PM Koirala tells Maoist top brass to halt YCL activities

KATHMANDU, May 22 - Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala Tuesday reiterated that the already overdue eight-party meeting could not take place until the Maoist wing Young Communist League (YCL) changes its ways. In a meeting with Maoist leadership this morning, the PM said that the YCL's activities were becoming increasingly unruly and maintained that the top level meet could not begin until the league mends its ways. Talking to media persons after the two-hour long meeting with the PM government spokesperson and Maoist Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara said that the PM had urged the Maoists to halt the YCL activities and see through the implementation of the peace accord honestly.

The Maoist side including chairman Prachanda had sought the PM's attention towards the growing confusion in the nation because of the uncertainty surrounding the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls and urged the latter to call an eight party meet immediately. The Maoists also asked the government to immediately release funds as per yesterday's government ratification of Maoist benefits and construction of houses for the combatants. Mahara informed that the meeting had also discussed the second phase of the UN-monitored PLA verification. Besides Prachanda, another top Maoist leader Babu Ram Bhattarai was also present during the meeting.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 22, 2007

Maoists to continue their struggle for republic: Bhattarai

Kathmandu, May 20: Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, the second in command in the Maoist party, on Sunday reiterated the party's demand for declaring Nepal a republic. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will continue its struggle through the streets, the parliament and the government until the country is declared a republic, Bhattarai said while addressing a programme organised by the former inmates of the Nepal Army.The Maoists would not pull an inch back from their demand for a republic, Bhattarai was quoted by Nepalnews as saying.

The ruling coalition of eight-political parties had earlier decided that the Constituent Assembly in its first sitting would decide the fate of the monarchy.Since the Election Commission has expressed its inability to hold Constituent Assembly polls on the scheduled date of June 20, the parties have been undecided on new date for holding the elections.Bhattarai's statement came amid reports that the Maoists were planning a nationwide agitation in protest against the government's failure to implement the agreement reached on the upkeep of People's Liberation Army (PLA) and management of cantonments.

Maoists can resolve Terai problem in two weeks: Prachanda

Kathmandu, May 20: Nepal Maoist chairman Prachanda has said that his party can resolve the problems in the Terai region bordering India within 15 days, blaming the pro-palace and Hindu extremists for the disruptive activities aimed at derailling the Constituent Assembly polls. "If the government gives us the responsibility based on an understanding, that is not a difficult task," Prachanda said, adding that he had already requested the Prime Minister for such a responsibility. Prachanda said that pro-palace and feudal elements and Hindu extremists were engaged in violent and disruptive activities in Terai to derail Constituent Assembly polls.

The Maoist leader also emphasised the need to deal properly with India in order to resolve Terai problem. "The traditional spineless leadership cannot properly secure the nation and people. Without appropriately dealing with New Delhi, Terai problem cannot be resolved. In changed circumstance, one should also be able to present oneself in tough manner," Prachanda said. The top Maoist leader said he will employ both negotiation and retaliation to tackle the unrest in Terai. "We know Goit, Jwala Singh very well. They were with us for four-five years. We know how to tackle them, which the Congress doesn`t know. By understanding their psychology we can do both negotiate or retaliate," said Prachanda while interacting with mediapersons yesterday.

The leaders of two factions of Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM), Jai Krishna Goit and Jwala Singh were previously associated with the Maoists. Likewise, president of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) Upendra Yadav, too, was a Maoist leader in the past. The JMM and MJF along with other groups in the Terai plains are agitating for greater political and economic rights for the region.

Source: Nepalnews, May 21, 2007

Nepal poll delay may cause trouble

Indrani Bagchi

NEW DELHI: The delay in announcement of dates for constituent Assembly elections in Nepal may make it easier for the Maoists to go back to their wild ways. The Koirala government is hedging on declaring the elections, which is key to establishment of a more democratic Nepal. This has given Maoists the opening to turn the tables on the government. In this, the Maoists have help from the Left, but the seven-party alliance is still looking for ways to give the monarchy a toehold in any future arrangement. According to sources, this is rooted in the fact that many in the interim Nepalese government fear elections. While India is trying to push the government towards a decision, it's still willing to let the government look for ways to give the discredited monarchy some space.

It's not going down well with the Maoists, whose agitation on conditions of the militias' camps are a sign of deeper dissatisfaction. Meanwhile, the younger Maoists, many members of the Youth Communist League, have returned to looting and extortion in the provinces. In fact, as things are turning out, the onus of keeping the Maoists on the straight and narrow path belongs to the seven-party alliance (excluding the Maoists). The Maoists will be good only as long as the others are playing by the rules. This, said sources here observing developments in Nepal, is both good and bad. Good, because it keeps the democratic government on its toes and prevents it from doing the typical South Asian thing of promising governance and rarely delivering. But, bad, because it could, given the Maoists' past record, give them an inordinate handle on the government.

