Parties Moving Slowly For CA Polls

Narayan Upadhayay

The nation is hurtling to wards the November Constituent Assembly (CA) election, but the skepticism whether the polls would be held in a fitting manner in the stipulated date has refused to die down. The statements and reports coming from various quarters and some incidents taking place are alarming as they suggest the path to CA polls is still strewn with many complexities that need to be sorted out before any awkward situation comes to pass.

The Code

Even as the government, composed of eight political parties, has come up with code of conduct for the CA polls, the parties are blamed for their lackadaisical response to the pre-CA polls campaigning. The prevailing mood among the political parties is they have not yet jumped into the electioneering bandwagon. Lately, the Elections Commissioner himself has, in a round about way, admonished political parties for failing to create an environment for polls and lacking in initiative to stir up the real interest among the electorate for polls. The commissioner?s very suggestion that the political parties must now expedite for the polls drops a hint that the political parties have not yet fully geared up for what many believes an epoch-making November 26 poll. It is sad to see that our political parties, almost all of who are never tired of professing their respect for democracy and freedom, had to be given the ?wake-up? call by none other than the commissioner himself.

In democracy, it is the political parties that must remain at the forefront to take the proactive role in launching various activities while they seek electorate?s vote for them through an election, agreed upon by the existing constitution of the nation. Likewise, in a democratic political set-up, the onus of making the electorates attentive and responsive to any kind of polls and the post poll consequences that will have far reaching implications on the well-being of a nation rest solely on political parties. There are several reasons that have slowed the three major political players- Nepali Congress, the Nepali Congress (Democratic) and CPN-Maoist. They have been sluggish in their approach to the CA election. In other words, they have their own axe to grind before the epoch-making poll is conducted.As far as two Congresses are concerned, they seem to be in grip of nagging fear that it would be suicidal if they go into the polls without being united.The fractured Congresses are a worried lot and are also under fire from the party workers for failing to take an unambiguous stance in the fate of Monarchy and issue of republicanism. While many party top brasses are reluctant to support the idea of republicanism, plenty of the congresses? workers are supporting the idea. The raging controversies within Nepali Congress might have delayed the party?s election manifesto.

For the Maoists, the results of the mock elections conducted by the Election Commission are not encouraging while the ?persisting? issue of declaring the nation republic before CA polls and the issue of proportionate election in all seats for CA- have been consuming their time and energy. The two demands however, are at variance with the Maoists? various agreements and understandings with government and other political parties. The Maoist party leadership is also in the know that some activities of the party workers in recent time have done nothing good in raising the popularity of the party. And, of late, the party?s submission of 22-point demand to the government has made the task all the more difficult for those who want to create the conducive environs for holding CA polls. The Maoists are pressing to see their demands come to the fruition. But the problem for the authority that have power to fulfill these demands too need some time while many of the demands are not likely to be duly met, because they are against the 12-point agreement.

The position of CPN-UML on the upcoming CA polls is slightly different. It is the only party that has declared to be doing its homework for CA electioneering. But the sad part of it is that the party as big as UML has not been able to prepare its manifesto to catch the attention of its supporters and the electorate as whole even when the much-talked about polls are less than three months away.A cursory glance at the present position of the major political parties makes it obvious that these parties are mainly engaged in their own party interests rather than for the nation?s and people?s. The fear that the CA polls would once again be deferred for new date is all the more glaring.But the psyche in the nation is against any deferral of the poll. Almost all of the foreign donor agencies, the United Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) diplomats from India, the USA, the UK and other nations form European Union, who have provided assistance in cash and kind for the polls and restoring peace, are voicing their concern that the epochal polls must be held in its stipulated time. They are pressing hard to liven up the political parties for polls, because like all of us, they too are aware that the future of this nation and its restructuring are closely connected with the success of the CA polls. Now this nation can not do away with CA polls. There is no denying that the nation will be pushed into new crisis in case the polls can not be held in peacefully.

Unity Vital

However, in the face of mounting skepticism, one can be fully assured that the vital poll can be successfully held, if the eight parties, the true representatives of the people, go for it in united manner right now. To do this, the ruling elite must rise above their narrow party agendas and must shake off petty interests.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 27, 2007

CA Polls: Ball In Parties' Court

Prem N. Kakkar

IT is 89 days for the Constituent Assembly (CA) election. There have been some activities in the direction of meeting the deadline. In this, the Election Commission has been making the necessary preparations. It is also worried that the political parties that are the major players in the polls are not seriously taking up the issue. In fact, it is they who did the needful to announce the date for the polls. Now, they themselves are not hitting the campaign trail.

Differences

It is true that there are some differences among the eight-party members. Each have their own path carved out, yet they insist on unity. They do not want to break the unity, but they seem to be drifting away from the announced agreement. This is rather unfortunate.Due to the differences, the cabinet and the eight-party meetings have been far and few in between. In the past, there was great zeal, and the eight-party meetings were held on a regular basis. It is no longer the case. This has once again bewildered the people in general. The people had believed that once the date for the CA polls was announced, the political parties would shed their differences for a while and embark on the election trail. Despite reports of some parties sending their leaders to the villages and districts, the progress has been slow.In this connection, no party has so far come up with their election manifestos. Some leaders have said that their manifesto, to be focused on the political agenda, would be ready and out within 24 hours. But it is not as easy as said. It is not only the manifesto that counts, the people, too, have to be made aware of the importance of the constituent assembly.

Moreover, confusion still remains on how the voting process is to be done. The voters just do not have a clue as to how the election is to be conducted and how they would be casting their votes. It is the task of the political parties, concerned agencies and even the media to propagate the message.Looking at the present scenario, even the voters in the urban areas do not have much idea about how the votes need to be cast. The problem is further complicated in the rural areas. The majority still have the notion that the CA polls will be like the previous general elections. Though there has been tall talk, educating the voters and creating awareness about the CA is still a far cry. This seems quite a paradox when the country is heading for one of the greatest events in its political history.Instead of the political parties nudging the Election Commission to speed up the election preparation process, just the opposite is happening. The commission says that it has made the necessary preparations, including the placement of voting booths, but the political parties are not listening. It seems that the eight parties are only sorting out minor issues. Meanwhile, the Maoists have come up with their 22-point programme. It also states they are forgoing their peaceful movement. Coming as it does at this juncture, it seems rather unnatural. They may have their own priorities for doing so, yet as far as the agreement with the other seven parties is concerned, there has to be some adjustment. In fact, the present developments seem more like a conundrum, which the ordinary people cannot understand.

Moreover, the Election Commission has also made public the Code of Conduct and the election programme. So what are the political parties waiting for? No one seems to know except the concerned political party leaders.

Assurances

Once again, it rests on the political parties to untie the knot so that the people can rest assured that this time around there will be no backing away from the scheduled date for the CA polls. The party leaders have to be resolute in expressing their commitment for the polls. If they do not, then the days ahead will be quite difficult and will only give the regressive forces the opportunity that they are looking forward to.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 24, 2007

Maoist 22-Point Demand : Way To The Future

Vijaya Chalise

Following the Communist Party of Nepal-Moist (CPN-Maoist) protest programmes to press for its 22-point demand put at the eight-party meeting, some of the political leaders are saying that it could have an adverse impact on the peace process. The 22-point proposal to ensure that the CA polls are held on November 22 includes, among others, the declaration of a republican set up, proportional election system, round table conference with the different interest groups and implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement.

Pressing demands

One can presume that two of the demands are particularly pressing - declaration of a republic and a fully proportional election system. The party wants the proclamation of a republic by the Interim legislative parliament prior to the CA elections as it sees the monarchy as the main hindrance to the CA polls. Similarly, the Maoists believe that the state should first address the issue of the various indigenous, ethnic and Madhesi groups, and a round table conference alone could address their demands. Obviously, a round table conference might be a suitable way of assuring full representation of the oppressed ethnic and indigenous nationalities, women, dalits and Madhesis. The statement issued by the CPN-Maoist states that in the past, the party had shown flexibility over its demands for a republican set up and a federal structure for the country as well as proportional election system so as not to disrupt the peace process. However, the events following the developments in Madhes have shown that the CA poll is not possible unless the proportional representation of all the marginalised classes, castes, regions, communities and genders and civil society is ensured, the statement says.

