Republican Agenda : Gaining Ground After NC's Decision

Yuba Nath Lamsal

THE Nepali Congress recently made a historic decision to go for a federal democratic republic departing from its traditional standpoint. This decision, if endorsed by the party's General Council which is to be convened soon, would have a far-reaching impact on the national politics of Nepal.Traditional policyIt is a clear departure from the traditional policy of the Nepali Congress, as it had been advocating the constitutional monarchy right from its inception. The recent decision to adopt the republican set up must have been made keeping in view the people's mood and changed national political context. When the Nepali Congress was born, its sole objective was to establish a multi-party democracy in Nepal by overthrowing the family autocracy of the Ranas. The issue of monarchy did not figure during that time as the monarchy had no role in Nepal's politics and state affairs. When the Nepali Congress-led movement was picking up in 1950, the then king, for several reasons, virtually abdicated the throne and took political asylum in India. This gave a moral boost to the Nepali Congress and other forces that had been struggling against the Rana rule. The Nepali Congress then took the king as an ally and restored the monarchy after the political change in 1951. The Nepali Congress was a revolutionary party when it was born. During that time, several leaders of the Nepali Congress, including B. P. Koirala, were for a republican Nepal. His philosophy of democratic socialism in the beginning had no place for monarchy. Socialism is a system in which the monarchy does not exist. Thus, the very principle B. P. Koirala opted for Nepal cannot support the monarchy.

Democratic socialism is a political system in which the people should be sovereign. Hereditary rule like the monarchy is not compatible with a democratic socialist polity. But BP later came to champion multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy as the two pillars for Nepal. This was because BP could not face the mounting pressure from the then Indian rulers, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, who wanted the King to be restored and have a say in Nepal's politics. The then Indian Prime Minister supported the monarchy because India thought that a king could be a force to serve Indian interests in Nepal. Moreover, King Tribhuvan had assured that once restored, he would act in accordance with the advice of India. Indian pressure can be understood against the background of its souring relationship with communist China that has a long border with Nepal. This was part of an Indian strategy to counter Chinese influence in Nepal. At the same time, BP thought that the king would be co-operative to the democratic process in Nepal, which King Tribhuvan had pledged at the time of the tripartite Delhi Agreement. More than that, the main reason why BP supported constitutional monarchy was the national and international political scenario during that time. It was a time when the communist and socialist movement was surging in the international arena. The Soviet Union was expanding its socialist empire and China had emerged as a new communist nation. A revolutionary zeal and wave had swept the world at that time. The emergence of China as a strong communist nation was a matter of great concern and worry for Indian rulers and the Nepali Congress.Some young revolutionaries had already established a communist party in Nepal that had championed a republican set up and a radical change in Nepal. The establishment of the communist party in Nepal and its rising influence were perceived as a threat to the Nepali Congress and other traditional forces in Nepal, including the monarchy. BP thought that the possible communist influence in Nepal could be checked only if the anti-communist forces were united.

There was a tacit agreement among the traditional forces of Nepal and also with the Indian rulers to co-operate against the communist influence. Thus, the Nepali Congress adopted the policy of constitutional monarchy while the other forces, including the royalists, were supportive of the Nepali Congress. The merger of the Gorkha Dal, which had earlier been die hard anti-Congress, with the Nepali Congress can also be viewed against this background. BP remained a supporter of the monarchy throughout his life, and he did so because he thought that communist influence could be checked only through the unity of the Nepali Congress and the monarchical forces. However, the situation changed in the '70s. Although the relationship between India and China was still not good, the strategic partnership between India and the socialist Soviet Union had an impact on Nepal's politics as well. As India aligned more with the Soviet Union, BP was a little critical of the then Indian establishment on its hobnobbing with the communist bloc, especially on issues like Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Vietnam's role in Cambodia. India under Indira Gandhi's rule had supported the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and Cambodia. It was BP's differences with the Indian establishment, particularly with the then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, that forced him to return to Nepal from India, with the policy of national reconciliation. Today the situation has changed both in Nepal and in the international arena. The situation prevalent during BP's time no longer exists now. The international communist movement, which was vibrant and surging until the late '80s, is in a defensive situation. The western capitalist states no longer perceive communism as a serious threat now. Although the communist influence is very strong in Nepal, the leftist movement is sharply divided with more than a dozen communist parties in existence. The CPN-UML and CPN-Maoists are the two big communist parties. But these parties are vying among themselves, and the Nepali Congress has reaped benefits from this situation. The Nepali Congress is leading the eight-party coalition government, and Girija Prasad Koirala remains the unchallenged leader of all the constituents of the eight-party government. But this situation did not exist during BP's time, and he never was accepted as a leader of all the political forces of Nepal. It is this reason why BP aligned with the monarchist force.Now the Nepali Congress is in a favourable situation. It no longer needs the support of the monarchist forces. Moreover, aligning with the royalists would be disadvantageous for any political force as the monarchy is in its lowest ebb of popularity. The decision of the Nepali Congress has been guided by this situation and popular sentiment.