It's a concern shared by international conflict-resolution groups like the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG). In its report, ICG says that while Nepal's Maoists have accepted multi-party democracy and have lost their appetite for all-out war, they could still resort to physical confrontation if the peace process stagnates. A year after King Gyanendra was forced out, Maoists were in the government. The compromise from their military stance has brought them benefits and power of being in legitimate control. These advantages need to percolate down to cadres in the provinces, many of whom have given up their arms. This is where, say sources in India, the Maoist leaders bear the responsibility of managing expectations and explaining the democratic process to cadres more comfortable with the gun. "Making the political process work is up to other actors as much as the Maoists," says Rhoderick Chalmers of ICG. "If the mainstream parties are committed to the peace agreement and keep their side of the bargain, Maoist leaders will find it much easier to persuade their followers that compromise is the best way forward."

Source: The Times of India, May 21, 2007

Maoist-Nepal opposition to hold fresh talks in Delhi

Nepal's Maoist guerrillas and opposition parties are in the process of holding fresh talks in New Delhi, the kingdom's private media reported on Tuesday. A senior Maoist leader, Agni Sapkota, has confirmed that leaders of seven opposition parties and the outlawed Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) would hold fresh parleys in New Delhi to review the loose alliance between them, the Himalayan Times daily reported. Some senior leaders of two major opposition parties, the Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist, are already in the Indian capital, the Kathmandu Post daily said.

If true, this would be the sequel to a reported secret meeting held between the two top leaders of the Maoists and leaders of the opposition front of seven parties in New Delhi late last year.
The secret meeting ended with both sides agreeing to a 12-point agreement that includes the Maoists pledging not to attack political workers and unarmed people and allowing people displaced by the 10-year insurgency to return home. The secret understanding, when it was made public, drew mixed reactions.

It was flayed by Nepal's government headed by King Gyanendra, which came down heavily on the opposition parties as well as the Indian government, saying they were abetting terrorist activities. While most of the international community as well as the United Nations welcomed the pact as a step towards bringing the rebels to the political mainstream, it was however also criticised by the US ambassador to Nepal, who calls it a ploy by the Maoists to exploit the parliamentary parties and capture power.

A fresh round of talks between the Maoists and opposition leaders on Indian soil would newly vex Nepal that accuses New Delhi of harbouring double standards on terrorism. Last year, the understanding between the rebels and the parties resulted in the former extending a unilateral truce called by them. With the outlaws having called a weeklong blockade of Kathmandu valley from March 14, to be followed by an indefinite nationwide shutdown from April 3, the parties have been urging a re-think.

Source: The Hindustan Times, March 7, 2007

Nepal's Government Agrees to Pay Maoist Fighters in Camps

Liam Cochrane

Nepal's government has agreed to begin making monthly payments to Maoist former rebels now living in U.N.-supervised camps. In return, the Maoists will allow the United Nations to resume efforts to verify the former fighters' identities, and check for child soldiers in the camps. Liam Cochrane reports from Kathmandu.

For seven months the former fighters of Nepal's Maoist party have stayed at 28 camps across the country, as part of a peace deal made last year.
Under the deal the Maoists agreed to abandon their armed rebellion and join an interim government and parliament.
The United Nations has registered more than 31,000 Maoist fighters, but has yet to verify that all troops are over 18 years old. It also wants to check to be sure new fighters were not recruited after the peace process began.
Last month, the Maoists blocked U.N. verification until conditions were improved in the camps and salaries were paid to their fighters.

Nepal's Cabinet decided Monday to give a monthly allowance, equal to $46, for each Maoist fighter in the camps, which are also known as cantonments.
"I think we have solved a major problem with cantonments," said Krishna Bahadur Mahara, the spokesman for the government and also a senior Maoist leader.
Mahara said the monthly payments would be given to all 31,000 Maoists currently in the camps, not just those verified by the U.N. to be legitimate soldiers.
The Cabinet decision on allowances could mean a breakthrough for the U.N. verification process - a key part of last November's peace deal.

"UNMIN has been ready to do this process now for the last couple of months, so this would be very good news and we would seek to meet with the Maoist leadership very soon so that we can iron out the details and commence that process," said Kieran Dwyer, the spokesman for the U.N. Mission in Nepal.
The United Nations says it can begin verification within days. Final arrangements must first be cleared by the Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee, a body made up of representatives from the U.N., Nepal government and Maoist army.

