A Chance Encounter With a Maoist Commissar

It is notable that two years ago, before the ceasefire, the Maoists did not have any presence at all in Mustang due to the Royal Nepal Army’s occupation of a high foot suspension bridge below Ghasa that serves as the only entrance to the district below 5000 meters. Now the Maoists had a large visible office in Jomsom.

Neil Horning

Text of the interview with Pawan, the Mustang district in charge follows. I think it’s still a bit boilerplate.

1. The leadership has often said that the peace process was an unprecedented experiment for Maoism. In your opinion, what are the results of this experiment and the lessons to be learned?

When king Gyanendra used the Army to take power from the elected representatives We made the 12 point agreement in order to win back power with the help of all of the citizens. As we have been voicing the demands of the people, the old agreement was insufficient to fulfill these demands in the current situation so we are trying to make another agreement on the basis of a new consensus. The theme of this consensus must be to first announce a republic in order to uplift the different oppressed ethnicities genders regions and communities so they participate fully in the upcoming Constituent Assembly elections. For that the Communities of Women and Dalits must be given specific rights to participate in the interim government. Only then can the new Constitution be made in accordance to the will of the Nepalese citizens. This is the main aspiration of the Nepali Citizen today. Our party (Maoist) is always ready for that. Although we have joined the peace process, we are still integrating the strategies of People’s War and talks so there is less possibility of failure.

2. who do you think the public blames for the delay in the elections?

Since we started our People’s War to build the future of the Nepalese citizens we have waged the whole war for constituent assembly and we have written slogans on the walls saying “long live Republic, long live Constituent Assembly.” When we were doing this the Government [under the mainstream parties] arrested and even killed those people. And now the same people are blaming us for the delay. Shall we not remember that? Before the 19 day People’s uprising who was making the demands for Constituent Assembly and Republic? With this in mind, how can there be any confusion? Our 13,000 Martyrs sacrificed for Constituent Assembly and Republic so how can our party be against them? Therefore, those who were against them are the ones who are against Republic and Constituent Assembly.

3. What political development has most surprised you over the last year and a half?

Over the last year and a half we have concluded a huge ideological war. After the 12-point agreement we were able to isolate Gyanendra from the power of the Royal Army. Then we had the opportunity to speak freely among the Nepalese for whom we have been fighting for the last 11 years. As there is one army in this country of the government and one of the Nepalese citizens, we are able to force the government to give equal treatment to these two armies, as well as clear the charge made against us by the American imperialists that we are terrorists they had been popularizing to the world. Even now we are still trying to free the Nepalese government from the interference of European countries, America, and Australia who are exercising their hegemony. We are trying to balance the foreign strategies so we are not in the situation to be oppressed at their will. Our Party is the only party which is integrating all oppressed regions, ethnicities, genders, languages, cultures, all women and Dalits; understanding their sentiments in order to move them on the path of their liberation.

4. How have things changed for you personally over that time?

Things have changed so much since our last meeting because time is constantly moving [progressive]. According to that, human society is moving ahead. Therefor today’s Nepal is moving further ahead that yesterdays Nepal. In the same way, human society is becoming more conscious so there is a certainty of improvement. In the past there was an armed struggle of ideas. This category of struggle is not limited only to Nepal. It has become world wide because todays world has already become a fully integrated system. Finally, our ideological struggle is not only for Nepali citizens but rather for all the oppressed citizens of the world. Therefor, to have change in the politics of Nepal means to have change in the politics of the world.

Source: Blog for a Democratic Nepal, December 28, 2007

Nepal to be federal democratic republic

3rd amendment clears deck for republic

The Interim Parliament on Friday passed a third amendment to the Interim Constitution, stating that Nepal would become a federal democratic republic after the Constituent Assembly poll. Parliament amended Article 159 of the constitution. The amendment reads: "Nepal will be a federal democratic republic." The amendment also says the decision would be enforced by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly." The amendment provides for parliament, through a two-third majority, to abolish the monarchy before the CA poll if the government is convinced that the king is conspiring against the poll.

The amendment also formally transfers the position of head of state to the prime minister. A proposal by lawmakers from the three biggest ruling parties to make new arrangements for the appointment of parliament's general secretary and secretary, has been incorporated in the constitution. Speaker Subas Nembang verified the bill Friday evening, bringing the amendment into immediate enforcement.

This is the third amendment to the Interim Constitution in less than a year. The constitution promulgated on January 16, 2007 was amended for the first time in March following a month-long Madhes movement, and for a second time on June 13 after the government's failure to hold CA polls by mid-June. Altogether 270 out of the 321 existing members voted in favor of the amendment proposal tabled by the government early this week. This number mostly comprises members from the three biggest parties-Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist).

Only three members -- Pashupati Shumsher Rana and Krishna Pratap Malla of Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Pari Thapa of CPN (United) -- voted against the proposal. Four members, two each from Rastriya Janashakti Party and Sadbhavana Party, boycotted the voting. Surya Bahadur Thapa, Renu Yadav of RJP and Rajendra Mahato and Yagya Jit Shah of Sadbhawana boycotted the vote. Altogether 44 members, including former speaker Tara Nath Ranabhat of NC and KP Oli and Jhala Nath Khanal of CPN UML, were absent during the voting.

Earlier, the House rejected amendment proposals tabled by RPP, RJP, National People's Front and Sadbhavana Party. The proposals by RPP and NPF to drop the names of the seven parties from the constitution, reduce the proposed number of seats in the CA and let the first meeting of the CA decide the monarchy's fate were rejected by overwhelming majority.

Amendment draws flak

Most opposition parties and some ruling coalition members criticized the constitution amendment Bill tabled by the government for its failure to address the issues raised by Madhesi, Janajatis and other agitating groups. Former prime minister and Rastriya Janashakti Party Chairman Surya Bahadur Thapa and Rastriya Prajatantra Party Chairman Pashupati Shumsher Rana alleged that the amendment was a blatant assault on the people's right to exercise sovereign powers.

"Constituent Assembly elected through fresh a mandate of the people is the only body that can exercise the people's sovereign power," said Thapa. "If this crucial decision is taken by the seven parties then where does sovereignty rest on?" He also warned of severe consequences because of SPA's authoritarian attitude. RPP Chairman Rana also claimed that it was solely the responsibility of sovereign people who can decide whether to declare Nepal a republic state or not. Similarly, Pradeep Giri of the ruling Nepali Congress criticized his party for denying lawmakers a chance for intense discussions on the serious political issues. He said the amendment has failed to address the genuine demands put forward by Madhesi people, but lawmakers could not take up the issues.

Rajendra Mahato of Sadbhavana Party warned that parliament would be without Madhesi members if there is no change in the attitude of the ruling big parties. Likewise, Pari Thapa of CPN-United, Chitra Bahadur KC of National People's Front, Sunil Prajapati of Nepal Workers Peasants Party and Kaman Singh Lama of People's Front Nepal urged the government to ensure the CA polls by addressing the issues raised by Madhesi, Dalit, ethnic and backward communities.

Source: Kathmandu Post, December 29

Nepal's Transition To A Full Republic

Vijaya Chalise

The seven political parties have again created history by signing a new agreement which, after the amendment of the interim constitution, will make Nepal institutionally a federal democratic republic. Following the agreement, the parliament as well has expedited the interim constitution amendment process. Ultimately, after days of delayed negotiations, the seven political parties have made commitment for a federal democratic republic in the interim constitution.