Popular sentiment

Although the final decision would be taken only after the party's general council, the Nepali Congress needs to pursue the republican course more vibrantly in line with the popular sentiment and aspiration. As the Nepali Congress is leading the eight-party coalition government, it should also lead the republican front in the upcoming Constituent Assembly election.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007

CA Poll Campaign : Hectic Pace Missing

Prem N. Kakkar

THE environment for the Constituent Assembly election ought to have heated up with only 68 days remaining for the all-important occasion. But looking at the political scenario, everything seems to be in the shadows. This is something disconcerting for the ordinary people who are eagerly waiting for the day when they will be able to exercise this right for the first time in the history of the country.

Maoist agenda

It is true that the demand for the declaration of a republic is to be made by the Constituent Assembly, but there has been a great deal of dilly dallying, with the political parties not doing the needful in this regard. The Maoists have come up with their 22-point programme and a resolution to start a movement from the streets. This came all of a sudden after their meeting some time back. They may have their own reasons for taking this decision, and the other coalition partners are looking at it with keen interest. How the Maoists will go ahead with their movement and the fulfilment of the 22-point programme is yet to be seen. It seems that the political climate is in a flux.The eight parties in the recent days once again are showing more differences than agreements. This is rather unfortunate as the CA polls are just round the corner. This is the time to exhibit greater unity to foil any attempts by regressive elements. Prime Minister Koirala also has gone on record to say that a "game" is being plotted against national unity and sovereignty. He, however, did not name any particular element.This is the time when all such elements must be brought to light and action taken against them. These are the same elements that do not want to see the interest of the people and the country but are after their vested interest only.

In this connection, it is heartening to note that a number of agreements have been made with some agitating groups, but there is still a long way to go. The foremost task is for the government to implement the agreements, and at the same time hold further talks with the other disgruntled groups.It is the political mainstream that all must join to keep intact national unity and sovereignty. However, there will always be elements that want to work against the welfare of the people. This is where extra alertness and vigilance of the people and the political parties are needed.In this connection, the decision of the Nepali Congress to go for a federal democratic republic is also making headlines though it has to be officially approved by the NC General Council which is slated to meet in 10 days' time. The shift in the standpoint is the necessity of the time. Meanwhile, the unification of the NC and NC (D) is also on the verge of being finalised. These developments show the NC's commitment to holding the CA polls on the stated date. Meanwhile, it has been reported that the Maoists might want to postpone the CA polls for a later date. How far there is truth in this will be ascertained soon.

At the same time, the Maoists are organising a roundtable meeting. Instead, they should have gone for forging greater unity among the eight parties. That is the need of the hour. There are many who say that the eight parties ought to have a united stand while going to the CA election. But rather confusing hints are coming at the moment. This means that the parties have not set out on their poll campaign to the villages and the districts. That shows some sort of indifference. Whatever that may be, the parties must make their stance clear without mincing words. Moreover, the Maoists must clarify what they mean when they say they are going for a movement to create a conducive environment for the CA polls.

Poll campaign

Meanwhile, the Election Commission is going forward in organising orientation programmes for the election officers in various parts of the country. It is doing a commendable job. Now it is for the political parties to follow suit by actively taking part in the poll campaign.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007

CA Election : Crisis Of Confidence Is The Obstacle

Vijaya Chalise

The Nepal Communist Party - Maoist (NCP-Maoist) is organising a round table conference to discuss ways of making the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls meaningful। The Maoist party in its 22-point demand had asked the government to organise a round table conference to decide on the issue of declaring a republican state and holding the CA election using the proportionate system. The Maoist leaders think the right conditions for the CA polls cannot be created by ignoring their demands.

