarchy, and it would be natural for the monarchist forces to do their best to stall the process of the Constituent Assembly election.

From this perspective, Maoist Chairman Prachanda has demanded the immediate declaration of Nepal as a republic as the Constituent Assembly election cannot be held under the monarchy. There is a strong rationale in the logic. However, they must have thought about it when the 12-point agreement was reached between the seven-party government and the Maoists on the fate of the monarchy. Meanwhile, the investigation process must be intensified, and the culprit of the blasts must be disclosed as soon as possible. The individuals found responsible behind this crime must be punished severely. Some have pointed a finger at the Palace for this incident. Without concrete evidence, none should be blamed. If investigations find the monarchy's hands behind these incidents, it should be immediately abolished as there is a provision in the interim constitution that the monarchy can be scrapped by a two-third majority of parliamentarians.

Twin responsibilities

It is a national crisis. In such a time of national crisis, the political forces and all citizens must demonstrate a strong sense of unity and patriotism. Both internal reactionaries and external fundamentalists are out to destabilise and push the nation backward. Now we are at a crucial juncture in history. We have now twin responsibilities. One is to keep the nation intact by safeguarding national sovereignty and territorial integrity and the other successfully completing the ongoing political process through the Constituent Assembly election.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 6, 2007

Nepal Army : Contributions To UN Peacekeeping

Hira Bahadur Thapa

UN Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs) date back to the 1950s. It is an innovation of the United Nations to secure peace in conflict-ridden parts of the world. In the beginning, such PKOs were established with limited mandates. The peacekeepers then were asked to help keep peace agreements intact by preventing the parties to the conflict from violating them. Therefore, blue helmeted soldiers then were deployed to achieve the sole objective of securing peace agreements, and in that sense, their participation in the PKOs was not that vulnerable.

Transformation

The premier UN Peacekeeping Mission is the United Nations Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO) based in the Middle East. This mission was set up to secure peace in the Middle East following the Arab-Israeli war. Three Nepal Army personnel are serving with the UNTSO. This is also the mission in which Nepal Army observers had, at the UN's request, provided their services for the first time in its history of UN peacekeeping. Given the growing complexity in international affairs and changing scenario in various troubled regions of the globe, the UN's deployment of peacekeepers had to undergo a major transformation. This change has occurred both in the diversity of nationalities to which the UN peacekeepers belong and the responsibilities they are asked to shoulder. Today's peacekeepers are not confined to keep peace by helping to maintain the Peace Agreements. Additionally, they are now deployed to undertake a number of other activities like organising and observing elections, training the security forces on human rights and even taking charge of an interim administration. The UN makes every effort to ensure that its peacekeepers do not infringe upon the human rights of the people they are supposed to protect. The UN is currently involved in monitoring the ongoing peace process and observing the Constituent Assembly elections in Nepal. Following the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the Government of Nepal and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), a UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) has been deployed. Its fundamental role here is to monitor the armies of both the Government and the Maoists along with their arms. There are cantonments in various parts of Nepal where members of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) of the CPN-M are kept with their arms.

As Nepal is heading towards restructuring the country through the Constituent Assembly elections, the role of UNMIN is crucial in making the current peace process a success. It is interesting to note that Nepal has been hosting UNMIN as per the requirements of the country although it is now the fourth largest troop and police contributor in the world to the UNPKOs. At present, Nepal has sent 3,670 personnel from the Nepal Army, Nepal Police and Armed Police Force to various UNPKOs. They are now serving with various missions like United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), UN Organisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) and United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) I & II, among others. Of these, the largest contingent from the Nepal Army is deployed with UNIFIL where 859 personnel serve with that mission alone. This is the mission where Nepal has sent its peacekeepers since it started in 1978. With a very short interruption in the 1980s, Nepal has been providing its Army personnel to Lebanon on a continuous basis. This proves that Nepal's participation in UNIFIL is highly acclaimed.Continued participation of Nepal in UN Peacekeeping notwithstanding, the Nepal Army is facing tough competition mostly from its South Asian counterparts. The largest army and police contributors to the UNPKOs are from our region. Moreover, Nepal has its own painful history of an armed insurgency that has sometimes dragged our professional army into controversy as a few human rights organisations have been found criticising it. At some juncture when the country was in the midst of the internal conflict, a few human rights activists even lobbied against Nepal's participation in the UNPKOs. Due to persevering efforts of the government to counter the logic of the activists, the embarrassing situation of non-deployment of Nepali security personnel in the UN Peacekeeping Operations has not occurred as yet.

We need to be very alert in ensuring that such campaigning against Nepal's interests does not gain momentum. For this, the Nepal Army has to be cautious as well as responsive to accusations relating to its human rights records. Interestingly, people from Amnesty International were capitalising on the opportunity when our Chief of the Army Staff was having an interaction in London recently at the International Institute for Strategic Studies. They had questioned him about the progress made in the investigations concerning the death of Maina Sunuwar and the Doramba incident in which 18 unarmed Maoists were killed. There is no doubt that Louise Arbour, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, had raised these issues very seriously during her last visit to Nepal. The Nepal Army has a crucial role to play in reassuring the international community about its current efforts to bring about convincing results of the said investigations, which have attracted significant attention internationally.The Nepal Army has pledged time and again that it will abide by the instructions of the civilian government. It has also given assurances that it will be very sensitive to upholding the human rights commitments made by the Nepal Government. It might be worth mentioning the remarks made by the prime minister, who also is the defense minister, in a message to the participants of the Nepal Army Officers' Cadet Training held at Kharipati a few days earlier. In his message, he emphasised that the Nepal Army should uphold democratic norms and values while accommodating the popular opinion of the Nepali people in the changed context.

Gender

Against the background of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which envisages the integration of the PLA of the Maoists with the Nepal Army, the country has to be seriously involved in the preparations for achieving this goal. Once the democratic transition in Nepal comes to its logical end, with the completion of Security Sector Reform, there is no reason why Nepal cannot one day send even a female battalion at the call of the UN, especially now that it has been putting emphasis on gender equality in its peacekeeping operations for long.