23-point agreement

The 23-point agreement has stated that the decision on the republic would be implemented by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA), but a two-third majority of the interim parliament will be required to implement the proposal of republic prior to the CA polls if the king creates any obstruction against the election. Therefore, the king now will not have any role in the state of affairs, and the Prime Minister will perform all works of the head of the state until the agreement on a republic gets implemented. Therefore, the agreement has set the stage for Nepal's transition to a full republic less than two years after the king was forced to cede his dictatorial powers following the Maoist's decade-long people's war along with the historic people's movement-2 jointly launched by the seven parties and the Maoists. Consequently, after the Nepali Congress agreed to declare the country a republic in the process of abolishing the monarchy - a key Maoist demand - the agreed document epitomises the seven-party alliance's commitment and desire to bring the peace process to a successful conclusion by holding the CA election.

The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) has decided to rejoin the government. The CPN-Maoist that ended a decade-long people's war against the feudal regime had left the interim government last September demanding the declaration of Nepal a republic prior to the CA polls and implementing an all out proportional electoral system. The proclamation of a republic and the kind of electoral system to adopt had been the major points of dispute among the political parties. The Maoists had called for an immediate abolition of monarchy to ensure free and fair elections to shape the country's political future. The recent agreement has cleared the deck, and it has now assured the Constituent Assembly polls, which have been postponed twice. The parties have agreed too hold the CA elections by mid-April, 2008 and increase the number of CA members to 601, allocating approximately 42 and 58 per cent of the seats for the first-past-the-post and proportional election system respectively, with 335 to be elected under the fully proportional system, 240 through the first-past-the-post and 26 to be nominated by the cabinet. The nominees will be from among ethnic and indigenous groups who are not represented in the first-past-the post and the proportional system. Other provisions of the agreement include: the government will form commissions and committees within one month on the disappeared persons, truth and reconciliation, state restructuring, scientific land reform, and high-level monitoring of the implementation of the past agreements. The agreement for creating a high-level steering committee to ensure that the political stakeholders in the government have an equitable say and participation in running the affairs of the government within a week will obviously help eliminate the past impression over the way the government was run and conducted. Not only the Maoists but all the cabinet colleagues, except for the Congress ministers, had accused the head of the government of trying to seek monopoly over the decision-making process without taking them into confidence.

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala says the 23-point agreement inked by the seven political parties has fortified the people's faith in the parties that was gradually waning. He claimed that the declaration of Nepal as a republic had already been made by the seven parties, which would be given final shape by including it in the interim constitution through parliamentary proceedings. However, some of the Madhesi factions, Rastrya Prajatanra Party (RPP) and Janatantrik Party (RJP) give the impression of being not happy. However, lawmakers of the seven political parties have welcomed the agreement and the amendment proposal of the government brought accordingly. Maoist chairman Prachanda said the new agreement that was forged among the seven parties had opened the way for the Maoists to participate in the government and that his party would take part in the election for a meaningful Constituent Assembly.Despite the positive development on the constitutional and political fronts, the people, however, may continue to voice their doubts until the election is held after declaring the fresh date. The seven parties should obviously protect the rights of the minorities, but one cannot forget that minority rights are not about allowing minority communities a free hand to spread hateful ideologies, but are about protecting the lives, livelihood and rights guaranteed by the constitution and laws of the nation.

While the country has now embraced a federal democratic republican structure, the agitating groups, including those in the Terai, have come for talks and support the new constitution-making process if they really are against peace and the disintegration of the country. Therefore, the government and the leaders of the seven-party alliance should seriously think of protecting the rights of such agitating groups so as not to give a chance to foreign actors to play their card at disintegrating the nation.Now, the government and the seven-party alliance should be serious about constituting the promised six commissions and committees within the agreed time frame. Since the Election Commission has demanded at least 90 days after the promulgation of all the election-related laws in the in the run-up of the poll, the government should not fail to implement all the agreements on time. If the government and the seven-party alliance work sincerely as per the letter and spirit of the agreements with broader understandings, a conducive environment for a constitution election could be created. The pre-requisites for holding the election are obviously the implementation of past pacts and understandings reached between the Maoists and the government and effective enforcement of law and order across the country.

Future course

As the country is passing through a very fluid political phase and national integrity and sovereignty is at risk with the delaying CA polls, decisions taken at the moment are important in determining and setting the course of the future of the nation. Therefore, the political parties should demonstrate perseverance and sincerity to ensure that the ongoing democratisation and peace-building process bears tangible fruits.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 29, 2007

Atrocities And 2008 Elections In Bhutan

T. P. Mishra

At a time when the election date is drawing nearer in Bhutan, the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGOB) has once again begun inflicting atrocities on innocent citizens of ethnic Nepali origin.ArrestsThe state-directed court recently announced jail terms ranging from 5-9 years to 30 innocent civilian from the southern district of the country for their alleged involvement in the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist). The RGOB claims the accused had carried out subversive activities against Bhutan.

How could the RGOB claim such a thing when it does not have an 'independent judiciary' in the country? A fair trial in the name of delivering justice to the detainees has always been a farce in the context of Bhutan. This is yet another instance of Bhutan's tactics to derail the repatriation of Bhutanese refugees, now living in camps in Nepal, to their homeland.Bhutan's official media, Kuensel, further stated that seditious meetings were held in Katarey and Ugyentse in Samtse, during which the participants planned to recruit the local people and set up camps in the forests to house the terrorists belonging to the CPB-MLM. Such fabricated statements are made by the Bhutanese government when its army arrests people especially of ethnic Nepali origin. The RGOB has charged them of being active during briefing sessions in Nepal on "Political and Ideological Trainings? conducted by the cadres of the Communist Party of Bhutan and Communist Party of Nepal, Bhutan People's Party, Druk National Congress and Bhutan Gorkha National Liberation Front. Ironically, the message Bhutan is sending to the international community is that the UNHCR is providing shelter to radical groups inside the refugee camps in Nepal.

The court is said to have sentenced them to jail under the provisions in the National Security Act of Bhutan, 1992, and the Penal Code of Bhutan, 2004. The people were accused of holding political meetings, especially related to Maoist ideology, in the country. Even if they were involved in such activities, what crime had they committed to be given jail terms of such long periods, especially at a time when the elections are fast approaching near? Is this, in any way, to hold a 'democratic exercise'? The RGOB, on the other hand, should have been encouraging the people in the country to get involved in the political exercise. Besides, the condition of hundreds of such detainees arrested in the early 1990s during demonstrations in the country is still unknown to the international community.Their whereabouts have not yet been made public. There is no one to publicise the conditions prevailing in the country.

It is a matter of shame that the RGOB should transform civilians into jailbirds for such a long period despite their innocence. The atrocities of the RGOB have crossed the limits, leaving enough space to raise questions about the effectiveness of the advocacy of international rights bodies and so-called big democracies of the world. Isn't Bhutan playing with the rights of the people, and would anyone believe that it is embarking on the path of democratisation? The surprising thing is - for how long will the international community stand mute spectators to all the atrocities that go around in Bhutan? A fair trail to the detainees is not possible in Bhutan. Even if these people belong to the Maoist militia, then Bhutan should have carried out an investigation in co-ordination with international human rights bodies.

Political restriction

In the meantime, on November 28, the Election Commission of Bhutan (ECB) stated that the leaders of the Bhutan People's United Party (BPUP) have no vision, goals and aspirations for a democratic Bhutan. Besides, in a notice, the ECB said it cannot register the BPUP as a political party in the country. The ECB's decision indicates that the party lacks persons with direct links with the royal family like Sangey Ngedup of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and Jigme Thinley of the Druk Phuensum Tshokpa (DPT). While Bhutan is holding the first-ever elections in its history, the RGOB is trying to impose different restrictions on innocent civilians. Thus, there is little room to believe that the elections will be free and fair.There is a need for the world community, including international human rights bodies, to initiate noteworthy and stronger measures to provide justice to Bhutan's innocent civilians. The RGOB shouldn't be given a free hand in committing atrocities against its people.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 27, 2007

Setting Date For CA Polls

CHIEF Election Commissioner Bhoj Raj Pokharel is back again on the centre stage of political and constitutional discussion as the onus of holding the polls to the Constituent Assembly is shifting to the mantle of the constitutional organ, following the 23-point agreement formalised by the Seven-party Alliance recently. It is in line with the responsibility and mandate of the Election Commission to demand that the political parties accelerate the process of finalising the constitutional and legal modus operandi according to the new agreement.