Ultimatum

The party had formally given an ultimatum to the government, threatening to leave the interim government and launch a massive people's movement if their demands are not met by mid-September. Senior Maoist leader C. P. Gajurel claims that the CA election would not mean much and would fail to yield the desired results unless their 22-point demands, including announcement of a republic before the polls, is not met. He says their demands would help to build an atmosphere for the election. Obviously, the Maoist claim cannot be ignored as some incidents clearly indicate trouble by the feudal forces that do not want the CA election.The Maoist's ultimatum and the other political parties' hesitancy in preparing for the election have shed doubt as to whether the election would be held on the declared date. The Election Commission (EC) alone seems prepared for the polls. It has urged the political parties to get into the spirit of the elections. However, apart from the Nepal Communist Party (United Marxist-Leninist), many of the major political parties are not enthusiastic about electoral contribution. As a result, the people and, perhaps, the authorities concerned, are not fully convinced that the polls will take place on November 22. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala time and again has been reiterating his commitment to holding the elections on schedule; however, his own party has not given the impression that it is prepared for the election as its priority, i.e., party unification, is yet to be fulfilled. The Nepali Congress - Democratic (NC-D) is also giving priority to unification. Besides, the Mahasamiti of the Nepali Congress has yet to endorse the party's decision of going for a federal democratic republic.

Then again, the Nepal Communist Party - Maoist's threat of a mass movement has also created uncertainty about the CA polls. The Maoists have given the government until September 17 to address their demands. These are the issues that must be discussed and sorted out by the eight-party coalition. Obviously, the Maoists, who claim that the CA is their agenda, should not, and would not, turn their back on the polls. Since they have expressed their commitment by signing the peace accord, one can hope that they will not be missing form the election. But the seven-party leadership, too, should urgently turn their attention to the 22-point pressing demands and discuss them by calling a meeting of the eight-party leadership. Obviously, the CA is a platform to address all kinds of problems as said by Prime Minister Koirala. However, if there is a possibility of using this platform by unwanted forces, it will be wise to bar that possibility. The Maoists reasonably think that if the CA election is held without declaring Nepal a republic, there is a danger of using it by those regressive forces. Maoist Party Chairman Prachanda says that an election conducted without fulfilling the prerequisites will only make the regressive forces more powerful. Their doubts are backed by the incidents in the Terai and a series of explosions in Kathmandu.

An alliance led by Hindu fundamentalists to contest the CA election with the common goal of safeguarding monarchy and reverting Nepal to a Hindu state seems to back the Maoist thinking. News reports affirm that at least 19 small and newly registered parties have formed a "Nepal Democratic Alliance" that will jointly contest the CA election. News reports say several other parties, which are not in the alliance, are also going to the polls with a pro-Hindu and monarchist agenda. This shows that polarisation is inevitable between secular Republicans and Hindu monarchists. In this context, those parties favouring the people's aspirations of a new republican Nepal, obviously, should think of the Maoist's proposal seriously. Either the eight parties must go to the poll with a common commitment to a federal republic or fulfil the Maoist's demand of declaring Nepal a republican state prior to the CA elections. It is not impossible now as the Nepali Congress has decided to go for a democratic republic. Even some parties considered close to the monarchy will be pressured to go for a democratic republic because it will be almost impossible for them to go to the people in support of a ceremonial or constitutional monarchy. The present state of confusion as to whether the CA election would be held on November 22 should be ended as soon as possible as the nation has formally entered into the election process. No doubt, the country will have to face dangerous consequences should the CA election fail to be held on November 22 or if the Maoists are forced to leave the government to join an agitation. Therefore, frequent meetings are needed to build up the election mood in the country and address the agitators' demands, including those of the Maoists, to remove obstacles to the elections.