However, some leaders from different parties argue that it was not necessary to come up with the demands as the eight parties have agreed to carve the country's political set up after the CA polls. They fear if the demands are not fulfilled it might have an adverse impact on the peace process, including the Constituent Assembly election. They even accuse the Maoist party of trying to stall the CA election by launching the protest program. But as the credit for declaring the Constitution Assembly elections and high people's awareness about it goes mainly to the CPN-Maoist and its long people's movement against feudal regimes in the past, doubts about their stance on the CA polls are irrational.Although the Constitution Assembly polls are now just 89 days away, most of the political parties do not seem to be mentally prepared for them. They have not prepared their election manifesto, although the CPN (UML) has formed a committee to prepare one. The Nepali Congress has not even formed a committee to draft the party's manifesto as they are waiting their unification. The Nepali Congress and Nepali Congress (Democratic) want unification prior to the polls as they think the NC will not wield enough influence if they go separate ways.

The Maoists, on the other hand, have reached a conclusion that the CA poll could face many hurdles until there is the existence of a conservative feudal institution, which sounds realistic. For this reason, the Maoist party has demanded the proclamation of a republican state. Obviously, until there is a power that is always creating obstacles against radical changes in the country, there cannot be a favourable environment for the CA polls.Undeniably, not only Maoists but all the people, including the political parties, should be aware of the reactionary forces that are busy conspiring to foil the achievements of the people's movement-2. Though the May 18 (2006) historic declaration of the House of Representatives (HoR) has confirmed the supremacy of the Nepali people, by giving a permanent structure of a republican federal democracy, the people are not fully assured.Thus, the need to bid farewell to the authoritarian elements from the national political arena cannot be denied. Therefore, as soon as the major political parties realise this objective reality, the aspiration expressed by the people through the historic Jana Andolan last year can be fulfilled. No one should, therefore, be hesitant about proclaiming the country a republic prior to the CA polls.

The need of the hour is not a verbal commitment. The need is of creating an honest environment that is favourable for holding the elections successfully. As time is running short, the political parties should realise that they have not yet been able to inform and educate the general mass about the importance of the CA poll from the political perspective. The parties and leaders must work hard to make the people aware about the importance of the Constituent Assembly elections. The CA polls are the main entrance for epochal changes and in the creation of a new Nepal. Obviously, there is no alternative to a republican democratic system. The current scenario presents evidences that conservative feudal forces led by pro-palace factions have been instigating different elements to derail the polls and create anarchism in the country.

Lasting Solution

This provides an opportunity for foreign forces to convert Nepal into a playing ground. Keeping this in mind, it is time for the political parties to come out with their manifestos so as to intensify the debates and discussions on the future of the Nepali state under a new republican constitution. It is a high time to seek a lasting political solution, as people are pinning high hopes on the success of the peace process, with all the political forces of the country, including the Maoists, expressing flexibility in their past stances. One hopes the meeting of the eight-party leadership will sort out their differences and stand united to fulfill the people's aspirations.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 24, 2007

Hindu righteousness

Not this king, but India’s religious right still wants the monarchyc

Prashant Jha

India’s Hindu right which has been traditionally sympathetic to the monarchy and opposed to Nepal going secular is split about Nepal policy. There are differences in approach between the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). about the political approach to Nepal. The RSS is reassessing its past policy on the future of the monarchy and say putting all their eggs in the royal basket was not a wise move. Besides being a Hindu king, they believed only the king could fight the Maoists. Now, senior RSS leaders admit the erosion of the king’s credibility in Nepal has damaged them as well.

We depended on proximity with the king for our influence, now with the king gone we have lost our strength on the ground,” one senior RSS leader told us. Despite this, the RSS would like the institution of monarchy to remain. While more radical groups in the Vishwa Hindu Parishad still hope for an active monarchy, most in the Hindu right in India know that the days of an assertive king are gone.

"We would be quite happy if the institution remains, it is a symbol of unity and is the only Hindu monarchy in the world. We know Gyanendra and Paras are unacceptable but then the grandson formula could work,” says an RSS leader who has tracked Nepal for decades. BJP leaders, including Atal Bihari Vajpayee, have said they will not actively push for retention of monarchy, and will decide on their stance based on the public mood in Nepal. The rightwing in India has kept the channels of communication open with king Gyanendra who has met three intermediaries in the past few months: a former minister from Tamil Nadu close to the RSS, a journalist with a Delhi-based pro-BJP paper, and a former intelligence official. All have returned with the impression that the king is relatively calm but at a loss about what steps to take. It appears he has been advised that a four month retreat, possibly a pilgrimage to India, would be in his interest as this would take the sting off criticism that he is obstructing elections.

More than saving the monarchy, the RSS wants to contain and curb Maoist influence and begin a political campaign in favour of reverting to a Hindu state. It is on these two issues they are willing to invest energy and capital, not on the monarchy. Utterly convinced of Maoist insincerity, the Indian right is, contrary to popular perception, keen on constituent assembly elections. The RSS is convinced that the Maoists would fare miserably and see the polls as the right way to expose them. They believe that Maoists are keen on derailing polls and using the ensuing uncertainty to organise violent street agitations. Like many others in India, the RSS was happy with the madhesi movement because it eroded Maoist support along the border. On the ground, especially in Raxaul and Gorakhpur, some RSS activists provided support (political, logistical, and possibly, limited financial help) during the movement through the Seema Jagaran Manch, a front organisation. Upendra Yadav has met senior BJP leaders in Delhi through RSS interlocutors.

But this support is limited and they neither have the will nor capacity to drive the movement. “We realise there is limited benefit for us out of the madhesi agitation. There is a crisis of leadership. Upendra Yadav is playing too many games with too many people and can’t be trusted. No madhesi group is willing to boldly say they are for a Hindu state. "What’s in it for us?” asks an RSS activist. The RSS’ opponents tend to over-estimate its strength, and even the RSS leaders know their capacity to influence domestic politics in Nepal is limited. But its leaders are aware there is strong sentiment in Nepal opposed to secularism. For now, the Hindu right in India is waiting for a strong anti-Maoist leader with a popular base who can publicly declare he is for a Hindu rastra.

Source: Nepali Times, Issue No. 363, August 24-30, 2007

Press Release of CCOMPOSA

Ccomposa calls on South Asia peoples to oppose Indian rulers’ growing intervention in neighbouring countries

13 August 2007. A World to Win News Service. Following is a press release sent out by the Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) dated 25 June 2007.The Indian rulers seek total domination of the countries of South Asia acting as the gendarme of the US in this region. At the SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) Summit in April, they went so far as to propose a South Asia Parliament, seeking to undermine even the existing limited sovereignty of the South Asian countries. Earlier they had proposed a common currency for the region to further consolidate India’s economic hegemony in the region. At the SAARC Summit they continued to push their SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Association), in order to dominate the markets of the region and allow the unhindered free flow of goods made in India (mostly by the big comprador houses and the transnational corporations) to all countries of South Asia.

CCOMPOSA calls for the disbanding of SAARC and the setting up of genuine forums of people-to-people relations between the countries of South Asia.Lately the Indian rulers have been even more crudely intervening in the internal affairs of neighbouring countries and even more crudely crushing the national aspirations for self-determination of the peoples of Kashmir, Naga, Manipur, Assam, etc.

In Nepal they have been playing an active role to diffuse the democratic aspirations of the Nepalese people and prop up the reactionary elements after isolating the Maoists. They have been instigating the Madheshi people of the Terrai (Nepal’s southern plains) region against the Maoists, in league with the Nepalese monarch. Hindu fundamentalists have been particularly active in setting up vigilante gangs to murder activists, as happened in Gaur where 28 Maoists were killed. Recently these gangs murdered a YCL (Young Communist League) Central Committee member in the Terrai region, together with another comrade. The Indian ambassador has, of late, been pro-actively roaming the interior of Nepal, offering large sums of money for schools, hospitals, roads, etc., in order to wean the masses away from the influence of the Maoists. In addition, the Indian paramilitary have fired on and killed Nepalese of Bhutani origin (to prevent them) from returning to their motherland, and have been fully involved in the US conspiracy to transport 60,000 refugees to the West as a modern-day form of slave labour. The US imperialists and Indian rulers have been working to prop up the reactionaries and neutralize the Maoists.

