Maoists to quit govt by Monday if there is no agreement: Prachanda tells PM

KATHMANDU, Sept 15 - Maoist chairman Prachanda informed him that they have decided to quit the government by Monday if there is no agreement on the 22-point “pre-requisites” floated by the Maoists for the Constituent Assembly elections soon.
Prachanda flanked by his second-in-command Dr Baburam Bhattarai had gone to meet Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala Koirala at the latter’s official residence at Baluwatar Saturday morning.
“The Prime Minister told the Maoist leadership that this is not the time to quit the government,” Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula told reporters after the meeting. “The Prime Minister also said that the eight-party unity must be further strengthened.”
The Prime Minister also said that the unity between the eight parties must be maintained for the next 8 to 10 years.
However, Prachanda insisted that they will quit the government if there is no agreement on their demands including declaration of a republic ahead of the Constituent Assembly elections, then they will hold a mass assembly in the capital in two days to announce Maoist withdrawal from the government.
The Maoists plan to hold mass assemblies in different parts of the country to declare their upcoming strategies in the next couple of days.
The Maoist leaders are due to meet CPN-UML General Secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal this afternoon to discuss their demands.
Only yesterday, Communications Minister Krishna Bahadur Mahara had disclosed that the Maoists have already issued an ultimatum to Prime Minister Koirala to quit the government within the next few days if their demands were not fulfilled soon.
“We, all four Maoist ministers in the government, have issued an ultimatum to the Prime Minister to draw serious attention of the government to our issues related to 22 point (demands),” said Mahara, who leads the Maoists in the government. “We told him that if these issues do not become the agenda in the cabinet than we won’t have any other choice than to quit the government.”
When asked when they plan to quit the government, Mahara said that if the Prime Minister keeps on turning a deaf ear to their demand than they will be forced to quit the government by the end of the Nepali month of Bhadra (September 17). Earlier yesterday, Prachanda had said that efforts were on to take the other seven parties on board on “pre-requisites” for the elections.
At the same time, he had added that they would be compelled to take to the street if the consensus does not materialize.
The major factions of the ruling alliance such as Prime Minister Koirala-led Nepali Congress and CPN-UML have criticized the Maoists for trying to impede the November 22 elections by setting pre-conditions.
All other parties inside as well outside the parliament have already geared up for the elections.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, September 15, 2007

Republican Agenda : Gaining Ground After NC's Decision

Yuba Nath Lamsal

THE Nepali Congress recently made a historic decision to go for a federal democratic republic departing from its traditional standpoint. This decision, if endorsed by the party's General Council which is to be convened soon, would have a far-reaching impact on the national politics of Nepal.Traditional policyIt is a clear departure from the traditional policy of the Nepali Congress, as it had been advocating the constitutional monarchy right from its inception. The recent decision to adopt the republican set up must have been made keeping in view the people's mood and changed national political context. When the Nepali Congress was born, its sole objective was to establish a multi-party democracy in Nepal by overthrowing the family autocracy of the Ranas. The issue of monarchy did not figure during that time as the monarchy had no role in Nepal's politics and state affairs. When the Nepali Congress-led movement was picking up in 1950, the then king, for several reasons, virtually abdicated the throne and took political asylum in India. This gave a moral boost to the Nepali Congress and other forces that had been struggling against the Rana rule. The Nepali Congress then took the king as an ally and restored the monarchy after the political change in 1951. The Nepali Congress was a revolutionary party when it was born. During that time, several leaders of the Nepali Congress, including B. P. Koirala, were for a republican Nepal. His philosophy of democratic socialism in the beginning had no place for monarchy. Socialism is a system in which the monarchy does not exist. Thus, the very principle B. P. Koirala opted for Nepal cannot support the monarchy.