Source: Global Security.Org, May 21, 2007

Nepal: The Koiralas’ Crown Compulsions

For Prime Minister Koirala, seizing that middle ground between the monarchy and the Maoists became the first order of business. By playing off the palace and the Maoists against each other, Koirala succeeded in bringing the former rebels into government.

Sanjay Upadhya

Contrary to all outward appearances of ambivalence, the Nepali Congress appears to have cemented the centrality of the monarchy to its identity. Each new reiteration by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala of the inevitability of a republic has encouraged some of his closest associates in the party to articulate the crown’s continued relevance with greater clarity.
This affinity, to be sure, does not stem from an underlying affection. Shared class characteristics, as the Maoists like to point out, may be responsible to some degree. If anything, political pragmatism is the prime compulsion for the Nepali Congress.
The precise details of the April 24, 2006 compromise between the Seven-Party Alliance and King Gyanendra – if there was one in the first place – remain under wraps. For Prime Minister Koirala, seizing that middle ground between the monarchy and the Maoists became the first order of business. By playing off the palace and the Maoists against each other, Koirala succeeded in bringing the former rebels into government.

In formalizing the postponement of the constituent assembly elections after roping in the Maoists, Koirala exhibited, more than anything else, his vaunted party-building skills. Maoist chief Prachanda saw where things were headed. Sensing a trap, key associates began to feel they might be better off staying out power. In retrospect, the feverish bargaining over rank and portfolios right up to Koirala’s departure for the SAARC summit in New Delhi provided a convenient cover for all the protagonists.
Prachanda has been making obligatory allegations of betrayal to fortify his flank within. The Maoist chief understands how perilous the peace front of his “people’s war” can be. Despite all the other good things his Young Communist League is doing, the bad ones are hogging the headlines. For the country, it no longer matters how deep the internal split in the Maoists really runs. The nationalism and revolutionary planks in their platform have decayed the fastest.

In the legacy-building stage of his political career, Prime Minister Koirala may have grasped Nepal’s broader options. Vignettes from his previous stints in power must be swirling around him. Facing massive street protests against the Tanakpur accord in 1992-94, Koirala certainly did not relish those pleas by some normally sympathetic Indians for New Delhi to distance itself from the man. The escalation of the Maoist insurgency, the political instability preceding the Narayanhity Massacre and the wider convulsions it created must have encouraged deeper introspection.
After King Gyanendra took over full executive powers in October 2002, Koirala and the Nepali Congress, like much of the mainstream, were at the nadir of their popularity. While other leaders geared up for the looming collision with the palace, Koirala considered his own vulnerabilities. When the palace-appointed government purportedly agreed with Maoist negotiators to limit the army to a five kilometer radius of the barracks, Koirala became the first leader to criticize this infringement of state sovereignty.

That statement became part of a wider dynamic that ultimately shut the door on a palace-Maoist deal that would have bypassed the parties. The bonus Koirala sought – and may have succeeded in getting – lay in plugging that vulnerable hole Tanakpur exposed.
Last year, when Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh welcomed him to New Delhi as a South Asian statesman, Koirala must have found it hard to suppress that chuckle inside. For someone who had a hard time scheduling meetings with then-premier Atal Behari Vajpayee during the early years of the anti-palace movement, this was quite a leap – and illusory.
Koirala was too close to his illustrious brother not to have experienced the exasperation B.P. Koirala felt in the late 1960s before abandoning efforts to renew relations with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. During the eight years B.P. was imprisoned at Sundarijal, time had not stood still.

B.P.’s subsequent years in exile must have occasioned ample review of his brief tenure as Nepal’s first elected premier. When Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru declared in parliament in November 1959 that any external aggression on Nepal and Bhutan would be treated as an aggression on India, B.P. felt compelled to respond.
Speaking in the Nepali legislature, Koirala said he took Nehru’s statement as an expression of friendship, but added that Nepal, being a fully sovereign and independent nation, decided its external and home policies without ever referring to any external authority.
Over a week later, Nehru affirmed he agreed entirely with Koirala’s interpretation, but not without disclosing the secret letters that had been exchanged with the 1950 Treaty. Of course, B.P. did not have the benefit of hindsight to see how his battle with the palace would only set the stage for a larger phenomenon that would marginalize the Nepali Congress for three decades. If B.P. considered exile in Sarnath a lot like Sundarijal, who could have understood this better than his youngest brother.