CCOMPOSA strongly condemns the role of the Indian rulers in Nepal and demands that they stop meddling in the affairs of Nepal and that the Indian people bring to justice the murderous gangs operating across the Nepalese border.In Bangladesh, the Indian rulers have not only openly backed their stooge Sheikh Hasina but have utilised the present army-backed caretaker government to push through massive deals for Indian big comprador houses. They have sought to help the Tatas (an Indian monopoly capitalist group) to make massive investments there and lately the Mittals (an internationally powerful Indian steel monopoly) have signed a gigantic deal in the energy sector of Bangladesh. The Indian ambassador has been actively working in the country together with the US ambassador in the dealings between the various political parties and the caretaker government.

CCOMPOSA demands that the extensive natural wealth of poverty-stricken Bangladesh be utilized for the development of their own country and not robbed by Indian compradors and the US imperialists.In Sri Lanka, they openly threatened the government when it sought arms from China and Pakistan. The Indian rulers have already imposed humiliating free-trade agreements on Sri Lanka. They have also surreptitiously been assisting the Sri Lankan government to crush the just aspirations of the Tamil people for a Tamil Elam.CCOMPOSA demands the scrapping all these unequal agreements and supports the just struggle of the Tamil people for their self-determination from the jackboots of the Indian ruling classes.

In addition, the Indian rulers continue to maintain and tighten their vice-like grip over the small countries of the region like Bhutan, Sikkim, the Maldives, etc., and continue their attempts to bully Pakistan utilizing the Kashmir card. Particularly they continue to forcibly maintain the oppressed nationalities within Indian hegemony. Not only does the Indian army of occupation crush their just demands with utmost brutality, they have been pitting one section of the people against the other to drown their just struggles in oceans of blood. This is to be seen in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Kashmir and elsewhere.CCOMPOSA demands that the people of these oppressed nationalities be allowed to determine their own future and the immediate and total withdrawal of Indian army and paramilitary forces from all these regions.South Asia has become a burning cauldron of revolutionary, democratic and nationality movements. CCOMPOSA supports all these just movements and calls on the peoples of South Asia to unite against their common enemy and not fall prey to the divisive policies of the rulers and their US imperialist backers in the region.

1) Proletarian Party of Purba Bangla-CC – PBSP (CC) [Bangladesh]

2) Communist Party of East Bengal (ML)(Red Flag) – CPEB (ML)(Red Flag) [Bangladesh]

3) Bangladesher Samyobadi Dal(Marxist-Leninist) – BSD(ML) [Bangladesh]

4) Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) – CPB(MLM) [Bhutan]

5) Communist Party of India (Maoist) – CPI(Maoist)[India]

6) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari – CPI-ML (Naxalbari) [India]

7) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) – CPI(MLM) [India]

8) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) – CPN (Maoist) [Nepal]

Source: Maoist Information Bulletin, June 25, 2007

UN Support For Polls

The United Nations has given full support to the process of holding the polls for a constituent assembly in Nepal. The UN has established its full presence in Nepal and is backstopping and overseeing the peace building and democratisation process in the country. The UN general secretary Ban Ki Moon, like his predecessor Kofi Anan, has evinced keen interest in the peace and democratisation process in Nepal. At one end, the UN is involved in the verification of the Maoist combatants to pave the way for their demobilisation. The global organisation is putting its weight behind making the polls to the constituent assembly a success. It needs to be mentioned that the UN has been consistently helping the country to ensure that the election to the constituent assembly is held during November and a democratic and peaceful Nepal is constructed. The UN voter education specialists are at work to assist the Election Commission to design and implement a strategy for empowering the Nepali electors to make informed choices in the polls.

Moreover, the UN has set up an advisory unit to provide technical and intellectual resources in the process of framing a new democratic constitution in the country. High level UN officials have been visiting Nepal to oversee and encourage the process for conducting elections to the constituent assembly. The visit by B. Lynn Pascoe, UN undersecretary general for political affairs recently, has been crucial in boosting the prospects for the constituent assembly polls in Nepal. At a time when pessimism and frustration have been heightened due to feuds and fissures among the political actors, posing serious questions on the prospects and possibilities of the polls for a constituent assembly, the positive remarks given by the high level UN official with regard to the polls should be commended. The UN official remarked that the political process for holding the constituent assembly elections in Nepal is moving on the right track and spoke with certainty that there was no room for despondency and pessimism. These observations have contributed to giving the political situation a positive direction. The political actors are expected to work in concert to make the scheme of the constituent assembly a success.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 23, 2007

Overcoming Poverty

Lok Nath Bhusal

Indeed, time has come to put the poverty alleviation agenda at the heart of the development debate and action for since a long time, poverty has been a major hurdle to prosperity. Broadly, poverty is a human situation in which people lack what they need to possess - economic well-being, political awareness and social inclusion - for their meaningful and dignified existence in the society. Therefore, it embraces the whole gamut of economic, political and social dimensions; not necessarily only their incomes but capabilities as a whole.

Policy failures

For advanced economies, poverty is generally a relative concept whereas it is an absolute one for developing countries like Nepal. People hate poverty and wish to come out, but some unfortunate ones are destined to live under the shadow of poverty and suffer it. This situation is basically attributed to the failure of state policies and their proper implementation. Since poverty is one of the major reasons for socio-economic instability, the state must make systematic interventions to fight against this socio-economic ill. First, the current subsistence agriculture must be transformed into a competitive and wealth-yielding business to tackle the poverty systematically. Our agricultural productivity is the lowest in South Asia. Over two thirds of the economically active population works for agriculture, but its contribution to the GDP is a mere 40 percent. Hence, majority of the poor people come from agriculture. Again, the Economic Survey 2005/06 reveals that in the last fiscal year, the entire production of food crops was adversely affected due to the vagaries of the weather - drought. Indeed, farmers should be able to receive extra income, and conventional agricultural practices must be by more profitable techniques and marketisation of agro-products through the development of physical infrastructures.

A Green Revolution through the use of high-yielding varieties, expansion of irrigation facilities and availability of reasonably-priced chemical fertiliser, comprehensive land reforms and expansion of extension services must materialise. Furthermore, economic development throughout the world suggests that rapid industrialisation must be supported by a strong agriculture sector as the latter has backward and forward linkages to the development of the former. In the context of Nepal, since the agriculture sector is the topmost contributor to the GDP, positive state intervention is most crucial and urgently required to successfully compete with other countries, especially India. This is why farmers of the developed countries are enriched by the state, and much of the trade impasse is concentrated around reducing agriculture subsidies provided by the state.Second, disparity in the distribution of income and resources must be reduced to uplift the penniless population. Our average per capita income has risen to US$ 311, but it is an understatement of the degree of income inequality; averages have great significance in statistics, but they can be dangerous. For example, there have been frequent reports that 20 per cent of the population captures 80 per cent of Nepal's resources whereas the remaining 80 per cent population is stuck with 20 percent of the national income. This has been largely supported by the Nepal Living Standard Survey (NLSS) conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics.

Alarmingly, the Gini ratio, which measures the inequality in the income distribution, was 0.34 for the first NLSS carried out in 1995/96. But this jumped to 0.41 in the second NLSS of 2003/04, suggesting an economically more asymmetric society. Moreover, there are colossal income gaps between the rural and urban population and the people working in the formal/organised and informal/unorganised sector. Clearly, this is a threat to a civilised society. Hence, the state must ensure a more equal and inclusive society through a progressive tax system so that those who can afford pay more, and thus help freeing the poor people from poverty.Third, enhancing social and political consciousness among the people is an equally important determinant in effectively tackling poverty. So far, age-old laws and conventions based on the feudal system and with ill-intention have been able to suppress the people in the name of religion, race, caste, ethnicity and gender. Social change has been terribly slow due to strongly grounded vested conventions designed to promote the elite. As a result, the so-called lower caste people, minorities, various ethnic communities and women have been deprived of their social rights. Consequently, poverty has been hovering around them. However, overcoming such a situation through ethnic autonomy as proposed by some political forces is more likely to aggravate the situation rather than truly addressing the issue.