Needless to repeat, the alliance has agreed to increase the number of seats in the proportional representation mode of polling, which does naturally require adjustments and changes both in the interim constitution and law relating to the election of the members of the Constituent Assembly. If the experience from the past is anything to go by, it had taken months for the parties to devise and ratify the Constituent Assembly election law. The law makers had taken most of their time in discussing and finalising the criteria for distribution and reservation of seats to the different marginalised and disadvantaged groups, including the women. However, as a framework has already been laid down in the statute, not much time should be spent by the lawmakers to arrive at a conclusion for appropriating the reserved seats to the marginalised and disadvantaged groups that have been already identified by the law.

However, should the political stakeholders repeat the previous tendencies of raking up one issue after another, it might take more time than anticipated to finalise the relevant legal instruments. This will affect the entire process of setting schedules for the polls to the Constituent Assembly. As said by the Election Commissioner, the constitutional body needs at least 90 days to complete all the procedures in the run up to the election to the Constituent Assembly. Though several other corollary instruments and guidelines have been in place, the most important law setting forth the process of electing the members of the Constituent Assembly needs to be revised, taking the new changes and amendments into account. As emphasised by the Chief Election Commissioner, the government should waste no time in ensuring that the date for the Constituent Assembly polls is announced soon and the necessary legislative instruments are ratified.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 27, 2007

Maoist trouble at border

India might have had its own share of problems due to border disputes with China and Pakistan for decades, but Nepal could well prove to be an additional concern, with Maoists joining the Girija Prasad Koirala government recently.
India, on Tuesday woke up to an attempt by around 200 Maoist ultras from Nepal trying to stake a claim on a stretch of the “no man's land" after crossing the porous international border touching Uttarakhand. They tried hoisting red flags in the area, close to Banbasa town in the border district of Champavat, before they were accosted. “Previously, border pillars with numbers 3 and 3-A used to mark the border with Nepal. However, they were uprooted due to various reasons. Of late, there have been efforts to conduct a joint survey by the two countries of the nearly 300-km stretch of the Indo-Nepal border to identify areas where the border pillars are missing and to restore them," said superintendent of police of Champavat MS Bangyal.

Bangyal said the Nepali Maoist ultras, who tried to hoist the flag belonged to the Young Communist League, a wing of the Nepal Communist Party. "Although the Nepali Maoist ultras' bid to hoist their red flag was foiled by the security forces they had a design behind that," the official said. "They tried their best to provoke the security forces to open fire on them, as any casualty on their side could become an international issue," he added.

Stating that the security forces showed restraint and pushed the Maoist ultras back to Nepal, the SSP said. "They tried to enter the 'no man's land' from Gadda Chowki area near Banbasa town. We had information from Nepali authorities that they would try to enter through Brahamadev town of Nepal," he added.

Source: Hindustan Times, December 27, 2007

Nepal: India’s “Design Next”

Niraj Aryal

Kathmandu, Niraj Aryal: It’s hardly been two weeks Nepal’s Army Chief, Rukmangad Katuwal returned home from the Indian pilgrimage wherein he was reported to have been offered a “red carpet welcome” by the Indian establishment. Reportedly, Nepal’s Army Chief met the Prime Minister, Home Minister, Defense Minister and India’s national security advisor, to name a few in the list of the movers and shakers of India’s politics whom he met during his short stint there, though he was also reported to have traveled to South to get a glimpse of the living Indian deity Sai Baba- whose followers could well be found here in Nepal. More importantly, Katuwal, unsubstantiated though reports, met the outgoing chief of India’s notorious intelligence agency RAW (Research and Analysis Wing), Ashok Chaturvedi, two times in merely fifteen days, first in New Delhi and the next meet took place right here in Kathmandu, when the later had sneaked into Kathmandu for a four day stint, last week. The RAW chief reportedly, stayed at the Hyatt regency Hotel in Kathmandu.

It could be a mere conjecture only but Katuwal’s return home coincided with the Nepal Army refuting claims made by some newspapers in Nepal. The newspaper reports quoting the Maoists’ leadership had it that talks were on in between the Maoists leadership and the Nepal Army’s high ranking officials to initiate steps towards integrating the Maoists’ militias within its domain. However, to the dismay of the Maoists’ leadership, the NA in its refusal statement held that, “…it was merely a ploy to malign the credentials of the National army”. The question is thus as to whom from the two camps were lying? Obviously, the Maoists who have the habit of making false revelations now and then would be adjudged making fool of the people more so, the media. “But there are proofs of such meets taking place at least three times in the past between the two rivals of by gone era”, said Padma Ratna Tuladhar-the leftist rights activist, talking to a local FM radio station here in Kathmandu, Monday, December 24, 2005.

Now, the point is that if the statement coming form the Army camp is not just a mere conjecture and according to Mr. Tuladhar a false claim, then there must be something underneath. The point here is that such views were being aired by the Maoists’ leadership since long, at least from over a month or so, but the NA statement came only after Katuwal returned home from Delhi trip, obviously a delayed statement. What does this indicate then, perhaps only that India does not want the National Army to unite with the Maoists’ Militias- makes no difference that agreements were made in between the real stakeholders of Nepali politics in the past in regard to the integration of Militias into the National Army? Which, say analysts, the Indian leadership might have aired Katuwal when they met him in India. Obviously, they needed that as well, only because they might have started feeling the brunt of elevating the ranks of the Maoists in Nepali politics and that too at a time when the Militias were possibly, though only limited in theory, being integrated into the Nepal Army. The Militias who have been indoctrinated of the anti-India sentiments by their leadership throughout the rebellion period and even asked to build trenches to fight the real enemy-India (sic Maoists’ leadership), India does not want that to happen either.

Back to Katuwal again, if Indian leadership can talk differently to different Nepali political leadership, it is anybody’s guess that Katuwal too was told something completely different. What the leadership there told Katuwal verbatim is difficult to comprehend but it is for sure that strong “NO” signal to the possible NA-Maoist Militia merger was whispered into Katuwal’s ear. If not, why the NA was claiming that their much publicized meeting with the Maoists’ leadership was false?

To add to the point as to why India does not want NA-Maoist Militias merger, it might also be because India in the past had submitted proposals to then rulers to minimize the size of the security personnel here only to hand over Nepal’s security stakes to India. Such Indian designs only became public after such successive regimes failed to prevail in Nepali politics. Take for instance, what the then Prime Minister Marich Man Singh had told during a mass meet in Kathmandu. Mr. Singh had claimed that India had submitted a proposal to King Birendra for handing over Nepal’s security matters to India, be it the security issues, internal one or external both, if the system of Panchayat was to continue. After few years as Gyanendra-most probably Nepal’s last monarch, took over after King Birendra got killed in an inner family feud, he too was forwarded with a similar proposal which were only but rejected on both the occasions. Gyanendra toeing his brother Birendra’s footstep rejected such an offer, which could have otherwise ensured longer life for his unpopular regime in the country.