Consultations and discussions are urgently required to realise the prime minister's election commitment. Because he is a responsible leader of the government as well as the eight-party alliance, he himself should take the initiative to build an environment for regular meetings and consultations. Unfortunately, an eight-party meeting has not been called yet. Without the eight parties meeting, the issues raised by the Maoists and other agitating groups cannot be discussed, and differences between the major political parties cannot be settled. People want strong eight-party unity to fulfil their aspirations of building a new Nepal where all citizens will exercise equal rights and opportunities, and will be able to build a peaceful and prosperous Nepal. Conversely, the political parties and their leaders are ignoring the broader national interests and people's aspiration, remaining a prisoner of individual and narrow party interests.

Instability

All should honour the people by going to the polls, keeping the eight-party unity. Perceptibly, if the Maoists leave the government and are forced to go on an agitation, the country would have to face serious consequences. It could invite instability that will only help the regressive forces. Therefore, leaders of all the responsible parties should give proper attention to building confidence among them through frequent meetings and consultations.

Source: The Rising Nepal, September 15, 2007

NEPAL: YCL DEMANDS ABROGATION OF 1950 TREATY

It appears that the Maoists and the Indian establishment are playing a “hide and seek game”.
Analysts admit and others too perhaps must admit that the Maoists became Maoists of what they are today thanks to the Himalayan contributions of the Indian establishment.
The Maoists though reluctantly admit that they have had tacit arrangements with the Indian establishment at time of the 12 point agreement signed on November 22, 2005 in Delhi which provided them not only “recognition” and a bit of “legitimacy” too which facilitated their “smooth” entrance into the mainstream politics to the extent that without having faced the elections the party of the ex-rebels could secure some eighty plus seats in the “King restored” parliament.

However, of late there has been a trend slowly creeping in the Maoists paraphernalia wherein the party “suspects” the very Indian designs and concludes that the Indians in one way or the other wish to corner the party of the ex-rebels in the country’s politics for reasons that yet remains to be substantiated by the party itself.
Nevertheless, the party of the ex-rebels do give the impression through their lectures and statements that India was a country that had no love for Nepal, neither for democracy nor for peace, instead all that India wanted from Nepal and its leaders is the preservation of its national interests and in the process been luring the leaders of all parties until its goals and objectives were served.
But then India will not have a free ride in Nepal’s politics, as much is visible from the fresh political overtures coming as it does from the party of the ex-rebels.
It appears that the Maoists too have come to their senses, thanks better late than never.

To begin with Prachanda,
The commander of the Maoists party more often than not is seen deriding at the Indian establishment.
Prachanda appears to have got the point as to why India primarily supported them while in the jungles or say in Delhi basically at time of theirs being underground.
Prachanda’s mentor, Mohan Vaidya alias KIRAN is blunt in saying that India is all pervasive in Nepal’s politics and has been imposing its dictates in the internal affairs of this country.
Dev Gurung, a Maoists leader and a Minister in Koirala cabinet the other day lambasted at the Indian establishment saying that the Indian maneuverings in bringing the MJF closer to the government was a foul act and that the “friendship” in between the two will not long last.
Remarkably, Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai, the deputy in the Maoists party hierarchy chews his words and remains ever cautious as and when he has to speak against India. This is puzzling as to why Dr. Bhattarai appears reluctant in criticizing India when he has some valid points to lambaste at India?

The most vocal are the “naughty” but courageous “boys” of the Maoists-the Young Communist league cadres- in exposing India in the recent times thus provoking their own leadership and others as well to remain ever vigilant in safeguarding Nepal’s genuine national interests.
The otherwise brilliant Nepali media ignored this time a very unusual but very “nationalistic” issues that had been “pinching” the entire Nepali population since decades and decades.
Why the Indo-pendent intelligent media ignored is though a open “secret”, however, analysts here do not want to embarrass them. After all they are our “professional” colleagues.
The fact is that the “naughty” boys of the Maoists, the YCL this time collected the courage to handover a list of demands to the India elevated Koirala which are basically nationalist in nature but “anti-Indian” in the eyes of the Indian establishment.
Analysts say what the “illustrious” Nepal’s India backed and affiliated “Loktantric” leaders should have told has come from the some what “undisciplined boys” of the Maoists-the Young Communist league cadres very recently.