Precisely, the politics of ethnic autonomy cannot be justified in the 21st century. In fact, it must be realised that the unprecedented economic success made recently by Japan and South Korea has been largely attributed to their homogonous society. Precisely, in developed societies we do not observe informal institutions such as caste, race and ethnicity. This reflects that the ultimate cure to the problem is social transformation, not the autonomy based on ethnicity. Clearly, ethnicity unknowingly invites disintegration which has been proved as a major barrier to rapid socio-economic development. As a solution to these maladies, we need to decentralise, delegate the central power and resources to the people and make them responsible to understand their local problems and to identify alternative local solutions. For this, the notion of home-rule and local government as a fundamental right must be ensured in the upcoming interim constitution. Also, promotion of human rights, building strong communities and strengthening civil society organisations and local bodies are very crucial engagements required to improve the demand side of the equation. Such an unequivocal and inclusive social and democratic political system helps to reduce the poverty in a sustainable manner.

Challenges

Finally, poverty mitigation has been the single goal of the Tenth plan and all our development efforts for quite a long time. However, the progress made so far has not been very satisfactory. Agricultural, economic and socio-political challenges must be overcome to eradicate the extreme poverty. More aggressive state intervention in the form of crafting and implementing pro-poor programmes is extremely desirable to maintain socio-economic stability and national prosperity. Given the recent political developments, the poor population is likely to decrease significantly in the next couple of years. For this, it is quite understandable that an economic agenda, one that particularly focusses on the above issues, must go simultaneously with the ongoing political transition.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 23, 2007

Trust deficit: Nepali politics at crossroads

Madhav Shrestha

Irrefutably, the fluidity of Nepali politics is constantly increasing while the common people’s trust in the political leadership is on the decline. While there is growing public discontent, the political leadership seems to have no wherewithal to win back public trust, which was lost due to their failure to keep past promises. The yawning credibility gap between the leaders of the eight political parties and the people at the bottom is certainly growing bigger as the nation steps into a threshold of yet another democratic revolution. Promises solemnly declared by the government leaders have hardly touched the hearts and minds of the general populace. The political scenario appears volatile and doubts still prevail over the democratisation process following Jana Andolan II.

In view of the present political turmoil in the country, it would be appropriate to quote an ancient Chinese adage: “The proper man understands equity, the smaller man profit”. This maxim aptly explains the emerging scenario in Nepali politics. Evidently, every political leader and every political party is looking to gain a political advantage, blatantly ignoring the needs and aspirations of the greater masses. The political leaders now in power could have done a lot for the people by adopting an all-inclusive approach. However, things appear to have gone awry as the recent political developments have indicated. The broader template has not been put into place but instead pushed to the sidelines with self-centred political interest top on the priority list.

Currently, no single political party, however big among the eight political parties currently represented in the government, has widespread support base among the people right across the country. This reality clearly indicates all political parties are, in fact, either sectarian or regional with limited influence and questionable organisation capacity. This has resulted in fractured and fragmented politics, which precludes an integrated approach. This trend is helpful neither in nurturing the democratisation process during this transition phase, norin serving the interest of common people. Certainly, such a queasy situation isindicative of the long-running political tension with the disruptive forces making headway.

Apparently, the leaders of the eight political parties lack the capacity to create an ambience of political cohesiveness which is vital to take the country out of the present political impasse. This situation is regrettable with the political bickering getting worse. The common people are scared of the likely repercussions of such a state of affairs, which might ultimately invite new forces of disruption and disturbance. Given the politically self-motivated agenda of political leadership, prospects of democracy going on the right path are almost unimaginable now. At present, no political leader seems to possess the much-needed ability to bring all pro-people forces into a common fold. Far worse is the fact that the Nepali society at this critical juncture feels an acute need of a charismatic statesman who could lead the country.

Evidently, the political void has left Nepal a wrecked ship in tumultuous high sea. Those at the helm have hardly ever cared about the suffering of the people who are in great distress owing to a decade-long political unrest and frequent natural calamities. Instead, the political leaders are busy jockeying for power and position. Nowhere in the world are the government and the political leaders so inconsiderate as to be blind to the suffering of the poor and the afflicted.

It would be appropriate to remind the political leaders of this blunt (if not hateful) remark of Bertrand Russell: “Politics is the last refuge of scoundrels”. Nepali politicians would share the same pedestal of scoundrels if they do not work for the good of the common people. And if they failed to meet the aspirations of the Nepali people which were expressed through Jana Andolan II, the political leaders who are promising to build a new Nepal would not only be scorned by the present generation but also by generations to come.Most recently, the increasing build-up of external pressure and people’s aspiration to see Nepali politics moving on right track with the election to the constituent assembly held at the stipulated time should not go unheeded. Political brinkmanship would help no one at all.

Statesmanship on the part of all leading democratic figures is the most needed demand at the moment to carry the democratic politics to its logical conclusion.Deviation from the desired path will be counterproductive and unlikely to be spared by common Nepalis. It is therefore crucial that the political leaders wake up to the need of the hour and work in unison to build a democratic society.Can they now do the right thing and stand ready to bear with the judgment of future generations?Shrestha is ex-foreign ministry official

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 23, 2007

INTERVIEW WITH PRACHANDA

Are the Maoists planning a fresh people’s revolt after their Fifth Plenum? What will be the future of the CA polls? What policy will the Maoists embrace towards India? And how far will the Maoist-SPA alliance go? Maoist Chairman Prachanda spoke on these and various other contemporary issues in an exclusive interview with Nepal magazine recently. Excerpts of the interview:



Q. Your Fifth Plenum (extended meeting) drew much attention. What was so special about it?
Prachanda: The difference between the political circumstances during the earlier four extended meetings and this year’s meeting is the specialty. The earlier extended meetings were held during wartime, for the preparations of the war. This year, the extended meeting took place in a completely new environment of the ongoing peace process and at a time when we, too, are a part of the government.


Secondly, when we entered into the peace process from the process of the People’s War, it was but obvious that several questions would be raised from within and outside the party. The Fifth Plenum has answered all such questions and brought about uniformity in understanding.


Q. What does uniformity in understanding mean?
Prachanda: Transforming a country by addressing the class, caste, regional and gender issues in the transitional phase in a peaceful manner and being a part of the government to hold a Constituent Assembly election are rare experiments in communist movements. Our party has transformed the people’s war into strategic defense, balance, and then strategic retaliation and then ultimately into the peace process, which is a novel experiment in itself. Therefore, this process would obviously have given rise to several questions from within and outside the party. Whether this process will lead us to success or surrender? Such questions had been raised very naturally. We had to answer such questions. And, understanding the fact that the path we have chosen to bring about social and revolutionary changes in a novel way by analyzing all the revolutions and counter-revolutions of the 20th Century is what we call the uniformity in understanding.



Q. We heard that your party rank and file came down heavily on you, that internal differences were spilled over, and that three lines conspicuously surfaced in the fifth plenum. What is the truth?
Prachanda: This is utter nonsense that I was heavily attacked. Had it been so, it would have been impossible to get the 2200 representatives of the plenum united again at the end. Definitely, the honest revolutionists were gravely concerned whether the party would deviate (from its original path). Because of such concerns, several questions were raised. What about security when the central leaders congregate in Kathmandu? Would the follow the path of deviation like the CPN-UML while staying in Kathmandu and enjoying vehicle ride? It’s true that concerns such as these were raised. But it was more than clear that they had a huge confidence in the leadership. As far as the three different lines are concerned, they exist in all parties: Rightist, extremist and the middle-path. We represent a revolutionary line. I did not write Prachanda Path in the document of the plenum. But no one said Prachanda Path was the main line and should not be left out. This also helps to understand the line and debates of the party’s extended meeting.


Q. Your earlier documents used to attack directly; this time around you have said many things vaguely. Why?
Prachanda: The language we used when we were in Rolpa and the one we have to use while in Kathmandu has to be inevitably different. The language used while in one’s own base area and the language that is used while in the White Area cannot be the same.