The point here is that with the possible integration of the Maoists Militias with the National Army, the strength of the National Army will be enhanced numerically. This, in essence, is what India does not want in any pretext or the other. And that is also against India’s age old doctrine outlined by none other than Jawahar Lal Nehru- India’s first Prime Minister.

Then, all of a sudden and that too close on the heels of Katuwal’s India visit, the outburst of India’s PM Man Mohan Singh against the Maoist rebels operating in India comes. Mr. Singh, otherwise, a lame duck prime minister, making sharp comments against the Maoists even called their movement as the single biggest security threat to his country and also dubbed the Maoist as a "virus".

Singh was addressing a conference on internal security attended by the chief ministers’ of the Maoists affected States in India last week wherein he vowed to take stringent measures against those involved in Naxal activities. However, only few years’ back, Mr. Singh while addressing a similar conference had said the same thing but in the mean time the Naxal movement there only got amplified with the working class exploited more as a result the development indices rose sharply and also unexpectedly.

Now that there are concrete proofs that the Nepal Maoists are indulged in activities aiding their Indian counterparts (so claim Indian media reports), it is only but natural that India would love to see a quick downfall of the Maoists in Nepal. But to the utter dismay of the analysts here, how India proceeds in its “Design Next” in Nepal is difficult to comprehend at least for the moment…however, it is simple to say that as the return of Kingship in Nepal is becoming more and more difficult, the NA might be lured instead in the future to counter the Maoists.

Source: Telegraph Nepal, December 26, 2007

Unstable Nepal poses security threat to India

Centre feels feuding parties in the Himalayan kingdom will precipitate crisis along border

Seema Guha

NEW DELHI: India has officially welcomed Nepal’s decision to hold national elections by April next year, but privately there is serious concern that the Himalayan kingdom’s feuding political parties may not be able to sustain the current arrangement leading to a fresh crisis in its vulnerable eastern border.
Nepal has been a constant cause for worry for India’s policy planners ever since the strain within the political parties surfaced earlier this year. New Delhi realises that an unstable Kathmandu is a major security concern for this country which shares a long and unguarded border with Nepal.

Apart from security, India is not happy with the growing presence of the United Nations in the region and wants the international agency to wind up its mission as soon as possible. Prime Minister GP Koirala has for the moment been able to cobble together a 23-point agreement among the seven warring political parties. In the process, he had to give in to the Maoist demand for the abolition of monarchy by the parliament.
The prime minister and his party had wanted to play by the book and had plans to bring in constitutional changes only after fresh election gave a democratic mandate to Parliament. But the Maoists had walked out of the government and refused to yield ground, leading to the prime minister finally caving in to the Maoists.

Source: DNA, December 26, 2007

Madhes unity

Last week saw an unprecedented consolidation of forces in Madhes. First, it was the declaration of unification by three armed rebel groups—the two factions of Jwala Singh and Bisphot Singh of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha and the Tarai Tigers. Then came the announcement of the establishment of the Madhes Liberation Front formed by the merger of the Rajendra Mahato faction of the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandi Devi) and Upendra Mahato's Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF). A ground-breaking development took place on Monday with the announcement of a new political front in the tarai. Mahanta Thakur, a senior Madhesi leader of the Nepali Congress, resigned his ministerial position and parliamentary membership to lead the front. One lawmaker each from the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandi Devi), CPN-UML and RPP quit their parties to join hands with Thakur. Many more senior Madhesi leaders from other political fronts are expected to jump on the bandwagon.

The obvious questions are this: How did such a sudden consolidation of forces happen in the tarai? What will its ramifications be? The consolidation of power will definitely augment their influence in the tarai. However, the formation of a front of armed groups is definitely not going to help the taraibasis. It will only make things worse for them. In fact, the political leaders, who were until now associated with different parties, were compelled to do something in order to offset the ever-increasing threat and influence of gun-slinging bands in the tarai. They who have been demanding autonomy and vowing to attain their goals through a peaceful movement will hopefully help the government improve the pathetic law and order situation in the tarai. We hope that both the Tarai Liberation Front and the new front announced by Thakur and others will at least make the tarai livable for people from all regions and castes. However, if these groups get tempted to establish working relations with any armed group, then the tarai situation will turn from bad to worse.

The emergence of new groups is also revenge of the Madhesi leaders against the parties they were associated with. Had the seven-party government acted promptly and addressed the law and order situation and other valid demands, the leaders would not have been forced to form new political fronts. The formation of these new fronts will probably also convince the Maoists that the Madhesi movement was not waged by the NC and the UML just to minimize their influence in the tarai. However, it is yet to be seen if the Maoists can stop their Madhesi leaders from joining one or the other front. The Post believes that the armed groups should be dealt with sternly by the government, but the unarmed and peaceful groups should be allowed to grow as political parties. We hope the peaceful political groups will dissociate themselves from anti-social elements and de-escalate the ethnic acrimony in the tarai.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, December 12, 2007

Nepal is heading for regional polarisation

Paul Soren

The continuing crisis in the Tarai region in Nepal remains a serious challenge for the present interim government and has only been aggravated by recent events when a group of legislators from the Tarai, resigned from the parliament on December 10. This led to further political impasse and uncertainty towards holding of the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. The senior Nepali Congress leader and Minister for Science and Technology in the present government, Mahant Thakur, considered to be a very close aide of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, along with three other influential Tarai leaders, Hridayesh Tripathi formerly with (Nepal Sadbhawana Party-Anandi Devi), Mahendra Yadav of (Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist) (CPN-UML) and Ram Chandra Raya of Rastriya Prajatantra Party resigned from the parliament alleging that the government and parties are insensitive and indifferent towards resolving the problems of the Tarai region.

They accused the government of not fulfilling past commitments given to the Madhesi parliamentarians. After resigning, these leaders also announced the formation of a new political outfit in the Tarai. The party would start a fresh round of peaceful agitations to pressure the government to fulfill their demands. Subsequently, five political leaders from Tarai; Sarbendra Nath Sukla of Rastriya Janashakti Party, Anish Ansari, Ram Chandra Kushwaha and Brishesh Chandra Lal of NC and Srikrishna Yadav of UML, followed by resigning from their respective party positions, and accused their parent parties of indifference towards Tarai issues. Moreover, reports suggest that many more leaders and party members from Tarai, holding positions in different parties, are planning to quit their parent parties and join hands to form a new political outfit.

The Tarai problem has its genesis in history where the Madhesis have felt alienated and discriminated in political, social, cultural and economic affairs and have continually been searching for an identity. The Madhesis have become more conscious of their rights post Jana Aandolan II and over time several new political outfits and some underground armed groups have emerged. Though initially the agitations, demanding for federal system with regional autonomy, amendment in interim legislature, rights to self-determination and proportional representation in the CA polls, were peaceful but later became violent. They also seek a legislature that would legislate on behalf of the Madhesis. After initial hesitation, the Madhesi movement gathered strength in unity while the government’s apathy and the political vacuum created in the Tarai, helped. The call to form a new political outfit representing the sentiments of the Tarai could polarise the polity.

A few months ago, a prominent leader from NSP-A (a Tarai political outfit), Rajendra Mahato and Upendra Yadav, Chairman of the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum , have already announced the launch of a joint front called Samyukta Madhesi Morcha which announced a joint agitation from end of December. A new and stronger political force in the region can be expected to give a new life to the agitation for a federal set up in the country. A sustained movement will put pressure on Kathmandu to try to solve the problem. Any delay in this would encourage underground armed groups in Tarai and the newly formed Madhes Rakshya Bahini the youth wing of the SMM to resort to violence with its usual consequences in an already unstable situation. Since most of the industries in Tarai have already shut down any further turmoil will force the remaining industries to also close down. More importantly, this will also affect the already shaky peace process and delay the holding of CA polls.