The boys are thus who speak in favor of preserving the national interests could in no way be called as bad boys. At least for us at this paper would rather encourage them if they did it so time and again to jolt their leaders first and then to the party that more often not takes pleasure, indeed a sadistic one, in twisting the arms of its smaller neighbors, for example, Nepal the prime victim of Independent India after the colonial Raj came to an end in 1947.
The Young Communist League Cadres- have lately voiced their real and serious concern over what constitutes the real Nepali concern. They have demanded, among others contained in the said list , “the abrogation of all "unequal" treaties with India, including the '1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty'.
The members of Youth Communist League, Maoists' Youth wing on 23rd August this month demanded abrogation of Sugauli treaty of 1816 signed between British India and Nepal Government and the 1950 Peace and Friendship treaty with India.
This is not all they even demanded the immediate removal of Indian armies from the Kalapani area, near India-Nepal-China border in far-west Nepal and thorough investigation of the alleged border encroachment by India in different places and demolition of dams in the border areas causing submersion of Nepalese territory during the recent flood.

This they demanded from none less than Prime Minister Koirala who is number one “friend” of the Indian establishment or else why should he have been elected/nominated the prime minister of the country? Certainly, he assumed this post under the “cover” for down sizing the King who is no where on the country’s political scene, thanks the EPA plus the South Block tacit arrangements.
The important news that went ignored does tell that the YCL courage would be a mere cry in the wilderness. But then yet, the YCL in doing so has at least proven that the League is aware of the Indian designs.
The million dollar question is thus whether the YCL did this under the instructions of their top-hats or they themselves raised this national issue?
If they were given instructions from their elders, then it does indicate that the Maoists-India relationship at its lowest ebb.
Some intelligent analysts also claim that the Maoists did it so to bag people’s sympathy at time of the CA polls as other left forces do it mostly at time of the elections.
Be that as it may, the event though remained ignored but does amply tell that the Maoists party too possesses a huge number of nationalists-yet another headache for India that it is by all accounts.

Source: Telegraph Nepal, September 6, 2007

Constituent Assembly Election and Madhesh Turmoil

The Madhesi movement has reminded us of the need to take a critical look at dealing with the problem of intolerance and ethnic prejudice that has for centuries plagued the nation.

Bindu Chaudhary

People of Nepal are, for the first time in history, going to draft a new constitution themselves through the Constitutional Assembly. This is certainly a landmark victory that has granted Nepalese their sovereign power to address the people’s aspirations and institutionalize the achievements of the popular movement.

It is a well known fact that even after the success of the 1990 people’s movement (Janandolan I), the political parties chose to ignore the rights of the oppressed nationalities including the Madheshis, reflected by the discriminatory provisions in the 1990 Constitution of Nepal. Again, the CPN-Maoists had promised federal state in MBindu Chaudharyadhesh, rights to self determination and many other assurances during their decade old revolution, and similar promises were made by the leaders of all other political parties following the 2006 April Revolution (Janandolan II). However, the interim constitution they promulgated reflected that their promises were merely to deceive Madheshis as it paid no attention to their representation in the decision-making body of the State - the ground that paved the way for the Madheshi movement (now called the Janandolan III).

Madheshis have been pressing for rights based constitution, which envisions constitution as a mechanism for entrenching and protecting individuals’ rights. As bona fide citizens of Nepal, Madheshis are the rights-bearers who are justified to claim their rights for constitutional participation on the basis of the right that they hold as individuals and on the basis of collective rights of an ethnic group. Getting a constitutional foothold and constitutional recognition will not only give Madheshis a sense of ‘inclusion’ and ‘self-esteem’, but constitutionalizing rights will also help the government comprehend that the Terai, which contains 49% of Nepal’s 26 million population, 23% land area and 20 of the 75 districts, belongs to Nepal as much as the Madheshis- it can’t be one and not the other.

The issue therefore relates to a movement against the state’s discriminatory politics, a fight for recognition of rights, and a struggle for equal representation and opportunity. The Madheshis are demanding nothing much but their rights of human worth and dignity, which they think can fairly be achieved by the right to self-determination; proportional representation in the constituent assembly; restructuring the constituencies based on population; federal system with regional autonomy; and elimination of all forms of discrimination practiced by the state mechanism.