In his current tenure, Prime Minister Koirala has become a changed man. He is an ardent champion of China’s entry into the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation as a full member. The prime minister appeared unconstrained in seeking the new Chinese ambassador’s help on ensuring smooth petroleum supplies as the Indian Oil Corporation began tinkering with the taps.
In the cryptic maneuverings that pass for Nepali politics, these moves may be devoid of real substance. Yet coming from Koirala, the symbolism becomes starker. It was not too long ago, after all, that he flew straight into New Delhi from talks in China, left alone to battle the diplomatic fallout. Unlike B.P. Koirala, age has made this prime minister less susceptible to external “penalties” for flaunting his independence. This allows him greater leeway to build his legacy.
The logical question here is whether Koirala can impose his views on a party that largely considers itself the principal victim of the palace. Koirala is the Nepali Congress. Those who broke away under Sher Bahadur Deuba in mid-2002 had an opportunity to prove otherwise. The country recognizes how far anti-Koirala-ism has worked. For most of the younger Koiralas competing for the family mantle, the monarchy remains a pivot. Party members who disagree are most welcome to find another tent.

This brings us to another area where the Koiralas have proved particularly adroit. By allowing the communist factions monopolize the so-called “progressive/left” banner, the Nepali Congress can blur the distinction between the Unified Marxist Leninists and the Maoists, especially in those crucial western eyes.
When the Maoists relentlessly blame international power centers for conspiring to retain the monarchy, the Nepali Congress can afford to nod in affirmation and sit back. Prachanda and Co., by their own logic, have a long way to go toward establishing the scope and structures of republicanism as a viable alternative. Prime Minister Koirala, meanwhile, can continue uttering those obligatory republican sentiments.

Source: Nepalnews, May 22, 2007

Road To Economic Progress

Amrit P. Shrestha

What the modern industry needs is better infrastructure. Traditionally, infrastructure services across the world were provided by governments in limited areas like airports, electricity and roads. Today infrastructure must improve in all parameters, which requires immense financing through external and internal channels. Without basic infrastructure development, no sector can achieve any sort of target. To keep the wheels of the economy running, countries must make enormous progress in attracting private investment in the infrastructure sector, as the government alone cannot invest huge amounts in it. In order to send the right signal to international investors, there is a burgeoning need to create sophisticated infrastructure in selected key cities and projects as seen in Beijing, Shanghai and Kuala Lumpur, which have emerged as the investor's choice in the last three decades.

Infrastructure needs three key inputs - large amounts of money, skilled manpower and selected projects. Governments must realise that the only way to become the nation's doorway to economic zoom is to give new thrust to infrastructure development. Thus, the Essential Facility Doctrine has been recognised by most of the developed and developing countries. Australia, Singapore, South Korea and India have been adopting the doctrine. Investment requires long-term funds with a long payback profit period. More importantly, Public-Private Partnership (PPP) is a signal to investors in general that the policy framework is sound and environment conducive for investment. Such models have to be initiated in key sectors like roads, airports, power and tourism. Nepal lacks the necessary physical infrastructure to qualify as an international investment centre. Investments must have easy access, and there should be well-developed infrastructure within acceptable parameters. At present, we must have suitable strategies to convert challenges into opportunities. Better infrastructure helps in alleviating poverty and expanding the industrial base because accessibility to services improves as a result of it.

Currently, GDP's contribution to infrastructure development is less than 4 per cent, which is less than the share of our neighbouring countries. Actions must be accelerated on the following track, to help build trunk infrastructures in the country. First, Modernisation or industrialisation require massive expansion of national highways, airports, electrification and telephones linking every village with the urban areas. Ground water exploration, minor irrigation, water supply and sanitation are other priorities. Highways form the economic backbone of the country. Likewise, rain water harvesting and human resources management must be developed, which is sorely lacking in the country. Given the size of the country, air travel has become the swiftest mode of transport. Hence, Nepal should take bold steps to expand and upgrade its airport infrastructure. Second, among the bottlenecks to achieving growth in the country is electricity supply. Power and its allied sector play a crucial role in economic development. Electricity is the lifeline of our lives as its use ranges from mundane applications to complex tasks and operations. Our productivity is affected because of this.

Third, the tourism industry could gather momentum if the government plans innovative promotions. Tourism should introduce new products such as monsoon tourism, helicopter tourism and the like. Such programmes will attract visitors, especially from India and Europe. With Nepal becoming a business hub especially for tourism, regional disparity can be minimised upto a certain extent. Likewise, growth of tourism will help enrich the lives of traditional workers and artistes. Unfortunately, lack of roads, accommodation, safety measures, well established communication systems and hospitality management centres are some of the hurdles in its promotion. Fourth, building IT Parks in important cities can offer a unique confluence of advantages - robust physical infrastructure, power and data connectivity and trained technical manpower. All this will effectively reduce the operational cost. Fifth, there is a need to hand over the entire infrastructure development to the private sector with no political interference. There should be no bureaucratic controls over enterprises. They should not be asked to get approval for minor decisions.

