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Saturday 15 September 2007

Republican Agenda : Gaining Ground After NC's Decision

Yuba Nath Lamsal
THE Nepali Congress recently made a historic decision to go for a federal democratic republic departing from its traditional standpoint. This decision, if endorsed by the party's General Council which is to be convened soon, would have a far-reaching impact on the national politics of Nepal.Traditional policyIt is a clear departure from the traditional policy of the Nepali Congress, as it had been advocating the constitutional monarchy right from its inception. The recent decision to adopt the republican set up must have been made keeping in view the people's mood and changed national political context. When the Nepali Congress was born, its sole objective was to establish a multi-party democracy in Nepal by overthrowing the family autocracy of the Ranas. The issue of monarchy did not figure during that time as the monarchy had no role in Nepal's politics and state affairs. When the Nepali Congress-led movement was picking up in 1950, the then king, for several reasons, virtually abdicated the throne and took political asylum in India. This gave a moral boost to the Nepali Congress and other forces that had been struggling against the Rana rule. The Nepali Congress then took the king as an ally and restored the monarchy after the political change in 1951. The Nepali Congress was a revolutionary party when it was born. During that time, several leaders of the Nepali Congress, including B. P. Koirala, were for a republican Nepal. His philosophy of democratic socialism in the beginning had no place for monarchy. Socialism is a system in which the monarchy does not exist. Thus, the very principle B. P. Koirala opted for Nepal cannot support the monarchy.
Democratic socialism is a political system in which the people should be sovereign. Hereditary rule like the monarchy is not compatible with a democratic socialist polity. But BP later came to champion multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy as the two pillars for Nepal. This was because BP could not face the mounting pressure from the then Indian rulers, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, who wanted the King to be restored and have a say in Nepal's politics. The then Indian Prime Minister supported the monarchy because India thought that a king could be a force to serve Indian interests in Nepal. Moreover, King Tribhuvan had assured that once restored, he would act in accordance with the advice of India. Indian pressure can be understood against the background of its souring relationship with communist China that has a long border with Nepal. This was part of an Indian strategy to counter Chinese influence in Nepal. At the same time, BP thought that the king would be co-operative to the democratic process in Nepal, which King Tribhuvan had pledged at the time of the tripartite Delhi Agreement. More than that, the main reason why BP supported constitutional monarchy was the national and international political scenario during that time. It was a time when the communist and socialist movement was surging in the international arena. The Soviet Union was expanding its socialist empire and China had emerged as a new communist nation. A revolutionary zeal and wave had swept the world at that time. The emergence of China as a strong communist nation was a matter of great concern and worry for Indian rulers and the Nepali Congress.Some young revolutionaries had already established a communist party in Nepal that had championed a republican set up and a radical change in Nepal. The establishment of the communist party in Nepal and its rising influence were perceived as a threat to the Nepali Congress and other traditional forces in Nepal, including the monarchy. BP thought that the possible communist influence in Nepal could be checked only if the anti-communist forces were united.
There was a tacit agreement among the traditional forces of Nepal and also with the Indian rulers to co-operate against the communist influence. Thus, the Nepali Congress adopted the policy of constitutional monarchy while the other forces, including the royalists, were supportive of the Nepali Congress. The merger of the Gorkha Dal, which had earlier been die hard anti-Congress, with the Nepali Congress can also be viewed against this background. BP remained a supporter of the monarchy throughout his life, and he did so because he thought that communist influence could be checked only through the unity of the Nepali Congress and the monarchical forces. However, the situation changed in the '70s. Although the relationship between India and China was still not good, the strategic partnership between India and the socialist Soviet Union had an impact on Nepal's politics as well. As India aligned more with the Soviet Union, BP was a little critical of the then Indian establishment on its hobnobbing with the communist bloc, especially on issues like Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Vietnam's role in Cambodia. India under Indira Gandhi's rule had supported the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Cambodia. It was BP's differences with the Indian establishment, particularly with the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, that forced him to return to Nepal from India, with the policy of national reconciliation. Today the situation has changed both in Nepal and in the international arena. The situation prevalent during BP's time no longer exists now. The international communist movement, which was vibrant and surging until the late '80s, is in a defensive situation. The western capitalist states no longer perceive communism as a serious threat now. Although the communist influence is very strong in Nepal, the leftist movement is sharply divided with more than a dozen communist parties in existence. The CPN-UML and CPN-Maoists are the two big communist parties. But these parties are vying among themselves, and the Nepali Congress has reaped benefits from this situation. The Nepali Congress is leading the eight-party coalition government, and Girija Prasad Koirala remains the unchallenged leader of all the constituents of the eight-party government. But this situation did not exist during BP's time, and he never was accepted as a leader of all the political forces of Nepal. It is this reason why BP aligned with the monarchist force.Now the Nepali Congress is in a favourable situation. It no longer needs the support of the monarchist forces. Moreover, aligning with the royalists would be disadvantageous for any political force as the monarchy is in its lowest ebb of popularity. The decision of the Nepali Congress has been guided by this situation and popular sentiment.
Popular sentiment
Although the final decision would be taken only after the party's general council, the Nepali Congress needs to pursue the republican course more vibrantly in line with the popular sentiment and aspiration. As the Nepali Congress is leading the eight-party coalition government, it should also lead the republican front in the upcoming Constituent Assembly election.
Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007

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