Q. Do you still consider Kathmandu a ‘White Area’?
Prachanda: Yes, because Kathmandu still does not belong to the people.


Q. You often mention the phrase ‘a new or a novel experiment’. What is this experiment for-- for a revolution or a compromise?
Prachanda: When we talk about a new or a novel experiment, it is for a revolution. Considering the global and national situation and development in science and technology, we have to find a conclusion to push forward the revolution and for that a new and novel experiment is required.


Q. What will that revolution do?
Prachanda: In Nepal’s context it (revolution) will alter the feudal-production relationship or the feudal-property relationship. It will also change the feudal-political relationship and the feudal-cultural relationship. Secondly, it will free Nepal and the Nepali people from the interventions of the foreign imperialists, reactionaries and expansionists.


Q. That means, at a certain point, violence could again take place in the name of revolution?
Prachanda: In one way or the other, each revolution is violent. No matter how peaceful a movement you call it, it always has violence and counter-violence. Secondly, we have felt if we can move forward on the political base formed after our 10 years of people’s war, people can achieve freedom in a peaceful manner as well, and we can constitute a new society. And we are currently engaged in the same experiment. But whether it will always remain peaceful or turn violent again does not depend on us; it depends on our opponents. It depends on the imperialist and feudalist elements which are not yet completely defeated. There is a possibility that they could use violence against the people once again. In that case, the people will have to retaliate against them. At that point, the revolution could again turn violent.



Q. So, there still remains a final confrontation, no?
Prachanda: It can be understood that way. If the process we have embraced after the 12-point understanding and other agreements is obstructed and if the people are not given an amicable atmosphere to express their mandate in a peaceful way and if violence is again used against the people, then a final battle can take place.


Q. There have been allegations that it’s you who have been committing violence and excesses through the Young Communist League (YCL).
Prachanda: Some media houses that believe in reactionary violence are engaged in this propaganda. This is not the truth. If you go to the bottom of each such incident, then you will realize that these incidents have taken place in retaliation to the ruling mindset of the ruling class.


Q. You are in the government. Then aren’t you, too, among the rulers?
Prachanda: If one looks at the outer structure (of the government), one can say so. But, in essence, we joined the government just for the sake of the Constituent Assembly polls. We are not the whole-sole in-charge of the power. Power and government are not the same thing. And again, when we joined the government, we were told that it would be run on consensus, which is not happening. If it continues this way, the relevance of us staying in the government will be over.


Q. So, when are you quitting the government
Prachanda: Our ministers are giving an ultimatum today. Then, it will depend on how the government leadership takes the issue and how it is discussed in the eight-party. It will be sorted out in a few days.


Q. People still have doubts about the CA polls; will the election take place on the said date?
Prachanda: It should. But looking at the preparations made by the government leadership and its modus operandi, we have serious doubts about the polls taking place on November 22. Holding the elections without creating certain essential conditions will not fulfill the people’s aspirations. For example, all the agreements reached so far must be implemented in a proper way. Above all, all the groups, including those in Madhes, which are creating troubles, must be controlled. Since the Gaur carnage, our more than 50 cadres have been killed. But no action has been taken against the guilty. They are walking free. In such a situation, how can one believe that the government can hold the elections in a proper manner? How can we believe? We have already said that India does have a role in one way or the other in creating unrest in Terai, especially the Hindu extremist groups of India are creating troubles in Terai. The government’s failure to control this has given rise to misgivings about the possibility of elections. Besides, feudal royal and other reactionary forces are also trying to thwart the elections. Therefore, we have been saying that an environment for the elections can be created only by declaring the country a republic before the polls.


Q. It is said that you yourself don’t want the elections because your (party’s) popularity has gone down lately.
Prachanda: There is no reason to doubt us as far as the elections are concerned because thousands of our fighters sacrificed their lives for the CA polls. We cannot be against the polls. Yes, we do feel that we might lose; it’s because the feudalists in the country and imperialists-reactionary forces are hatching conspiracies and trying to marginalize us. Despite that, we are not going to deviate from the election front. We have already formed a high-level committee to write an election manifesto. We will soon announce our first list of the candidates in the preliminary level.


Q. There have been allegations that you are complicating the already sorted out issues like a republican set up and proportional electoral system to obstruct the elections.
Prachanda: When it was decided that the CA polls would not take place on June 20, we wrote a note of dissent that the CA polls would not happen unless the country is declared a republic. After we pitched the republican voice high, parliament amended the interim constitution incorporating a provision that it could remove the king with a two-thirds majority. In this circumstance, how can it be said that we are against the polls. This (republican set up) is our old demand. As far as the proportional electoral system is concerned, this is what we have always believed in. We had compromised thinking that the elections would be held within June and also because the Nepali Congress did not accept the demand for a fully proportional system. But, we were unable to clarify ‘the compromise’ before the people. We admitted in our fifth plenum that this was a mistake and we clearly put forth that the proportional electoral system is our belief. But we have not said that we will shy away from the elections if the country does not adopt the proportional electoral system. In this situation, how are we obstructing the elections?


Q. On the question of a republic?
Prachanda: Our party has decided that a republican set up is a must. We have already announced that we will run campaigns for the republican set up. However, we will not shy away from the elections if that does not happen.


Q. Is your relation with Prime Minister Koirala thawing?
Prachanda: I won’t call it thawing… But the truth is there is a contradiction in the way the political developments are taking place and the way the Nepali Congress is working. Girija Prasad Koirala and other leaders who, during the people’s war, told us what we did – attacking the headquarters or targeting the choppers – was alright, now act in a way as if they want us go back when we are in the peace process and in the government. We doubt that Koirala is going to have a huge regressive and bourgeois change.


Q. What will be the status of the Koirala government if, in case, the elections don’t take place?
Prachanda: There won’t be the Koirala government if elections don’t take place. Not only will Koirala’s government go, the country will face a huge disaster.


Q. Civil war?
Prachanda: Yes, a civil war. The series of events have shown that. At that time the scale of international forces’ intervention will be very large. Many people even indicate Nepal’s fate as that of Afghanistan and Iraq. But not Iraq or Afghanistan, Nepal could turn into a Vietnam of the 21st century. This means, there is a possibility that the Nepali people will once again have to revolt against international intervention. What I believe is, if the peace process does not move forward in a proper manner, yet another people’s revolt is a must.



Q. Are you in a position to organize that sort of people’s revolt?
Prachanda: The people of Nepal have to do that. We, on our part, could of course try to lead the revolt.


Q. But, how much possibility is there of deferring the polls to Baisakh (mid-April to mid-May) through an agreement by amending the constitution?
Prachanda: I don’t think so. It does not happen every time. There won’t be any situation where the Nepali people will tolerate the postponement of polls time and again.


Q. That means, if polls don’t happen in November, there is no possibility of polls at all in the near future?
Prachanda: I think it won’t be wrong to draw such a conclusion.


Q. For what the people’s revolt you are talking about?
Prachanda: Firstly, it is for holding of the polls. If that could not happen, it is for transferring all the power to the people.


Q. Power in the people’s hands means power in your hands?
Prachanda: Power in our hands means power in the hands of those who represent the people


Q. When are you launching your people’s revolt?
Prachanda: The process has already begun. Our comrades who are ministers have outlined certain points and given an ultimatum to quit the government if those points are not met. This itself is the beginning of the revolt.


Q. What will be the eight-party equation if the elections do not take place?
Prachanda: I doubt that the coalition will remain intact if the elections do not take place. Either the eight parties will again launch a fresh movement or some of the parties will join hands with the reactionary forces and some will reach out to the people.


Q. What will be the role of the PLA in the revolt?
Prachanda: The PLA cannot be used in course of the people’s movement. But, anything can happen if a situation arises wherein the country heads towards the people’s revolt. The PLA may not remain inside the ‘cantonments’. It will come out.


Q. What will happen to the UN monitoring/ supervision process if the election does not take place on the scheduled date?
Prachanda: The agreement was for nearly one year. If the election does not take place within that period then the UN’s role would come to an end. There will be no need of the UN to stay here.