Source: Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, December 12, 2007

Koirala willing to declare Nepal a republic: report

The paralysis gripping Nepal's fragile peace process for nearly three months could be easing with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala finally agreeing to abolish the kingdom's two-century-old institution of monarchy and declare Nepal a republic, according to the Maoists.

Koirala and his Nepali Congress party - so far the major opponents of the Maoist demand that King Gyanendra be sacked immediately through a parliamentary decree - have shown signs of relenting, with the prime minister partially agreeing to the proposal of a republic, the Janadisha daily, the Maoist mouthpiece, reported on Wednesday. After several rounds of parleys, Koirala is now ready to amend the constitution that, though stripping the king of all powers and privileges, left the crown in a state of suspension, decreeing that an election would decide its fate.

Now, however, Koirala is ready to revise the constitution and abolish the crown before the election, as demanded by the Maoists. The rebels had asked the parliament to effect the change, alleging that a free and fair election would not be possible as long as the king remained. Although the majority of legislators supported their demand, the rebels were not able to push it through because they needed two-thirds majority, which eluded them because the Nepali Congress, the biggest party in the house, opposed them. Koirala's capitulation comes with a condition, the Maoist daily said. He is proposing that though Nepal would be declared a republic, the king should not be evicted from his palace immediately. The implementation would start only after the election.

This, incidentally, is also part of the peace formula suggested by former US president Jimmy Carter who visited Nepal last month to bring the warring sides together. It would also get the support of the international community that has been urging the government to hold the election and let it decide the king's fate. However, the daily also said that Maoist chief Prachanda is pushing for the immediate implementation of a republic. While the deadlock on monarchy could be inching towards a consensus, the two parties still remain divided over a second Maoist demand. The rebels also want a fully proportional electoral system, which is likely to improve their electoral chances.

While Koirala was opposing it at first, now he is ready to accept a 40 to 60 compromise in which 60 per cent of the seats would be elected as per the Maoist demand and the rest on the first past the post system, the report said. Earlier, Prachanda had indicated that if the demand for a republic were to be conceded, his party would be flexible about the second. Koirala's thaw was partly due to the growing pressure at home and abroad to reach an understanding with the Maoists and hold the twice-deferred election by April.

A new impetus came after his trusted Minister for Science, Technology and Environment Mohanta Thakur resigned on Tuesday along with three MPs from the Terai plains to form a regional party and push for autonomy in the restive plains. Both the Nepali Congress and the Maoists are concerned at the move, realising their control in the plains is diminishing. Any further delay to hold the polls could spell disaster for them in the Terai, which is emerging as the new x-factor in Nepal's politics.

Source: Hindustan Times, December 12, 2007

PLA and NA Question Of Integration

Shyam Bhandari

Addressing the seventh anniversary of the armed wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the People's Liberation Army (PLA), in Chitwan recently, Maoist Chairman Prachanda is reported to have ruled out any possibility of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections unless the peace process moved ahead properly. Nothing new! The Maoists have made the CA polls a bargaining chip before, and it seems they will go on making it just until their hidden agenda is met.

For now, the Maoists do not seem to be quite keen to set a new deadline for the CA polls in a hurry. Their insistence on the government first agreeing to adopt the proportional representation system of election and abolition of monarchy outright have come in the way of the elections being scheduled the last time around. Going by Prachanda's declaration in Chitwan, it's anyone's guess that new thorns are sprouting even if the existing ones get cleared somehow.

New thorns

There is every indication that the Maoists will come up with a new set of demands if the present ones are met. Needless to say, their oft-repeated allusion to the integration of the PLA with the Nepal Army (NA) is the new thorn that is emerging in the paths of the ever-elusive CA polls. As far as the Maoists are concerned, it is commendable that a force that was married to bloodshed has come as far as it has in its new role as a peaceful, though not overtly genuine, participant of a political process. However, neither the Government of Nepal nor the Maoists have been fully implementing the commitments they inked in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of last year.

In fact, they have turned each other's shortcomings in fulfilling the commitments into a post-conflict conflict. While the government harbours an overabundance of tacit bitterness against the Maoists for not reining in its various organs, including the YCL (Young Communist League), that are involved in making the law and order situation go haywire, the Maoists have been more vocal in their accusations. They have been availing of every possible opportunity to point accusing fingers at the government for ignoring the promises made to them. Prominent among the accusations is that of the government's apathy towards its fighters enclosed in the cantonments under the watchful eye of UNMIN. The Maoists want their fighters to be integrated into the NA with the greatest urgency. Time and again, Prachanda has underlined that the integration process was delayed due to the government's indifference and the lack of interest over the issue among the concerned parties. He has been insisting on settling the PLA issue before continuing on the journey towards the CA polls.

Why is Prachanda so keen on doing this? Is this more important than the mammoth task of writing a new constitution, more important than rewriting the very politico socio-economic foundation of a New Nepal? From the Maoist perspectives, yes! Prachanda has every reason to be wary of the PLA fallout in the event of his party not meeting what they were promised during the hard days of the 'war' or during 'recruitment' - whichever may be applicable. It is an open truth that his party recruited every possible Tom, Dick and Harry with inflated promises both during the years of active conflict and post-CPA. The result - 33,000 armed and trained indoctrinates who are constantly itching for action - is certain to weigh down on his back. It is becoming more and more evident that the real issue behind the Maoists' refusal to wake and shake themselves up for the remaining leg of the journey in the peace process is the reintegration of their fighters more than the issue of Monarchy or the representation system. That the Maoist chairman is hell bent on fulfilling the promises he made to his cadres is evident from his stance. What about the promises he and the other signatories and participants of the CPA, and later the government, made to the remaining people? These self-proclaimed people's leaders seem to have their own definition of 'people'.

Just as his party cadres are the only people in the eyes of the Maoist supremo, so it is for Girijababu, MaKuNe (Madahv Kumar Nepal) and others. What happens to the large chunk of the population that is sidelined when each of the leaders works to milk the most out of the public coffers for the benefit of a chosen few? When will these narrow-minded leaders learn to work for the benefit of the people and the nation as a whole?

Question of integration

As far as Prachanda's proclivity for the integration of his army with the NA goes, it doesn't look viable both from the military as well as the general perspective. You can't expect two forces that faced each other in the killing fields not long ago to share the same bed and breakfast, especially with both armed to the teeth. Moreover, the Maoists were themselves trumpeting, and correctly so, until a year ago saying that Nepal doesn't need an army as large as it presently maintains. How come they suddenly seem comfortable with adding another 30,000 to that already oversized lot? But then there is still the question of how we can demobilise and reintegrate the ex-combatants from the Maoist camp. There is a middle path that can both reintegrate the Maoist PLA while downsizing the NA.

What we can do is create an unarmed reconstruction and development force by incorporating the Maoists and a sizeable chunk of the NA into a Public Works Department (PWD). The work this department can do will include building roads and bridges, schools, community hospitals and other projects. It could also be mobilised for relief work during emergencies and natural disasters. The government can pay them at par with the NA soldiers, while saving a huge sum on arms and ammunition that it would need to buy for them otherwise. This would also serve as a purgatory for the Maoists that so unfeelingly destroyed the infrastructure of this country during their people's war. It would be a win-win for Prachanda for he could tell his fighters that he kept his word, while the rest of us could do with a long speech on how he trimmed the NA for the benefit of a New Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 13, 2007

Nepalese army chief seeks resumption of supply of arms

New Delhi (PTI): Nepalese army Chief Gen Rookmangud Katawal on Wednesday met senior Indian politcal leaders and is understood to have sought resumption of arms shipments from India to his country. On a two-day official visit here, Katawal met External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukurjhee, Defence Minister A K Antony and held extensive discussions with his Indian counterpart Gen Deepak Kapoor.