Sixth, an act to form an independent Infrastructure Authority, similar to the National Highways Authority in India, Afghanistan, Laos and the Philippines, has to be announced without delay. Meanwhile, a vision paper with priorities and national consensus must be flashed, emphasising on infrastructure development to attract investors and also to make the entire cycle of investment, productivity and wealth creation sustainable.Seventh, special packages of tax incentives must be introduced as a tool to encouraging private enterprises or an undertaking engaged in the development of infrastructure facilities. This is particularly important for infrastructure developing companies. Human developmentMost importantly, the overall environment needs to be free from prevailing corruption and petty-mindedness. For the common man, good economics is all that he cares. The government should accelerate the process of human development by delivering services in electricity, transport, water and sanitation that the poor need in order to live and participate in economic growth. A leader of outstanding merits, efficient bureaucrats and a graft-free culture are the invisible infrastructure to race with the modern world. Let us start from a good today to a better tomorrow.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 22, 2007

Foreign policy: A realistic approach is needed

Madhav Shrestha

Nepal’s foreign policy is continuing on its old path despite the dramatic changes that have been experienced in the region and beyond. Notwithstanding the dramatic political changes at home, there seems to be no visible indicator of which direction the new Nepal needs to take in order to achieve its twin goals of security and socio-economic development. Time is ripe for Nepal to decide its course of action in its external dealings in light of the developing regional and international scenario in the last one and a half decade. Regrettably, the domestic political scene is fuzzy and unpredictable.

Experts on international affairs believe the world is now less politicised and more interconnected as a result of technological advancement. Eminent authors like Jacques Derrida, Michael Foucault, Jacques Lacan and Slavoj Zizek are noted poststructuralists who have highlighted the forces of technology replacing politics in interstate relationship. They imply depoliticisation sustained by technology that guides the management of foreign policy, initiated by technical experts in tandem with bureaucrats.

But the world would never be depoliticised till the decision-making power remains under the grip of politicians. True, the behaviour of the key political players in foreign affairs is now more influenced by non-political elements. But politics is still a highly important ingredient in international affairs. An eminent writer, Jenny Edkins, thinks so because visible fights between democracies and non-democracies are a reality now. This is undeniable under the globally prevailing circumstances. A weaker country like Nepal with a fledgling democracy has to look into the intricacies of interstate relationship. This is imminent as Nepal needs to make its external journey both pragmatic and expedient to keep up with the evolving trend.

In this context, observers believe that the underpinning components of (a) connectivity (b) commonality (c) conditionality and (d) compatibility are now the most important elements in the conduct of the foreign policy of Nepal as its relations with the internal community, and international and regional organisations are realistically related. Experts believe that ground realities instead of lofty ideals and assumed principles need to chart the course of foreign policy.

First, in execution of Nepal’s foreign policy, the highly realistic importance of connectivity, especially geographic and contractual, assumes top priority in its dealings with India and China. Of course, our historic connectivity with the UK and the US cannot be undermined. This element should indeed lay the foundation to build on our relations with those countries. There should be no emotive feelings while trying to achieve the primary objective of constructing appropriately designed contacts with them.Second, the need to see the commonalities between the problems of the underdeveloped and land-locked countries around the world is of no less concern. In reality, prevalence of poverty in other countries like Nepal naturally compels them to unite to make their voices heard in international forums. The united stance taken by the countries of similar socio-economic backgrounds could, in turn, help the developed countries see and help cure their festering wounds. Nepal together with like-minded countries should move ahead in initiating the policy to work together.Third, the question of conditionality should also capture the attention of those who implement the country’s foreign policy as challenges of terrorism, extremism and separatism remain as destructive forces hovering over the nations that vow to fight such evil tendencies.

Nepal, as a country suffering the consequences of such nefarious elements, should work towards making international alliance comprising the nations in similar plight in order to root out such ills. Alliance for such purposes should remain in place until forces with sinister motives are dead and buried.Fourth, the question of compatibility, if the above components are embraced, will hardly arise in the conduct of Nepal’s foreign policy as it does no harm to us or to any country which enjoys bilateral contacts with Nepal; nor will it restrict the option of any country to act independently as a sovereign and responsible political member. Nepal as an independent political entity need not deviate from what it has embraced for long, nor feel constrained to participate in the international forums gainfully. In the prevailing situation, these factors are cogent elements that Nepal should embrace, instead of deliberating on other non-realistic concerns, to steer its foreign policy towards the achievement of greater national interests. Nepal can safely conduct a consistent and coherent foreign policy with the adoption of these new elements on the basis of a realistic approach. There needs to be no deviation from Nepal’s independent stance as well.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 22, 2007