Thanks to the unity expressed by Nepalese around the globe, and thanks to the international support, the movement has been successful in maintaining its momentum- sparking wide public attention and concerns about the lack of respect for equality of human beings and the violation of human rights through the plethora of racially discriminatory policies and practices.

The domestic front

• Madheshis could not pin their faith in the Prime Minister’s first address to the nation on January 31st which was an attempt to mislead Madheshis by promising that the Constitution Assembly elections would address the Madheshi demands. On Feb 7, the Prime Minister had to address the nation again, in which he announced federal system of governance, increase electoral constituencies based on population growth and increase the number of seats for election to be held on the basis of proportional representation.

• The interim constitution was amended twice within a few months of its promulgation, but failed to accommodate the demands raised by the Madheshis. In the same tune, the government made some headway by inviting Upendra Yadav led MJF for talks, but with the stipulated pre-conditions, the five rounds of talks remained inconclusive. Nevertheless, as it is said, “Rome was not built in a day”, thanks to the perseverance and firmness of the MJF, the sixth round of talk held with the government team led by Peace and Reconstruction Minister Ram Chandra Poudel on August 30 marked jubilation amongst the Madheshis.

• The Government-MJF ultimately reached a 22-point agreement, which includes compensation to those killed during the Terai movement, guarantee of inclusion of Madheshis and other marginalized groups in the constituent assembly, autonomy to the states in the federal system to be designed by the constituent assembly, among others. The MJF similarly agreed to the constitutional provision of mixed electoral system for the upcoming constituent assembly election and announced withdrawal of all the agitation programs, stating that his party can now concentrate on its election campaign. The MJF has gained positive credibility in due course of the movement and has been elevated as a powerful political force in the country.

• On the other front, the CPN (Maoist) has raised serious objection to the 22-point agreement between the Government and the MJF, stating that the agreement is a conspiracy inspired by the ‘divide and rule’ theory of the Government, and that it only added fuel to the Madhesh fire. Further, they have also called for the postponement of CA polls, and have threatened to launch a nationwide agitation if their demands, including declaration of Nepal a republic and removal of Army from the royal palace, are not met before the CA polls.

• Security scenario is not that encouraging as more and more groups are emerging such as Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (Goit), JTMM (Jwala Singh), JTMM (Bishfot Singh), Madheshi Mukti Morcha, Madheshi Tiger, Terai Cobra Group, Madhesh Mukti Force, Terai Tiger, Terai Army, AASK Group, Tharu Mukti Morcha, Chure Bhawar Pradesh Ekta Samaj, Janajati Mahasangh, TM Don Group, Young Communist League etc., and many of them with militant characteristics are doing their best to strengthen their positions as new armed groups in Terai. In addition, the independent media in Terai faces hurdles in reporting, publication and distribution of newspapers. The situation is bad and getting worse.

The International front

• Amid these, one thing that has remained most encouraging is the unity expressed by Madheshis around the globe. Following the movement, the media has been overwhelmed with news and views on Madheshi movement; there have been discussions and debates on the peaceful resolution of Madhesh issue; the Nepalese Diaspora have channelled possible resources, supports and encouragements to the victims and the survivors of the Janandolan III… in short, the number of Nepalese, including Madheshis and the concerned Pahadis who are working nationally and internationally, from micro to macro level, and through individual and organizational efforts trying to help Madheshis get their share of pie, is simply exemplary.

• There has been intense pressure from the UN Human Rights Organizations and other International bodies on the government to play an active role in combating prejudice against the Madheshis and to hand over their rights. They have been impartial and have voiced out against illegal detentions, police brutalities and against biased reports even at times when most of the civil societies and Nepali Human Rights organizations had acted indifferent.

• Nepal has already received support and words of assistance from India, United States, European Union, United Nations and other countries to conduct the election on time, in a free and fair manner and to get maximum, informed participation from the voters. They have emphasized that the legitimacy of the Nepal Government and the parties would be questioned if the election is deferred again.

• The United Nations Electoral Expert Monitoring Team (EEMT) has emphasized on the need to improve the security situation in the country and has stressed on the need for cooperation among political parties to create adequate election climate and to expect free and fair election.