India had suspended arms supplies to Nepal earlier this year on the request of the new government which included the Maoist party, following the popular upsurge against the monarchy. India has supplied the Nepalese army with helicopters, light artillery guns, night vision devices and light arms and Kathmandu now wants the arms supplies and spares to be resumed with the situation in the country having stablised, army sources said.

Katawal and Kapoor, they said, discussed at length the mutual security concerns. The Nepalese army chief was also given an extensive briefing on Indian security perespective. The Nepalese Chief also met Defence Secretary Vijay Singh, Naval Chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta and Air Chief Fali Homi Major. He would meet National Security Advisor M K Narayanan and Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon tomorrow. His engagements would be rounded off with a meeting with the Prime Minister's special envoy Shyam Saran.

Source: The Hindu, December 13, 2007

Garbage and politics : Where is the difference?

Birendra P Mishra

Kathmandu is stinking these days. Of course, it has not happened for the first time. But those who have come to Kathmandu for the first time are naturally surprised at the sight of heaps of garbage on the main roads of the Metropolitan City. Last week, more than two dozen participants from South Asian Association for Regional Corporation (SAARC) countries were here to attend a workshop on inclusive electoral system organised by the South Asians for Human rights (SAHR).

In the course of their travel in a bus to attend a meet, surprised at the sight of the heaps of garbage, two participants from Bangladesh and Sri Lanka asked a Nepali participant as to why these heaps were lying unattended — ever since they came to Kathmandu two days ahead.

The reply of the Nepali participant was really interesting as he told them that garbage problem was a matter of politics in Kathmandu.The municipal corporation comes under the jurisdiction of the ministry of local development. After people’s movement, the first elected government formed in 1991 was one-party majority government. But unfortunately, it could last for only three years. After the mid-term polls, a minority government was formed which survived for nine months. Then started the era of unholy coalitions which continued for three-and-a-half years that saw the formation of five successive governments. During this period, the concerned ministry had five different ministers. It has always been the job of other government partners to put the minister concerned in trouble. So far, temporary arrangements have been made even as garbage was made the bedrock of opposition politics. Hence, from time to time, transportation of garbage from Kathmandu to dumping sites gets obstructed.

Recently, the cadres of Young Communist League (YCL) affiliated with the Maoists had taken up the job of keeping the metropolis neat and clean to brush up their tarnished image as extorters and abductors but, for reasons unknown, they soon gave up the noble job.

Like politicians in Nepal, the residents of the Kathmandu metropolis suffer from two common but serious ills: lack of sensitivity to the problem and dependence on ‘others’ for solving any serious problem that might arise in the course of time. And we never bother to introspect that it is our duty to reduce the quantity of garbage we are producing. We never think of disposing of some of the garbage ourselves. We take it as the sole duty of the municipality to keep the metropolis clean.

Definitely, we can solve this problem if we want. For instance, if we decide not to use plastic bags, the problem will be considerably minimised. Hence the government should ban the use of plastic bags immediately. If every household has some space (which is hardly the case) for disposalof garbage by turning it into compost, there will be very little left for the municipality to manage. Alarmingly, the house owners try to use every inch of their landto construct buildings and what little is left is plastered to keep the premises clean. Most seriously, they are exploiting the underground water to meet the needs of multi-storied building dwellers but never leave any space for discharge of rain-water into the ground — unmindful of its serious repercussions.

Similarly, our politics has become a problem like garbage, be it the peace process, or the Constituent Assembly (CA) election or the issues of Madhesi people. With regard to the peace process, it is found that no party is serious about it.After signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord, the Maoists became a partner in the political alliance making it an eight-party alliance, but in reality, they have never functioned cohesively as a unit. The Maoists have always behaved like a separate entity who only care for their own benefits. The government too went along without bothering to look after Maoistinterests.

Likewise, the conduct of CA election appears to be no party’s responsibility. Election for the Constituent Assembly is, in reality, an intermediate objective, whereas building a new Nepal the supreme national goal. Instead of listening to the advice of the experts offering several alternatives, our politicians, however, are wasting time on the proportionality of the two components under mixed system.

In a similar vein, the issue of the Madhesi people have never considered seriously. No doubt, criminal activities can be checked with the help of India, but the genuine political demands of the Madhesi people cannot be met by striking any negotiations with India. For this, Nepal Army and the Maoist People’s Army’s combined operation is also not required. What is required is our seriousness and determination to resolve the outstanding issues. Otherwise Nepali politics too will continue to stink like the roads of Kathmandu.

Source: The Himalayan Times, December 13, 2007

The roads to Kathmandu

Yubaraj Ghimire

There is fresh uncertainty about elections since the Maoists hinted that monarchists should be given space in Nepal’s politics

Two factors are breeding a sense of stalemate and uncertainty in Nepal. The ruling coalition led by G.P. Koirala has failed to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) on schedule. And the Maoists are taking actions that militate against the spirit of the peace process. The absence of clarity about the immediate future has led to some rather extreme speculation. Senior Maoist leaders even claim that by not accepting their demands for declaring Nepal a republican state and agreeing to election by proportional representation for the CA, Prime Minister Koirala is creating a situation where army might stage a coup.

Prachanda, who leads the Maoists, proposed last week that the Maoists and the ‘nationalists’ — implying those close to the king — work together for the larger national interest and durable peace. He has predictably come in for sharp criticism from his colleagues, mainly belonging to the ruling coalition, but the proposal has injected fresh uncertainty into Nepal’s politics. He later tried to explain that his statement was not aimed at protecting the king, but argued that they should not leave the monarchists without a space in the country’s politics.

Prachanda’s latest interventions have sowed the seeds of distrust among Nepal’s key political players — the Nepali Congress, which leads the ruling coalition, saw a fresh bout of revolt with more than 70 parliamentarians and central committee leaders threatening to revolt against Koirala if he succumbed to the Maoist demand. The move is seen to be aimed at preserving the monarchy in a ceremonial status. It has the backing of stalwarts like party’s working president, Sushil Koirala, and its general secretary, K.B. Gurung.

The prevailing uncertainty has also confused the international community which, during the past two years, has been patiently supporting the peace process and elections. They had also accepted India’s lead role in the whole exercise after India brought the Maoists and the major pro-democracy parties together under with 12-point agreement that secured the Maoists’ commitment to end the decade-long insurgency, renounce the politics of violence and accept a democratic order. Election to the CA was accepted as the best way to ensure durability of Nepal’s political system.

But with elections postponed twice, the Koirala government’s legitimacy at home, as well as India’s status as a peacemaker, are being questioned. There are clear signs of the international community making their individual assessments of the situation. The European Union recently sent a high-level delegation — the fourth in a year’s time — to assess the situation. While it concurs with India that elections should take place at the earliest, a conducive security atmosphere is seen to be a pre-condition.

“Lawlessness, notably in the Terai, is increasing,” the EU’s team said at the end of the visit. “There has been severe violence between communities; many people live in fear and are prevented from going about their daily lives. There is a need to rebuild public confidence in the police and to give the police the support to tackle these problems.”

As the Terai becomes an issue of major concern, both for the Nepali authorities as well as India which says the aspirations of the people there should be addressed, China, Nepal’s northern neighbour, has somehow come to believe that what has been happening in Terai is not ‘usual’. There are increasingly visible signs that China now fears that instability in Nepal will have its impact in the north as well, and it will want to have its presence felt in Nepal more. Although China was part of the combined international initiative, a high-level Chinese delegation led by Wang Ziarui, minister for international development of the Communist Party of China, which visited Nepal recently, advised leaders from all sides including the Maoists that Nepal must find solution to its problem by itself. The loaded statement is being interpreted here as China wanting to play its role independently taking into account all the factors, internal and external.