Adventure Tourism

ADVENTURE tourism has been steadily gaining in popularity over the years. This form of tourism is a new concept, which a country like Nepal possessing immense potential for such tourism should be able to cash on. Nepal's lofty mountains have been attracting mountaineers from all over the world, thereby, contributing to raise the standard of people working in various expeditions. Besides the money accruing from mountain tourism has been percolating to the grassroots level benefiting the people who reside in the remote regions of the country. The mighty mountains will continue to lure mountaineers who cannot resist the challenge of ascending them. Besides the mountains the country is blessed with numerous mountain rivers considered to be among the best for rafters. For them there is nothing to beat the thrill of shooting the rapids of these exotic rivers. The tourists apart from enjoying the rafting will be able to sight various attractions en route such as the way of the living of the people residing by the riverside.

The lifestyle varies even in short distances. This and other things would make the experience of white water rafting in Nepal unique. It is now up to the tourism entrepreneurs to promote the rivers of the country for rafting. Should they succeed in doing so then this would be another form of attraction for adventure seeking tourists. What is interesting to note is that rafting is also slowly gaining in popularity amongst the Nepalese people. This should by all account be encouraged for this would not only provide the rafters kicks but also contribute to the equitable distribution of income. In this context, rafting a programme to promote rafting in the Trishuli River is being organized. The programme envisages giving a fillip to domestic and foreign tourism by exploiting the potential of rafting. Adventure tourism is now recognized as one of the important forms of tourism. Publicizing rafting in now a policy of the tourism industry. There are many rivers in Nepal famous for rafting. The rivers like Karnali, Kaligandaki, Trishuli, Bhotekoshi and Sunkoshi, among others, are considered to be among the best for adventure rafting. As there are many other rivers in the country, which are equally ideal for this purpose, they could also be opened for rafter. As the rivers originate in the high altitude Himalayas the flow of the water in these is of great speed. Thus, promoting rafting would help boost the local economy at the same time raising the national revenue.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 22, 2007

Peace Stability Operations

S.K.Acharya

In order to address the post-conflict situation, especially when people of Nepal are willing and prepared to make a profound and active contribution in nation building, it is crucial for all political parties to come out with a common agenda for country development and establishment of peace and security. Only Government's efforts to re-establish rule of law and administration of justice after the peace process agreements are not sufficient. Instances of human rights violation, violation of the rule of law, inadequate law enforcement are increasing. Demand of the situation at this phase is through, thorough discussion the parties should be able to project a joint policy and approach to deal effectively with the 'threats' confronting the country and commitment in establishing rule of law.

Expectations

After entering into the peace process and into the government, Maoists are expected to actively participate in the areas of disarmament, establishment of peace and security, and economic and social development. Since the initiation of peace process, the expectations of the Nepalese people and their hope for betterment and development have increased despite so many disturbances.Except for the formation of the coalition government, political parties have neither projected nor expressed their willingness of any joint approach to deal with the present deteriorating peace and security situation faced by the country, which is an issue of vital importance and the government alone is unable to take effective measures to resolve the problems. Everyone especially, all political parties should actively participate in peace keeping process. It is also important that anticipating the probable threat, all parties should decide course of action by actively discussing among themselves and involving experts from all parties in a decision making process. All political parties needs to be aware of that all Nepalese people are concerned and watching the party's role and effectiveness in establishing stability, peace and security in the country. As everyone is aware that all political parties can agree on so many things and can sign so many agreements to handle the situation, why can't they come up with a joint agenda to cope with the deteriorating peace and security situations?

It is the belief of the people that in restructuring the country, a more active and constructive role of the Maoists would definitely improve the effectiveness of country's development effort.Peace and security should be the prime objective of any programme or strategy designed for stability operations. Without the climate of the peace and security, any effort for the infrastructural development, holding elections and overall efforts of nation building would be undermined. One year's stability operations process show that the government is trying very hard and is moving very slowly and patiently. Everyone observing the situation can conclude that without any cooperation and commitment from other parties, organizations, and international help, the government alone can not establish peace and security on time and in a desired manner. The government seems to have their own constraints of proper resources and capabilities to carry out the law and order situation. In addition, the government lacks a clear and cohesive plan for interparty cooperation for peace stability operations and rule of law. It is very difficult at this moment to effectively measure whether the stability operations process so far indicates success or failure in establishing rule of law and peace in the country. However, the government's patient is paying and there are enough reasons to be optimistic. But the process is very slow and dissatisfaction of the people can be felt.