Democratic socialism is a political system in which the people should be sovereign. Hereditary rule like the monarchy is not compatible with a democratic socialist polity. But BP later came to champion multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy as the two pillars for Nepal. This was because BP could not face the mounting pressure from the then Indian rulers, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, who wanted the King to be restored and have a say in Nepal's politics. The then Indian Prime Minister supported the monarchy because India thought that a king could be a force to serve Indian interests in Nepal. Moreover, King Tribhuvan had assured that once restored, he would act in accordance with the advice of India. Indian pressure can be understood against the background of its souring relationship with communist China that has a long border with Nepal. This was part of an Indian strategy to counter Chinese influence in Nepal. At the same time, BP thought that the king would be co-operative to the democratic process in Nepal, which King Tribhuvan had pledged at the time of the tripartite Delhi Agreement. More than that, the main reason why BP supported constitutional monarchy was the national and international political scenario during that time. It was a time when the communist and socialist movement was surging in the international arena. The Soviet Union was expanding its socialist empire and China had emerged as a new communist nation. A revolutionary zeal and wave had swept the world at that time. The emergence of China as a strong communist nation was a matter of great concern and worry for Indian rulers and the Nepali Congress.Some young revolutionaries had already established a communist party in Nepal that had championed a republican set up and a radical change in Nepal. The establishment of the communist party in Nepal and its rising influence were perceived as a threat to the Nepali Congress and other traditional forces in Nepal, including the monarchy. BP thought that the possible communist influence in Nepal could be checked only if the anti-communist forces were united.

There was a tacit agreement among the traditional forces of Nepal and also with the Indian rulers to co-operate against the communist influence. Thus, the Nepali Congress adopted the policy of constitutional monarchy while the other forces, including the royalists, were supportive of the Nepali Congress. The merger of the Gorkha Dal, which had earlier been die hard anti-Congress, with the Nepali Congress can also be viewed against this background. BP remained a supporter of the monarchy throughout his life, and he did so because he thought that communist influence could be checked only through the unity of the Nepali Congress and the monarchical forces. However, the situation changed in the '70s. Although the relationship between India and China was still not good, the strategic partnership between India and the socialist Soviet Union had an impact on Nepal's politics as well. As India aligned more with the Soviet Union, BP was a little critical of the then Indian establishment on its hobnobbing with the communist bloc, especially on issues like Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Vietnam's role in Cambodia. India under Indira Gandhi's rule had supported the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Cambodia. It was BP's differences with the Indian establishment, particularly with the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, that forced him to return to Nepal from India, with the policy of national reconciliation. Today the situation has changed both in Nepal and in the international arena. The situation prevalent during BP's time no longer exists now. The international communist movement, which was vibrant and surging until the late '80s, is in a defensive situation. The western capitalist states no longer perceive communism as a serious threat now. Although the communist influence is very strong in Nepal, the leftist movement is sharply divided with more than a dozen communist parties in existence. The CPN-UML and CPN-Maoists are the two big communist parties. But these parties are vying among themselves, and the Nepali Congress has reaped benefits from this situation. The Nepali Congress is leading the eight-party coalition government, and Girija Prasad Koirala remains the unchallenged leader of all the constituents of the eight-party government. But this situation did not exist during BP's time, and he never was accepted as a leader of all the political forces of Nepal. It is this reason why BP aligned with the monarchist force.Now the Nepali Congress is in a favourable situation. It no longer needs the support of the monarchist forces. Moreover, aligning with the royalists would be disadvantageous for any political force as the monarchy is in its lowest ebb of popularity. The decision of the Nepali Congress has been guided by this situation and popular sentiment.

Popular sentiment

Although the final decision would be taken only after the party's general council, the Nepali Congress needs to pursue the republican course more vibrantly in line with the popular sentiment and aspiration. As the Nepali Congress is leading the eight-party coalition government, it should also lead the republican front in the upcoming Constituent Assembly election.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007

CA Poll Campaign : Hectic Pace Missing

Prem N. Kakkar

THE environment for the Constituent Assembly election ought to have heated up with only 68 days remaining for the all-important occasion. But looking at the political scenario, everything seems to be in the shadows. This is something disconcerting for the ordinary people who are eagerly waiting for the day when they will be able to exercise this right for the first time in the history of the country.