Source: The Indian Express, December 13, 2007

Prachanda for tie-up with ‘nationalist’ royalists

KATHMANDU, Dec 5 - Maoist Chairman Prachanda has stressed the need to forge an alliance of royalists, parliamentary parties and his own party. This is the first time the Maoists - long known for their public animosity towards those close to the monarchy - are advocating a tie-up with the royalists. Speaking at a function organized by the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) in the capital on Tuesday, Prachanda asked media to appreciate the importance of such "tripartite" unity and play its role accordingly.

"Even among the royalists there are those who love the country very much. In the new context where the king has been sidelined, a tripartite alliance, which includes such nationalists, must be forged," Prachanda said. Prachanda added: "There is no alternative to this national necessity [for the new alliance]. The press should play a role in this regard. Even media with large circulations should appreciate the importance of the alliance."

Prachanda criticized what he called "big media". He accused big media of spreading information against his party, out of fear that they would be closed down if a government was formed under Maoist leadership. He stressed that such a situation of fear should be ended. However, he did not elaborate how his party would come to power. "Some media have the misconception that the Maoists would shut down their radio, FM and newspaper if we lead the government," Prachanda said, "Therefore, large circulation media are playing a role to stop the Maoists from forming a government under their leadership."

He further said his party would respect media as per the values of democracy. "Some journalists spied for the army and they reported even a small mistake of our party as a big issue." The Maoist chairman was critical of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and accused the latter of giving more priority to the election of the Constituent Assembly than to the peace process. He further accused Koirala of trying to hold an election the way King Gyanendra did in 2005. The king held local elections amidst boycott by the political parties and questions of legitimacy.

He alleged that the prime minister deviated from the 12-point agreement which was about forward-looking reform of the state and "merging" of the Nepali Army and Maoist soldiers. The elections would be normal only if the peace process becomes normal, Prachanda said. The CPN-M might go for elections if both the armies are merged and the victims of the conflict compensated. "On the one hand, the peace process did not proceed as per the 12-point agreement while on the other, the victims of the conflict have not been compensated," Prachanda said. ‘Election necessary’

In the meantime, Prachanda, in an informal meeting with editors in the capital later in the day, said that the election was necessary to impart motion to society and the country. "We have realized that the election is necessary," Prachanda said, "Our expectation is that elections will provide us an opportunity to reform our cadres."

Source: The Kathmandu Post, Deember 5, 2007

NEPAL: FRATERNAL RELATIONS TO BIND NEPAL MAOISTS AND CPC?

Kathmandu: Visibly, the Maoists paraphernalia appear to be all prepared to keep a comfortable distance with the Indian establishment contrary to what they have had in the past or being presumed to be. Clearly, the Maoists hobnob with the Chinese establishment in the recent months and weeks hint that the Maoists in Nepal have come to their senses and that they just want to bring into effect a what could be best described as a “paradigm political shift” in their relations with India.

Its corollary would be that the Nepali Maoists “under compulsion or being guided by certain strategies” want to redefine their relations with India and begin a new chapter in their relations with Nepal’s northern neighbor. That the Chinese establishment too wishes to expand its sphere of political influence in Nepal and have formal “ties” with the Maoists party became visible when the visiting Chinese high flying Chinese authority Dr. Wang Jiarui and the members in his delegation spent some good three hours with the top-hats of the Maoists party at the Dwarikas Hotel Monday morning.

The meet of the Maoists leaders with the Chinese high level authorities and vice versa does clearly explain that both the sides are and were willing to “meet” each other and initiate on how such an “unclear” relations be legitimized. In effect, the meet in itself provides a sort of “recognition” to the Nepal’s Maoist party by the Chinese establishment as Dr. Wang is a very powerful man in the Chinese political hierarchy.

Thus the Maoists have been already recognized by the Chinese side and soon the two are expected to announce their formal linkages with each other on party lines. What political impact such a Chinese recognition would have then upon the Maoists? This is very important question indeed. Firstly, such recognition to the Maoists by the Chinese side would automatically distance the Maoists relationship whatever they have had in the past or is at the moment with the Indian communist parties. This is for sure.

To recall, though the Indian communist parties were close to the Maoists, however, in practice what has been well recorded is that when it comes to the preservation of the Indian national interests, the communist parties in India too do not spare their Nepali counterparts. “They tend to squeeze in tune with the Indian government’s structured policy towards Nepal that is to “weaken, smash and finally grab”, opine analysts.

However, such a new relationship with the Chinese Communist Party will act as a “political deterrent” to the Indian designs against Nepal. After such recognition by the Chinese communist party, the Maoists party can fairly adopt an “equi-proximity” policy if not that of the “equi-distance”. To recall, India disproves the equi-distance policy in the conduct of relations of Nepal with India and China.

Thus with the new relationship, Maoists will have abundant choice on how to proceed with their party agenda and will be rather more free in defining their relations with India. In such an eventuality, the Indian grip over the Maoists will lessen to a considerable extent. The second political impact on the Maoists would be positive one, say analysts. According to them, the moment Chinese Communist Party recognizes the Nepalese Maoists party, a sort of “fraternal” relations would be in existence which instantly would press the some what errant Maoists to “behave” as a communist but a democratic party.

Since the recognition would be a binding one upon the Maoists’, the latter would have to abide by the norms and the universal values of a democratic system. This would mean that such recognition in some way or the other will have profound impact upon the Maoists political behaviour and they will have to shun their previous aggressive and at times violent stances. In sum, though the two sides have not yet formally recognized each other as a fraternal party but yet the rumors are there that it would be declared soon.

In such an eventuality, the Maoists will have to change their present political credentials what they have at the moment and transform themselves into a fairly democratic party that would be demanded of them. Finally, such recognition would surely distance the Maoists with the Indian establishment. India will be the loser. In addition, such recognition by the Chinese establishment will automatically bring the now cornered “nationalist” forces together, including the monarch. In such an eventuality, the political equation will definitely see a sea change.

It is in this light, the would-be Indian annoyance in the pipeline should be viewed. Notably, the UML leaders, Bam Dev Gautam and Jhal Nath Khanal deliberately distanced themselves from the meeting, when their own boss held meetings with Dr. Wang and his delegation members. Gautam and Khanal are considered to be new “converts” for reasons unknown to the analysts.

Source: Telegraph Nepal, December 5, 2007

Concrete Agenda

Political parties have set up a concrete agenda to discuss and arrive at a settlement of issues to further the process of peace building in the country. The contents of the agenda thrashed out by the parties include reshuffling of the government, announcing the date for the polls to the Constituent Assembly, evaluation of the compliance to the terms of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and setting a modality for the implementation of the motions registered in the Parliament, among others. Though new and difficult issues are being added to the otherwise two-point agenda, that is, declaring a republic and adopting a full and inclusive proportional representation mode for the polls - mooted often by the Maoists in particular - concretisation of the issues in the present context may help to find a lasting and durable solution to the problems faced by the country. The political parties need to delve into these issues seriously, discuss them threadbare and arrive at a settlement so that there will be no room for raising hackles and contentions times and again to suit one's political interests. In a democracy, deliberations and discussions are always needed to arrive at unanimity of views. The decisions reached through discussion and evaluation of the pros and cons of the issues contribute to strengthening a democratic culture and help in finding a legitimate and acceptable solution to the problems. The moot point that should not be overlooked is that further delaying of the polls to the Constituent Assembly without showing any readiness and interest to fix a new date would amount to apathy and indifference on the part of the political stakeholders. This could mean a prolonged and unsettled transition, instability and uncertainty in the country's politics. Some political elements in the country may not be in favour of holding the polls as continued uncertainty could provide room for them to compound the troubles. What is needed at this juncture, therefore, is the understanding and commitment among the political forces to discuss the agenda and announce a new date for the Constituent Assembly polls. The immediate fixing of the new date will send a very positive message to both the national as well as the international community though some issues could remain unresolved and unsettled for some time to come. Holding the polls and framing a new constitution through a democratic process will bring a new era of peace and prosperity in the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 3, 2007