The government needs to have a clear organizational understanding on how to achieve these goals and how to get the cooperation of parties, other organization and international partners. Taking the reign in its hand and making room for all voices and expertise from all parties and international partners, the government should be able to lead by developing and implementing policies and strategy necessary to establish rule of law in the country. And government should publicly announce their policies and plan of action to win the heart of the people.However, establishing peace and stability after a post-conflict environments is not an easy job and cannot be compared to fighting a small war. Implementing rule of law, which emphasizes civil and political rights after post-conflict environments will be a great challenge. During this period it is very difficult for governing authority to establish or implement rule of law while taking into consideration legal framework, the law of armed conflict, international humanitarian law, human rights law, and local law rooted in custom or religion.

Rule of law is a vital element in establishing security and peace in the country. It is necessary for all to understand and respect rule of law, which forms the ground rules by which government policies and legislation are formulated, and administrative works are accomplished. Moreover, since the initiation of the peace process, it is necessary for all to understand that the government is subject to law.In simple words, the rule of law, in brief, means the principle of legality. In a rule of law society, everything must be done in accordance with the law and nobody is above the law. The Government should also derive its powers from the law and should exercise in accordance with the law. Those in the government must understand that the Government is vested with certain discretionary powers, its discretion must be exercised rationally and without procedural impropriety, and the courts are there which can prevent abuse of power. It is the right of the citizens to challenge in courts the legality of acts of the government.

Strategy

In a democratic system, if somebody wants to change the system or if somebody advocates any new system, he should be allowed to do so provided he does not incite others to accept the change through treason, subversion, or violence or public disorder.Achieving sustainable peace in the post-conflict environment requires developing local rule of law capacities. Effective planning for the transition from peace keeping operations to peace building and long term development is vital.The involvement of political parties and other partners in the policy making process, and a fruitful relationship with the civil society should be among the priorities of any post-conflict strategy

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 22, 2007

Party Unity : Ideological Basis A Must

Yuba Nath Lamsal

The recent remarks of the Maoist chairman Prachanda's on the possible unity among the leftist forces have sent quick and serious ripples in the Nepali political spectrum. Some centrist and rightist political groups are busy in readjustment, realignment and polarization following the Maoist supremo's remarks which was later echoed by CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal. CounterThe two factions of the Nepali Congress are more seriously doing groundwork for the unification. Similarly, the chairman of the Rastriya Janasakti Party Surya Bahadur Thapa, immediately after returning from the Delhi sojourn, hinted the need for forging a "democratic alliance" to counter the left forces.The talk of the left unity has, of course, created paranoia in the rightist camp. It is because the leftist parties dominate the interim parliament and, if the constituent assembly polls are held on the united platform, there is a strong likelihood of left parties sweeping the elections. Political parties are assets in the multi-party democracy. There must be different political parties on ideological ground. At present, three political forces are representing different ideologies and these three forces are dominating Nepali politics.

However, all of these forces are divided and fragmented. Nepali Congress represents the centrist ideology with democratic socialism as its official document, although in practice it has been promoting capitalism and Westminster type of democracy. The Nepali Congress was the only party that had been representing the centrist politics for more than five decade. As the Nepali Congress remained united as the only centrist party, it dominated Nepali politics and remained in power more than any other political force in the post 1990 political era. But it was divided four years ago as a faction led by its Sher Bahadur Deuba broke the relation with the mother party and formed a new group called Nepali Congress (Democratic) party.The Nepali Congress, right from its inception, championed and fought for multi-party political system, political freedom, human rights and open society. For its unflinching faith in multi-party democracy, the western countries supported the Nepali Congress as the only democratic force in Nepal. But much change has taken place in Nepali politics over the years. All other political forces have come up embracing multi-party democracy and open society more vocally and vibrantly.

However, the western countries still view Nepali politics and political parties with the same old eyes. The leftists are strong in Nepal. If all the leftist parties were combined, they are in majority. But Nepali communists are always divided and fragmented. As a result, they always remained in opposition. At present, more than a dozen communist parties exist in Nepal and each party claims to be the genuine representative of the poor and downtrodden people. Now CPN-Maoist and CPN-UML are the strong and mainstream leftist forces in Nepal. They have equal number of seats in the interim parliament and equal share in the cabinet. The difference between the two is that CPN-UML was established as a second largest force through the verdict of people in the last general election. CPN-Maoist has been established as a force through the armed revolution, and it has recently joined peaceful and competitive politics.