Q. Let’s change the context. You claim that there is a conspiracy against you in the Terai. Where was that conspiracy hatched?
Prachanda: The problem in Terai is of a serious nature. It is not true that the Hindu extremists alone are behind it as we had been mentioning sometimes. When we sealed an agreement for the Constituent Assembly elections, representatives of the United States went to Madhes to instigate (the people) against us. America has tried to marginalise the Maoists in Madhes. Secondly, the expansionist faction of the Indian ruling class is also conducting planned activities. Thirdly, the feudal-landlord class, which was earlier displaced from Terai, is also involved for revenge. Fourthly, influence of the parliamentary parties was almost non-existent in Terai. They are also taking it as a chance to reduce the Maoist influence there. All these groups have united against the Maoists. And, the dacoits, murderers and criminals, who were chased away by our activists, have also organized themselves. Therefore, the Madhes problem is multidimensional.


Q. Haven’t you talked to the Indian side about the Madhes affairs?
Prachanda: We have been holding discussions. I have been raising the issue with the Indian ambassador—i.e. with the officials working in Delhi. If India had wanted then this kind of mayhem could have been definitely averted. Now they say that such activities are taking place due to the open border. But, there is no ground to easily accept that. It seems to be part of a strategy to sabotage Nepal’s revolutionary movement. Secondly, the general public in Nepal knows that a big ‘design’ of the Indian ruling class to expand its influence in Nepal-- particularly in Madhes-- has been in play. We have been countering this.


Q. What is your India policy now?
Prachanda: We had raised nationalism as the main agenda when we launched the people’s war. In the latter phase, when our responsible friends were getting arrested in India, and the Indian interventions increased, we started our preparations to fight against India. We discussed about a tunnel war with India. I had prepared a document after studying the tunnel warfare of the Vietnam War. It is an open secret that we wanted to hold talks with the royalists before ‘February 1’. Our policy on nationalism and threats from India remains the same if the issues of the tunnel warfare and the talks with Gyanendra are viewed together. However, the February 1 incident badly turned the situation towards an autocracy. It was a newer development than our expectation and analysis. After the advent of the autocracy, we had to go against it. We had to forge a working alliance with the parliamentary parties for that. On top of that, we had to opt for an alliance with the Nepali Congress. And for that, we had to seek Delhi’s support.


Q. Why? What is the relationship between Delhi and the Nepali Congress?
Prachanda: There is a very deep-rooted relationship between Delhi and the Nepali Congress. Is that a secret? Observing the developments since this party was born shows a special relation. For instance, we wanted to strike the 12-point agreement in Rolpa. But, we went to Delhi after Girijababu said he won’t come to Rolpa, and would rather meet us in Delhi. We had a tough time hoodwinking (the Indian authorities) to bring Girijababu to our place. But no matter how much we tried to trick the Indian government, we don’t feel that it was unaware of our meetings. Girijababu had stayed as a guest of the Indian government. That (12-point understanding) took place with the Indian government’s consent. In this way, India did have a role in the signing of the 12-point understanding. In other words, it won’t be otherwise to say that we, too, had some kind of relationship with India through the Nepali Congress.


Q. Now, what does India want from you and what do you want from India?
Prachanda: A relationship of equality. We want the past agreements and treaties (with India) be reviewed appropriately. Also, we want India to help us positively in this transitional period as a neighbour. On the part of India, may be it now wants us to work as per its interest and wish? However, we didn’t work in that way after joining the government. What we feel is India did play a role to marginalize our party’s influence in Terai; it wasn’t good.


Q. What do you feel about Indian Ambassador Shiv Shankar Mukherjee’s recent remarks about the CA elections?
Prachanda: The kind of language he used was very objectionable. That is against the Nepali people and the independence of the Nepali state. It gives a clear hint that India wants to dictate things (in Nepal). It smacks of the tone and language of former US ambassador Moriarty.


Q. Are Nepal’s nationality and sovereignty under threat due to foreigners?
Prachanda: Earlier, when I said the country is heading towards a catastrophe, I also meant to hint at the danger looming on Nepal’s national integrity. The way foreign meddling has been on the rise, if viewed in all contexts, it may pose a danger to Nepal’s independence if all nationalist forces do not stand united. However, I don’t think that danger has already come. The national feeling of the Nepali people is very strong. The Nepali people are always ready to make any kind of sacrifice for the country’s independence. Nevertheless, there are indications that do hint at huge conspiracies being hatched against Nepal’s national integrity and national independence.



Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

Maoist desperation

Just when the climate is turning favorable for the Nov 22 Constituent Assembly (CA) elections, CPN (Maoist) has thrown a spanner in the works. This is time when the parties are expected to come out with their manifestos so as to intensify debates and discussions on the future of Nepali state through a new constitution. Instead the Maoists have raised some dead and already decided issues as pre-conditions for the CA polls. If the Maoists are hell-bent on further diminishing their prospects of facing the ballot box, they may do so. But the problem is that their constant U-turns are affecting the entire country and the CA poll is at the stake. We should have already been in top gear vis-à-vis elections by now.

The party has threatened to launch protest programs if its pre-conditions are not fulfilled by mid-September. Thereafter it would launch its infamous jana karbahi ('people's action' that was much reviled during insurgency) and 'political' strikes. All this is to ensure that the polls are held in time, it reasons. We strongly disagree. The seven-party alliance and the Maoists have already reached an agreement on all the issues that the Maoists are trying to raise now as unresolved. Be it deciding the fate of monarchy or electoral system for the CA elections, these have already been settled with the consent of the Maoists. Their latest excuse that their earlier agreement was conditional to holding the CA polls in June is specious. Between June 13 and 24 this year, the Maoist lawmakers and ministers have voted and approved the very subjects in question, including deferring the polls. The parties have already signed an agreement to decide monarchy's fate in the first sitting of the constituent assembly by a simple majority. That agreement still holds.

CPN (Maoist) must realize that it would be held solely responsible if it continued to vitiate the atmosphere for the elections as other political parties, the Election Commission and the United Nations, among others, are insisting that CA polls be held on schedule. Their actions would not ensure the holding of the elections. Rather, they will have disastrous and contrary outcome. The Maoists, understandably, are reluctant to face the ballots at a time when their image has taken a nosedive. They are desperate for a respectable presence in the assembly which would draw up a new constitution. Maoists' desperation is understandable; their disruptive behavior unacceptable. Instead of trying to disrupt the polls, the party leadership would do well to improve its sagging image by reining in the rampaging cadres who at times commit crimes. They could then seek the support of the people for their vision of new Nepal, peacefully.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

Crisis of nation-building

C D Bhatta

Political movements in Nepal have brought about significant changes but, to our dismay, they have always posed a threat to the nation-building. This is partly because after the temporal settlement of political movements, the spirit of any movement is spoiled by the boundless desire of power within the political leadership. And partly due to external forces (as all political movements since 1950 are guided by the foreign powers) and infighting between regressive, progressive and status quo-ist forces on basic political (national) values. Prevalence of this type of (a) political culture within the political class have degenerated both political will and promises made before-during-and right after the completion of people's movement.
Nepali state has witnessed a series of political movements during the last half century to democratize state and address issues that impede the process of nation-building. However, all the political movements have ended up in some sort of, what Prof Thomas Meyer of Germany has called lazy compromises between the political parties in conflict and regime at the helm of power. The lazy compromises have only brought cosmetic changes and the major political issues are yet to be resolved. We have an established revolutionary political culture but not the revolutionary thinking (approach) in translating achievement(s) of political movement(s) for the commonwealth of people. Inability of translating words into deeds (real action) is certainly driving Nepali state towards political deadlock one after another for the last half century. This, no doubt, leads us to strongly argue that Nepal never had complete political revolutions in a real sense of the term.