Maoist agenda

It is true that the demand for the declaration of a republic is to be made by the Constituent Assembly, but there has been a great deal of dilly dallying, with the political parties not doing the needful in this regard. The Maoists have come up with their 22-point programme and a resolution to start a movement from the streets. This came all of a sudden after their meeting some time back. They may have their own reasons for taking this decision, and the other coalition partners are looking at it with keen interest. How the Maoists will go ahead with their movement and the fulfilment of the 22-point programme is yet to be seen. It seems that the political climate is in a flux.The eight parties in the recent days once again are showing more differences than agreements. This is rather unfortunate as the CA polls are just round the corner. This is the time to exhibit greater unity to foil any attempts by regressive elements. Prime Minister Koirala also has gone on record to say that a "game" is being plotted against national unity and sovereignty. He, however, did not name any particular element.This is the time when all such elements must be brought to light and action taken against them. These are the same elements that do not want to see the interest of the people and the country but are after their vested interest only.

In this connection, it is heartening to note that a number of agreements have been made with some agitating groups, but there is still a long way to go. The foremost task is for the government to implement the agreements, and at the same time hold further talks with the other disgruntled groups.It is the political mainstream that all must join to keep intact national unity and sovereignty. However, there will always be elements that want to work against the welfare of the people. This is where extra alertness and vigilance of the people and the political parties are needed.In this connection, the decision of the Nepali Congress to go for a federal democratic republic is also making headlines though it has to be officially approved by the NC General Council which is slated to meet in 10 days' time. The shift in the standpoint is the necessity of the time. Meanwhile, the unification of the NC and NC (D) is also on the verge of being finalised. These developments show the NC's commitment to holding the CA polls on the stated date. Meanwhile, it has been reported that the Maoists might want to postpone the CA polls for a later date. How far there is truth in this will be ascertained soon.

At the same time, the Maoists are organising a roundtable meeting. Instead, they should have gone for forging greater unity among the eight parties. That is the need of the hour. There are many who say that the eight parties ought to have a united stand while going to the CA election. But rather confusing hints are coming at the moment. This means that the parties have not set out on their poll campaign to the villages and the districts. That shows some sort of indifference. Whatever that may be, the parties must make their stance clear without mincing words. Moreover, the Maoists must clarify what they mean when they say they are going for a movement to create a conducive environment for the CA polls.

Poll campaign

Meanwhile, the Election Commission is going forward in organising orientation programmes for the election officers in various parts of the country. It is doing a commendable job. Now it is for the political parties to follow suit by actively taking part in the poll campaign.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007

CA Election : Crisis Of Confidence Is The Obstacle

Vijaya Chalise

The Nepal Communist Party - Maoist (NCP-Maoist) is organising a round table conference to discuss ways of making the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls meaningful। The Maoist party in its 22-point demand had asked the government to organise a round table conference to decide on the issue of declaring a republican state and holding the CA election using the proportionate system. The Maoist leaders think the right conditions for the CA polls cannot be created by ignoring their demands.

Ultimatum

The party had formally given an ultimatum to the government, threatening to leave the interim government and launch a massive people's movement if their demands are not met by mid-September. Senior Maoist leader C. P. Gajurel claims that the CA election would not mean much and would fail to yield the desired results unless their 22-point demands, including announcement of a republic before the polls, is not met. He says their demands would help to build an atmosphere for the election. Obviously, the Maoist claim cannot be ignored as some incidents clearly indicate trouble by the feudal forces that do not want the CA election.The Maoist's ultimatum and the other political parties' hesitancy in preparing for the election have shed doubt as to whether the election would be held on the declared date. The Election Commission (EC) alone seems prepared for the polls. It has urged the political parties to get into the spirit of the elections. However, apart from the Nepal Communist Party (United Marxist-Leninist), many of the major political parties are not enthusiastic about electoral contribution. As a result, the people and, perhaps, the authorities concerned, are not fully convinced that the polls will take place on November 22. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala time and again has been reiterating his commitment to holding the elections on schedule; however, his own party has not given the impression that it is prepared for the election as its priority, i.e., party unification, is yet to be fulfilled. The Nepali Congress - Democratic (NC-D) is also giving priority to unification. Besides, the Mahasamiti of the Nepali Congress has yet to endorse the party's decision of going for a federal democratic republic.