In terms of popular verdict, it is yet to be tested. The rightist force is also in existence in Nepal. This force, too, is fragmented. The monarchy and feudal system is its ideological base and support. Since the monarchy, the patron of feudalism, is on the verge of crumbling, the rightist force is seeking a new ideological ground and tactics for its survival and existence. It is trying to create a new political alignment so that its existence and identity would remain intact. For more than three-decade during the king's absolute regime called the Panchayat system, this palace pampered rightist force enjoyed political power summarily suppressing the people's fundamental rights and party activities. Strangely, these rightist forces are trying to portray themselves as the democratic force and forging an alliance with the Nepali Congress to counter the rising left force in Nepal. The two factions of the Nepali Congress advocate the same ideology and political and economic programme. Both the factions revere BP Koirala as their source of inspiration. Similarly, all the communist parties believe in Marxism, Leninism and Maoism.

All of them revere Marx, Lenin and Mao as their international leaders and source of inspiration. The rightist parties support he monarchy and feudalism. Although some of them have lately spoken of a republican set up, it is their tactical move to survive in the changed political context and serve their long-term goal and interest. In a multi-party democracy, parties with similar ideology and programmes should not remain divided and fragmented. The parties should be created and united on the basis of ideological basis. If the alignment and polorisation is just for power devoid of ideological basis, the unity would not last long. Such alignment among the differing ideological bases would be disastrous for themselves in the long-run. It would create a crowd of visionless and opportunist people instead of a party with committed and dedicated cadres. We have a bitter experience of the past. After the 1990 political change, the major political, parties especially the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, welcomed everyone, including those who had been tainted in corruption and misuse of power during the Panchayat regime.

These people entered the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML with a design to defame and damage the image of the parties. They were, to a large degree, successful in their mission. When king Gyanendra took over power, these people jumped into the royal camp. The political parties did not understand this design. Now the rightist elements are talking of a 'new democratic alliance', which could be another plot to damage the parties. Moreover, there should not be any paranoia among other political forces as the Nepali communist parties can never be united. The history is witness that Nepali communists have never learnt lesson from the past and they will prefer to remain in a small groups rather than in creating a strong and united party.

Caution

The Jana Andolan II succeeded because of the unity of the eight parties. The mission of the Jana Andolan II has not been over. The mission would be over only after the election to a constituent assembly. Thus, the unity among the eight parties must remain intact until the election to a constituent assembly. The move for a new equation excluding the leftist force could be a conspiracy to derail the ongoing political and peace process. We can easily imagine who could benefit if the present political process was derailed. The political parties especially the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN-Maoists need to be extra cautious in this present scenario.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 22, 2007

NAC in trafficking

The people involved in human trafficking constantly explore creative techniques to exploit poor laborers by exporting them illegally to labor-deficient countries. These human traffickers get heavily compensated from the unemployed youth, who are ready to take any risk for the job abroad. The agents also get hefty commission from the labor recipients, who enjoy cheap Nepali labor force. The Nepal Airlines Corporations, Department of Immigration and security personnel have been found involved in human trafficking. The traffickers have established a strong nexus among these three institutions to ferry people to the United Arab Emirates without visa. The UAE immigration and security could also be suspected for their involvement in letting the trafficked people the back-door entry. This racket has to be immediately stopped by both the Nepali and UAE governments.

The incident in which 22 Nepalis were stranded at Dubai airport for about two weeks, and NAC received subsequent warning from the UAE Immigration Department has posed a serious question. The government should immediately form an investigation committee to unmask the NAC staff, immigration and police involved in the racket. NAC has claimed that its staff might have been deceived by the laborers as the labor visa comes in a loose paper from Arab countries. However, the reports say that most of the 22 Nepalis stranded at Dubai airport did not have any official paper whatsoever. So, the question of genuine or fake does not arise. Moreover, even if NAC failed to distinguish fake from genuine, the immigration staff should have stopped the human trade because they are trained for the purpose. And it is their responsibility to check any illegal emigrant. The security force is undoubtedly involved in the trade as it has been an opportunity for its personnel to earn money.

What is the problem if Nepalis are getting employment abroad -- be it legal or illegal? The problem is that the illegal laborers, who enter foreign countries without papers, are exploited to death. They can never recover the money they spend in finding the job abroad. Neither can they come back, even if they wish to do so. Such an illegal and illegitimate human trade tarnishes the country's image. Not only the UAE, soon all other countries where Nepali laborers aspire to go will debar NAC from flying. This act has also incurred huge losses to NAC because it has to bring back all the stranded people who fail to enter the country for free. The most dangerous aspect is that the illegal migrants are smuggled into war torn Iraq and Afghanistan. They may lose their lives as unidentified persons. So, the government should stop human trade and punish those involved in it - be they NAC staff, immigration officials or security personnel.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 22, 2007