What Next?

It’s no use crying over the spilt milk. The present priority should be the formation of an inclusive and representative assembly to draft a right-based constitution as per the mandate of the movement. The government should mobilize the support of national and international communities including the United Nations, to ensure a timely, peaceful, free and fair CA election, the only available non-violent approach to help achieve lasting peace and consolidation of democracy in the country.

The electoral seats for CA election are 497, of which 240 would be elected directly, 240 by proportional election, and 17 would be nominated. Presuming that the election is held fairly under the mixed system, 164 Madheshi people would be represented including 38 women. For Madheshis, this could be an opportunity to collectively voice their opinions and democratically convince other CA members to address the issue of inclusion. Whereas, for the major political parties such as NC, UML, CPN-Maoists and NC (D), it might mean having to lose many seats in the CA election which they have been enjoying in the restored parliament.

The date for the CA election, which has already been postponed twice, is now fixed for 22 November. Nonetheless, owing to (i) the fear and insecurity of the political parties; (ii) the Maoists’ insistence of taking part in the election only if they are guaranteed with some safe seats, or manoeuvring to put off the November elections for CA till mid-April next year, or owing to (iii) the deteriorating law and order situation in the country, particularly the Terai region, there are doubts in the minds of many that if at all it would be possible to hold the election at the stipulated time and secondly, if the election could be held in a free and fair manner.

The ambiguity amongst people is legitimate in the absence of a favourable election climate when the election date is just a few weeks away. If the government is determined about the election date, which seems to be true until now, the ruling political parties need to issue a joint public statement expressing their unified commitment for conducting a timely election. They also have an important task of concentrating on issues like security, management of cantonments and spreading themselves out to the villages and towns to interact with people about the CA polls, encourage them to participate in the historic exercise and discuss with them about their election manifestos so that people have a perception of the state of things and are able to make informed decisions.

Furthermore, since CA election is going to be held for the first time in the history of Nepal, and the fact that there is very low level of understanding among the people about the mixed electoral system, the Election Commission, as part of its preparation for the CA polls, should also focus equally on making people aware and sensitized about the concept, process, and modalities of the electoral system and the technicality involved in the voting process.

One of the important requisites for holding a free, fair, peaceful and impartial election is a reliable, conducive and credible security arrangement. However, the irony is that the Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL), which is widely involved in terrorizing people, is likely to provide security for the CA election owing to tremendous pressure from Maoists. Besides the YCL, the government aims to recruit 80,000 temporary security personnel to create a secured environment for the election, while neglecting about the same number of well trained, equipped, experienced and readily available national army. The security arrangement seems to be in need of reassessment to ensure maximum voter participation who will feel free, secured and fearless to go to polling booths to cast their votes.

Last but not the least, the importance of peace journalism in the contemporary world, in particular at the time of internal conflict in Nepal need not be over-exaggerated. The Nepali media has been biased in tone, depiction and revelation while highlighting the unfolding events of the movement, many at times disregarding the Code of Conduct for Journalists. The reporters should understand that the decisions journalists make and the way conflicts are covered, or how they juxtapose and contextualize the conflict or what they choose to report or omit tends inescapably to contribute either towards the momentum of war or towards the momentum of peace. At this crucial juncture where Nepal is trying to get a face-lift, the media, being an important pillar of democracy, should play a crucial role in creating conducive atmosphere for polls by promoting favourable people’s opinion and enabling them to participate in the CA process in an informed and active way by communicating clear, comprehensive and accurate information to people in all parts of the country, including Himal, Pahad, and the Terai.

The Madhesi movement has reminded us of the need to take a critical look at dealing with the problem of intolerance and ethnic prejudice that has for centuries plagued the nation. The structural discrimination can have solution only through systemic reform guided by the principalities of equality, integration, representation and redistribution. Madheshis should find a meaningful participation in the Constituent Assembly and in all other aspects of peace-building and democratic transition. The ‘hegemonic control’ of the age-old ideology of domination of one caste, one language, one culture, one colour, one region, one religion… can and has to change to include and promote multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, and multi socio-cultural Nepal.

Source: Nepali Times, September 1-3, 2007