Another factor contributing towards the crisis of nation-building is that political movements have provided sufficient opportunities for various groups to emerge and make claim and counter claim to the state to fulfill their various demands. But Nepali state is not in a position to fulfill all demands given the resources (economic) available and political capacity of the state. This, by contrast, is eroding the capacity of state.
As a result, internal sovereignty of Nepali state is in crisis due to the rise of various non-state-actors in different parts of the country. The non-state actors have challenged the conventional power of the state (such as authority to punish etc).
In the same vein, Nepali state has also lost policy sovereignty to the Western donors, multilateral and multinational organizations and their subsidiary NGOs due to the crisis of governance. In a nutshell, erosion in 'sovereignty' is contributing towards 'systemic crisis' in the nation.
We had underpinned high hope on civil society given its significant contribution towards regime change. But with the passage of time, Nepali civil society is failing to institutionalize the process of regime change (read democratization). This is primarily because civil society groups do not have common voice on major political issues. In fact, it is not clear who exactly governs and represents Nepali civil society as leading civil society activists keep on changing their position (often clash with each other) on major issues of national importance.

It is primarily due to the fact that civil society is aligned with political parties and is accountable to them (for power) and to the donors (for funding) as against citizens at large.
The sheer deficit in democratic political culture across political parties is the prime facie cause of political deadlock. For example, whenever political parties move onto power they are habitual to capture both state and system. This practice has developed neo-patrimonial culture in Nepali politics. To some extent, the eight party-phobias are also the product of this culture which has repeatedly undermined other societal and political forces. There are chances that the pillars of mass democratic movement will run out of steam and stamina, and that the project of nation-building will never be accomplished.
Moreover, there is no social representation of political power which is causing perpetual political pandemonium. For example - there is no intergenerational justice that is, the highest number of voters lies between 18-35 years of age group but we don't have leaders to represent this age-group across political parties.

The next important point within the context of nation-building is the scenario of national security and foreign policy. To put it bluntly, both are missing from political agendas. There is a great deal of crisis of confidence lurking between political forces and national security organs of the state.
The security organs and their members have been undermined, discouraged and demoralized in many occasions (in the name of restructuring) which is only adding up further problems to national security. The tendency within the political parties and their cadres is that they try to destabilize 'national security' for their own vested interests.
Similarly, unavailability of national vision on foreign policy is inviting too much interference into internal affairs of the state (particularly on the future political discourse). But we don't have ability to act upon because there is no coherent voice of political parties on the issues of national importance.

Given these contradictions in practice, perhaps, we need to develop a spirit of understanding, tolerance and give-and-take culture (smart culture of compromise) to complement each other (political and social necessity), which will help to put an end to all internal strife and violence amicably and to get rid from the web of systemic crisis.
Having said all these, finally, the larger challenge for Nepali state, perhaps, is to bail out from the 'state of nature (everyone against everyone)'. And this can only be done internally, by bringing all sorts of societal forces (left out and potential political actors) into the institutional life of the state and externally by taking international community into confidence. Nepali political leaders should posit some sort of commitments towards the peace process, which does not seem to be in place at the moment. Equally important is that we need to strike a balance between political freedom and external and internal sovereignty of the state to enhance the process of nation-building and maintain national security.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

Free media and drafts of history

Abhi Subedi

Free media discourse did not receive as much attention from parties, governments and civil society as it should have after the political change of April/06. But it has received attention in recent weeks as an issue of freedom. Nepal government's first united response to Constituent Assembly (CA) elections came like a jolt about a month ago. The spokesman of the government indicated that they had agreed in principle that certain codes should be introduced to limit the media reporting about the CA elections in November 2007.
The recent closures of some newspaper distributions by Maoist trade unions and resumptions following a court order and the flexibility shown by the Maoist information minister Krishna Bahadur Mahara and the trade union near the CPN (Maoist) and the commencement of fast-onto-death by a democratic leader Birendra Dahal propelled by the closure of HBC FM brought the free media discourse to a new height. After these developments, two questions rose like cyclones in my mind. First, why focus on press restrictions before anything else? Second, who is wary of free media in Nepal?

Nepali free media was not created by political parties or governments who have their own mouth organs that they play whenever they feel like and invite readers to appreciate their composition and read their solipsistic notations. Little do such organ creators realise that free media's historical effect is immediate and vibrant.
About the historicity of free press, a senior British journalist John Lloyd says, “Journalists give the first draft of history: historians may do a quite different draft, but most people don't read the histories-so for them it's the first and last” (What the media are doing to our politics 37).
The first draft writers of the current, turbulent Nepali history are the media. The old history writers' books are shelved. They do speak very little now. So writing the drafts of history by free media has become the most important activity in the politically vibrant Nepal. Several native and foreign history writers have been using the Nepali free press to formally write the second draft of the history of this country's turbulent times. The free Nepali press --its journalists, columnists and freelancers have mutually written the first drafts.

Free media was created by middle class youths who found it as an important means of creating cultural and intellectual space for themselves. They came into existence with the awareness of their in-between-ness- the sense of being below and above, between global and local and founded the free media to express their world view. Their free press activity shook the class above and taught the people below how to be assertive.
Media entrepreneurs gave them freedom for obvious reasons. Little have the political parties realised that. Free media successfully challenged the ardent autocratic regime of the modern times in Nepal in April/06. The role of free media and the journalists was the most important one. They took many risks, disregarded life threats and moved under the barrage of batons and bullets to bring news to the public.
There are some caveats. The Maoists were among the first to realise the power of free press because they chose the free press to publish their important views. The Nepali Congress government jailed Editor Yubaraj Ghimire and publisher Kailash Shiroia of Kantipur for publishing Maoist leader Baburam Bhattarai's essay in Kantipur in June 2001 and put a temporary ban on free speech. But the free press prevailed. The free press helped the Maoists to come to the open through their constant attention to their politics, their histrionics, commitments and programmes. Some free Nepali weeklies devote not less than 40 percent of their coverage on the Maoists in each issue.

It is ironical, therefore, that the Maoists should look askance at the free press today and suspect that they may have been funded by foreign agents. Examples abound. Kanak Dixit was detained by King Gyanendra's government for defying the restriction to use IT to talk to the foreign press. Other media groups were attacked and their facilities and technologies were looted and vandalised by government agents. Journalists were gagged by militias and governments' armed personnel over the last decade.
Parties' ambivalent attitude towards the free press continues. But the reality is that if the free press leaves a day without reporting the ongoing minuscule U-turns of the parties even today, the political process will move back to square one. The free press has been overtly or covertly alerting the mass and the parties.
What does it mean then to develop hostile attitude towards free press by the government and political parties today? Can a party dream to rule absolutely tomorrow by suppressing free media? Nobody should work with such imaginaries. People are so vigilant that they will not accept any regressive reporting either. So, why instead of sorting out the main political agenda, mutually working for a law and order situation and going to the villages with manifestos as the chief election commissioner has been pleading them to do, are the political parties and government fantasising a muted and muffled press?
The writers of the first drafts of history have great responsibilities as much as the governments to save a free media in Nepal.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

Peace please

Prerana Marasini

So you're from Nepal? The country of Maoists," reacted a foreign classmate of mine here in India. "You can't say it's the country of Maoists; I'm not a Maoist," I retaliated. "Don't deny your country is going through turmoil and there hasn't been any settlement even after the revolution," he said, "Believe it or not but the synonym for Nepal has become Maoists today."
Feeling a little dejected at the comment, that too in a different land, I wanted to think for a while that Nepal is still the same-peaceful-but I couldn't agree to myself. I went to the computer lab and logged on to Nepali websites to update myself with the latest political news. I hoped to see some positive news, something that was not related with deaths and damages, bandas and its aftermaths but I had to be disappointed again.

A parliamentarian had been attacked ruthlessly by Maoist cadres. The news said that they wanted to burn him alive, in public. I got goose bumps. I hadn't heard anything like that before and felt ashamed too. If the parliamentarians were attacked that way, I wondered what happens to the ordinary citizens. I felt emotionally hurt too, as the Maoists who joined the government months ago were still carrying out barbaric activities.
Some weeks ago, I had read the news in which they had attacked a DFO. The fact that they were still embracing people-frightening image disgusted me. Their participation in the government should show respect towards law and order. Involvement of their cadres in activities like these indicates either they haven't been able to implement law in their own group or, they want to remain as rebels. No matter what!