Thinking anew

The Interim Constitution needs to be amended within this Nepali calendar month to avoid a constitutional crisis triggered by the postponement of the November 22 constituent assembly (CA) election, if for nothing else. The outstanding issues that the seven parties continue to discuss, such as the timing of the declaration of the republic and the electoral system, are political ones, which have caused an impasse in the transition but are not constitutionally urgent decisions. The question is, however, that without political agreement on other issues, the constitutional amendment even to change an election date is unlikely to happen. But, a fresh date may not by itself lead to the CA polls, though certain quarters, including some friendly countries, appear to be insisting on a fresh date. At best, a new date could give the parties more time to resolve the crisis. In the first place, it was not necessary to incorporate an election date in the constitution but it was so done in order to make the election doubly sure. But, it did not work.

Things now stand at such a point that the major disputants in the seven-party alliance cannot afford to go it alone. They have either to take forward the peace process or to break it up. The second option would be too costly to the alliance, collectively and individually, as well as to much else that the Nepalis hold dear. The key differences exist between the Nepali Congress and the CPN-Maoist. Therefore, both need to come away a little further from their present positions to make the political transition successful. Besides, once the polls were postponed, the alliance partners have thought it better to set new agendas to bring the country out of the present muddle. Thus, they have decided on five agendas – implementation of republican declaration and full proportional representation, compliance with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, reconstitution of the Council of Ministers and a change in working style, review of the 12-point understanding, as well as all subsequent understandings and agreements, and announcement of a new election date.

These issues could have been taken up earlier to shorten the period of confusion and uncertainty that has reigned over the country because of the second deferral of the polls. However, a discussion of these with a view to coming to a new understanding and removing the existing shortcomings can be expected to facilitate the peace process. Doubts are not entirely unfounded that mere agreement on republicanism and electoral system might not be enough at this stage, because, tomorrow, other outstanding issues could well impede progress towards the election and beyond. This requires that the political parties should sort out all important differences and misunderstandings, so that once a fresh election date was set, it would not be deferred yet again. The main point is that the outcome of the peace process should attain the noble objectives set in the political agreements and understandings based on institutionalisation of a fully democratic order and a restructuring of the state to respond to the needs of the Nepalis better.

Source: The Himalayan Times, December 3, 2007

Nepali polity: Where paradoxes reign supreme

Ganga Thapa

There are strong indications of fresh political realignments in Nepal, which is one of the most unsuccessful third-wave democracies. Despite a long history of authoritarian rule, extensive international support for the peace process should have been sufficient for the transition. But the government has been consistently incapable of pursuing social and economic reforms. Studies have shown that an ideological left-right spectrum can be immensely useful to citizens.Since the collapse of King Gyanendra’ regime, progress towards democratic transition — which would have ensured human freedom (liberalism), rule of law and legal equality (constitutionalism), and representative government (democracy) — has been too slow to come by. The circumstances are highly polarised and factional. A state is regarded as the actor with power, competence, authority and legitimacy to carry out a policy decision. Yet, doubts remain whether it can effectively address demands for freedom and human dignity. In the liberal peace-building process in Nepal, state actors have evidently been unable to recognise the reality and limits of democratic pluralism.

Political democracy usually emerges from nonlinear, highly uncertain, and imminently reversible processes. Democracy may not be a springboard for political equality, but Nepali ruling elite has, time and again, satisfied itself with political concessions it has carved out after petty wrangling. Nepali politics has deteriorated into a parochial fixation as a result of non-institutionalised nature of politics and sprawling patron-client network which, according to Dwight King, is “a pattern of politics in which the ruler’s power derives primarily from his capacity to win and retain the loyalty of some sections of political elite.” Nepal is losing hopes due also to Russian-style oligarchy under Premier Koirala, who is inexorably aloof, arrogant, authoritarian, and a satellite of alien interests. Little wonder, there are growing communal unrest, rampant corruption and criminalisation in politics. If those having influence insist on monopolising power, peace and democracy-building process will face a titanic crisis.

A number of emerging countries share remarkable commitment to democracy despite intractable barriers like weak economy, post-conflict tensions, little participatory tradition, bureaucratic incapacity, and corruption. Nepal’s post-insurgency political process could be a bargaining process between the opposition, who want to share the governing power, and those in the government, who tend to shed it only for expediency to produce apparent improvisations. With institutions acutely lacking clarity and responsibility, scarcely organised popular sector, rampant political disaffection and social exclusion, and with civil society frequently divided on the lines of interest, Nepal is prone to miss essential realities of democracy. Indeed, electoral reforms are imperative to increase competition and strengthen institutions that aggregate and articulate citizens’ preferences. In theory, if the role of executive is merely to translate what the legislators decide, proportional representation is the best. But in contemporary politics, it is the executive that really conducts politics; so democracy is secure if the legislative power is in conformity with the popular will.

More precisely, the question of who takes responsibility for politically sensitive issues and under what circumstances should be treated very earnestly. Rather than allowing the people to set priorities and make mistakes, those unelected, criminal and thug legislators and unscrupulous politicians in the interim legislature-parliament insist on deciding everything. It is a high paradoxical situation. Thrusting a diktat is tantamount to implementing it.States lacking legitimate and effective governmental institutions are more prone to instability and conflict. Nepal is a victim of intra-party rivalry and interest-group politics with political elites having monopoly on power without an electoral mandate. Societies tacitly agree on certain rules to regulate the game of politics. The guiding principle of democracy is that it should be equally accountable and accessible to all members of the polity. For the popular will to be reflected in politics, it must first be expressed.

Nepal is mired in arrogance and hypocrisy with wheeler-dealers. Although Western political and institutional arrangements are not readily applicable everywhere, Nepal needs intelligent and responsible participation by the people in choosing those who govern and approving of policies by which they are to be governed. Otherwise a democratic deficit would ensue. Unequivocally, the April awakening was a gateway to liberate impoverished masses from plethora of injustices. It is fast turning into an illusory revolution. Nepal has endured bloody violence before, and, if the past is any guide, today’s strife does not presage the unravelling of state.

Source: The Himalayan Times, December 3, 2007

Chinese Delegation Meets Maoist Leaders

Kathmandu, December 3The visiting Chinese delegation headed by Wang Jiarui, Minister of Foreign Department of Chinese Communist Party met the chairman of CPN-Maoist Prachanda and other senior Maoist leaders at Hotel Dwarikas in Kathmandu this morning.During the meeting, the Chinese team raised concern over the deferral of constituent assembly elections in Nepal. Maoist leaders informed the delegation that they were committed to make ongoing peace process a success. Maoist leaders and Chinese team also discussed the current political deadlock and other contemporary issues, sources said. Maoist second-in-command Dr Baburam Bhattarai and senior leader Ram Bahadur Thapa 'Badal' among others were present in the meeting.Yeterday, the Chinese team met former Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) leader Sher Bahadur Deuba and Nepal Workers and Peasants Party (NWPP) leader Narayan Man Bijukche. The Chinese team will wrap up its Nepal visit tomorrow.

Source: The Himalayan Times, December 3, 2007