Then again, the Nepal Communist Party - Maoist's threat of a mass movement has also created uncertainty about the CA polls. The Maoists have given the government until September 17 to address their demands. These are the issues that must be discussed and sorted out by the eight-party coalition. Obviously, the Maoists, who claim that the CA is their agenda, should not, and would not, turn their back on the polls. Since they have expressed their commitment by signing the peace accord, one can hope that they will not be missing form the election. But the seven-party leadership, too, should urgently turn their attention to the 22-point pressing demands and discuss them by calling a meeting of the eight-party leadership. Obviously, the CA is a platform to address all kinds of problems as said by Prime Minister Koirala. However, if there is a possibility of using this platform by unwanted forces, it will be wise to bar that possibility. The Maoists reasonably think that if the CA election is held without declaring Nepal a republic, there is a danger of using it by those regressive forces. Maoist Party Chairman Prachanda says that an election conducted without fulfilling the prerequisites will only make the regressive forces more powerful. Their doubts are backed by the incidents in the Terai and a series of explosions in Kathmandu.

An alliance led by Hindu fundamentalists to contest the CA election with the common goal of safeguarding monarchy and reverting Nepal to a Hindu state seems to back the Maoist thinking. News reports affirm that at least 19 small and newly registered parties have formed a "Nepal Democratic Alliance" that will jointly contest the CA election. News reports say several other parties, which are not in the alliance, are also going to the polls with a pro-Hindu and monarchist agenda. This shows that polarisation is inevitable between secular Republicans and Hindu monarchists. In this context, those parties favouring the people's aspirations of a new republican Nepal, obviously, should think of the Maoist's proposal seriously. Either the eight parties must go to the poll with a common commitment to a federal republic or fulfil the Maoist's demand of declaring Nepal a republican state prior to the CA elections. It is not impossible now as the Nepali Congress has decided to go for a democratic republic. Even some parties considered close to the monarchy will be pressured to go for a democratic republic because it will be almost impossible for them to go to the people in support of a ceremonial or constitutional monarchy. The present state of confusion as to whether the CA election would be held on November 22 should be ended as soon as possible as the nation has formally entered into the election process. No doubt, the country will have to face dangerous consequences should the CA election fail to be held on November 22 or if the Maoists are forced to leave the government to join an agitation. Therefore, frequent meetings are needed to build up the election mood in the country and address the agitators' demands, including those of the Maoists, to remove obstacles to the elections.

Consultations and discussions are urgently required to realise the prime minister's election commitment. Because he is a responsible leader of the government as well as the eight-party alliance, he himself should take the initiative to build an environment for regular meetings and consultations. Unfortunately, an eight-party meeting has not been called yet. Without the eight parties meeting, the issues raised by the Maoists and other agitating groups cannot be discussed, and differences between the major political parties cannot be settled. People want strong eight-party unity to fulfil their aspirations of building a new Nepal where all citizens will exercise equal rights and opportunities, and will be able to build a peaceful and prosperous Nepal. Conversely, the political parties and their leaders are ignoring the broader national interests and people's aspiration, remaining a prisoner of individual and narrow party interests.

Instability

All should honour the people by going to the polls, keeping the eight-party unity. Perceptibly, if the Maoists leave the government and are forced to go on an agitation, the country would have to face serious consequences. It could invite instability that will only help the regressive forces. Therefore, leaders of all the responsible parties should give proper attention to building confidence among them through frequent meetings and consultations.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007