I was still pondering over the remark of my foreign friend, whose nationality I don't want to reveal, when I read something that gave me another blow. The news read: "CPN Maoists have formed committees for eight different ethnic-based 'states' under a federal structure for the country." States? I waited a second trying to figure out what they meant by that. 'Seti-Mahakali, Tharuwan, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newa, Madhes..' gave me a complete picture what these followers of Mao Tse-tung were up to. Split the nation!!
When I was a kid, I always thought of various things to introduce my country, in addition to the tallest peak and the Light of Asia, with foreigners. At this moment, however, I could not think of anything else except the green combatants with red bandana, the group that calls itself Young Communist League and carries out atrocities, and the leaders like Prachanda, Baburam, Mahara, and Hisila. I also remembered what Jwala Singh said-"We won't allow constituent assembly election to take place." I also visualized the everyday bandas and burning of tyres, destruction and demolition, hues and cries.
The more I thought, the more pessimist I became. I tried to divert my mind to the natural beauty of the country. But even that didn't help. I wanted to tell my classmate on his face: "Hey, I come from a peaceful country, okay." If only it was true….I sat back and closed my eyes.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

Swing Into Action

IN its pursuit of holding the constituent assembly polls as per the schedule agreed upon and mentioned in the interim statute, the Election Commission has gone ahead with making the necessary preparations for the democratic franchise aimed at framing a new constitution for the country. Right after the enactment of the law relating to an election court, the Election Commission has published the schedule for the first past the post system as well as the proportional election system which indicates the efficiency and effectiveness of the constitutional body in carrying out its constitutional duty. According to the schedule disclosed by the commission, candidates seeking to contest for the 240 seats in the first past the post system should file nominations at the respective district education offices by the first week of October while the political parties are required to submit the list of their candidates to the commission for the proportional polls during the second week of October. The commission has, thus, set the timetable for the polls to ensure that the process for holding the polls is not delayed and for the political actors to swing into action accordingly.

What makes sense to note in this context has been the finalisation of the code of conduct for the polls, laying down obligations to be adhered to by the political parties and candidates. The code has been comprehensive enough to cover several aspects of poll ethics and mentions that the parties or candidates failing to obey the provisions are liable to face legal consequences. The commission reserves the right to invalidate and countermand the polling process, should there be serious cases of violation or breach of the obligations enshrined in the code. The prohibition on posters and wall paintings is very relevant as the political parties and candidates are found engaged in defacing and disfiguring public walls and compounds with slogans and campaign messages during the elections. Moreover, the code has fixed a ceiling on expenses involved in the poll campaign. However, it is not very much different from conventional practices. What is important in this context is the determination to enforce the provision so that money and muscle power are not flexed during the polls. Finally, congratulation to the Election Commission for its drive and zeal for carrying out its constitutional mandate, and it is high time the political parties reciprocated the spirit of the constitutional body responsible for conducting the polls.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 22, 2007

West Seti Must Be For Nepalese Too

Dr. Trilochan Upreti

William Bulti-tude, Managing Director of Australia's Snowy Mountain Engineering Corp (SMEC), has reportedly said that the construction of the 760 megawatt West Seti Hydroelectricity Project will start in November 2007. This means three months earlier than the original plan to initiate the project by January 2008.

Energy vs. revenue

Baltitude has been quoted as saying that SMEC is willing to consider providing free energy to Nepal instead of cash, if the government asks for it. He also said that, legally, SMEC is under no obligation to provide free energy to Nepal because the existing agreement is to provide Nepal 10 per cent of the revenue generated by the project. It is also said that the government has not yet formally requested SMEC to provide 10 per cent of energy instead of cash. However, Baltitude has been misinformed. The government is not in a dilemma because the Natural Resources Committee of the legislature-parliament has instructed the government to get 10 per cent of the energy instead of cash from SMEC.Bultitude had also revealed that it was not economically feasible to provide energy to Nepal from the West Seti Project itself, and, therefore, a different project would have to be identified for that purpose because the West Seti is being built to export power to India. SMEC has already initiated a Power Purchase Agreement with the Power Trading Corporation of India for a period of 25 years at 4.95 US cents per unit.

Pursuant to the policy of involving the private sector in generating energy, and SMEC having showed its interest in the West Seti, a MOU was signed between the two 13 years ago. In the MOU, SMEC had promised to provide Nepal at least 10 per cent of the total hydro-electricity to be produced and exported to India from the project. This provision was changed in 1998, whereby, in lieu of the 10 per cent energy, 10 per cent of the revenue was to be provided to the Nepal government. This provision was again replaced by a provision of providing 10 per cent energy instead of 10 per cent revenue. Thus, the presiding water resources ministers have been inconsistent on the policy of energy versus revenue, whereas the need of the country for energy has not changed at all. Thus the ministers, who agreed to the option of revenue against energy, had not decided the matter considering the better option for Nepal. It is an allegation from the side of the people at this juncture of time.West Seti Hydro Ltd. (WSH) has also conducted a meeting with some 28 parliamentarians representing the far-western region, where the topic of the discussion was about energy versus money. It is also reported by the WSH that in the event the project moves ahead as it is today, Nepal would obtain an estimated financial return of US$ 1.12 billion (Nepalese Rupees 73 billion), inclusive of royalty, tax and bonus from the project over the 30-year period. The total cost of the project is US$ 1.2 billion, and 1,579 families would have to be resettled for the construction of the project. This project, if commenced on time and no out of control situation emerges during the implementation stage, will be completed by 2012, five years from now.

Regarding the investment in the project, the WSH's investment would be 26 per cent, Asian Development 15 per cent, China National Machinery Import and Export Corporation 15 per cent, Government of Nepal 15 per cent, for which it has acquired US$ 2 million from the ADB and Special Purpose Vehicle investment will be 14 per cent. The profit of the company has not been made transparent to the media and public. However, the government would not be prohibited from the huge profit generated by the project. This is the first test case of hydropower development by private investors with the aim of exporting power to India. Those who think that this is the only natural resource bestowed on us by nature and that it should be utilised for the optimum benefit of the country wish for its success so as to open up a flood of private investors for making a prosperous Nepal from the huge royalty and other benefits from large water projects. A recent World Bank study suggests that Nepal could get annually US$ 6-10 billion from its water resources development, if a holistic, integrated and prudent use of Nepalese water resources is carried out.

There are a few issues that have to be resolved. For example, the rehabilitation and resettlement of 1,600 displaced families should be undertaken in accordance with international standards and norms. Water withdrawal rights of the local people in this basin must be protected for the past as well as future use. For it to happen, any such plan should be made with wider consultation and consent of the people likely to be displaced, and the basic tenet of it is that their life and livelihood should be better off than the present level. In terms of employment, housing, property, cultural and religious rights, their mode of life should be strengthened and preserved. Therefore, the social, environmental and resettlement policy must be people-friendly and highly beneficial to the displaced families, which is yet to be finalised and accepted by the local community. The local people and the institutions should also get proper benefit from the project, and water entitlement and right of the upper riparian people should also be well defined and protected so that present and future use for drinking and irrigation facilities of the people is safeguarded. This will prevent potential disputes with local institutions and the federal entity, if it is established after the election of the constituent assembly.

Unless a full guarantee of the local interests is safeguarded and local institutions and people are happy, this project cannot move forward. Therefore, the developer should be prudent and liberal to protect and preserve the interests of the local people, and ensure that no adverse effect on the environment and livelihood of the people of the surrounding districts of the project is caused in any way. The legal, constitutional, socio-economic and technical issues and loopholes should be dealt with in a better way for ensuring the broader benefit of the local people. If SMEC is successful in its objective, then many private investors would queue up to invest billions of dollars in many hydropower projects in Nepal.

Trade balance

Nepal's rapid economic acceleration and development depend upon water resources development. If we are able to develop 4,000 megawatts of hydroelectricity and export them to India, then our Rs. 55 billion trade deficit would be balanced. Bhutan has been exporting around 2000 megawatts at the moment and will export an additional two thousand megawatts in the foreseeable future, giving a big boost to its economy. Once the smooth export of West Seti power is resolved, then the prospects of Nepal's development in the hydropower sector will also be opened.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 22, 2007