Immature democracy : What good will it do?

Ganga Thapa

A clear preference for democracy is evident in its acceptance and expansion around the world. While democracy is a multi-faceted concept, sovereignty calls for competent citizenry, responsible state and proper resource allocation mechanisms. Following the April revolution, concern for legitimacy, accountability and participation in the democratic process is gaining ground, but there has been no compatible progress on the democratic front, or in political and institutional reforms to increase direct participation of citizens in policy and decision-making process. Even positive aspects of the democratic process have been undermined by party leadership.

Strengthening democracy entails going through a long and complex process of building state institutions. Democracy, by its nature, is supposed to reflect disagreements and conflicts. But the failure to develop a conceptual framework for citizen participation by institutionalising ties between state and non-state actors has left Nepal with “partial” or “undemocratic delegative democracy”, particularly in the absence of actors who can transform policies and institutions into political resources.

Nonetheless, Nepal has never enjoyed Nonetheless, Nepal has never enjoyed quality governance, which consists of three dimensions: system persistence, inclusiveness and effectiveness. An accountable government responsive to its citizens can be set up through electoral process; its absence only exacerbates the lack of adequate institutions, excessive legislation and formalities, patron-client nexus, and other cultural bottlenecks and characteristics.Democracy leads towards inclusion, enabling citizens to participate directly and indirectly. By any measure, people now have an opportunity to engage in a constitutional mechanism which can dampen aristocratic values and discriminatory social practices with distinctive changes in ground rules. This should be done to make the mechanism vastly different from the old ‘stakeholder democracy’.

In the absence of strong state structures, social constructivist understanding and institutional credibility, democracy post-royal regime has at best been a mixed blessing. Some believe that democracy in an ethnically diverse society can indeed be fostered by broad-based, aggregative and multiethnic political parties. But the fragile institutions of political parties are endangered by excessive clout of their leadership. As a result, they are not successful in bringing about attitudinal and behavioural changes among the people. The issues of power, politics and ground realities can be comprehended by the way the electoral process is progressing. Democratic ideal is essentially about a core set of values such as political autonomy, equality of interests and reciprocity. Although the quest for freedom is universal, it is not the top priority when people have to fear for their very survival.It is too early to draw conclusions on long-term effects of the CA elections. If it acts as an instrument of democracy and can help institutionalise peace and democracy, it can be assumed that there is a link between citizens’ choice and their participation in policy making. Even if the CA polls succeed in achieving and maintaining peace, its ultimate outcome would not be evident until second or third general elections under a new system. Free elections are a prerequisite for instituting legitimate power flows and making the state adhere to the rule of law. This will, in turn, bolster state capabilities through administration, market and civil society and permit broad participation. These three sectors are crucial to building sustainable political and economic networks that help shape the state and enhance justice and political legitimacy.

While there is no consensus on what constitutes free and fair elections, Mackenzie puts forward four prerequisites: a) independent judiciary to interpret electoral laws, b) competent and non-partisan administration to conduct elections, c) well organised political parties that can present their policies, traditions and candidates before the voters and d) general acceptance of rules of the game. Many have argued that in addition to free and fair election and counting, the political parties must get an opportunity to compete on equal footing, all people should have equitable access to media, political environment must be free of intimidation, and public grievances must be settled promptly and justly. Another key element is monitoring of elections by national and international observers who can play a significant role in boosting public confidence in democratic transition.Consensus should not only be directed at acquiring political goals. CA elections must be viewed as an instrument of citizens’ influence associated with a vision for building legitimate political system rather than to reward or punish incumbents. Until the old structures that reward vested interests are dismantled and replaced by new ones, neither a “democratic society” nor “free and fair elections” can be realised.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 8, 2007

Patience And Consideration

The government is engaged in holding talks with different groups from the Terai to take stock of their demands and address their concerns through legitimate means and mechanism. In the same way, several rounds of talks have already been clinched with groups from other areas and regions to settle the impending issues and assuage their feelings and concerns. Though some issues are yet to be thrashed out properly, the government is keeping open rightfully the channels of communication with representatives of the indigenous nationalities, and it is hoped that their conditions and concerns would be given due and patient hearing on the part of the government. The talks with the Madhesi People's Rights Forum have, however, received the media spotlight because of the fact that the Terai issue is billed to be more serious and seminal. The government has already discussed the pertinent issues with the Forum for the fourth time, but principal subjects are yet to be settled and sorted out.

The major demands of the Forum include a federal state structure with regional autonomy, proportional polling system, determination of electoral constituencies based on population and proportionate participation of the Madhesi people and others in organs of the state. Earlier the Forum has also been demanding the dissolution of the interim parliament and formation of the caretaker government to hold polls to the constituent assembly. As the government is strengthening the talks team by including leaders from the major political parties, including the CPN (M), it is expected that the talks could be finalised with agreement on substantive issues soon. As the polls to the constituent assembly are drawing closer, and the Election Commission is making all preparations for holding it successfully, any delay would disturb the poll schedule announced formally in line with the second amendment to the Interim Constitution. No groups should, therefore, create any pretences and obstacles to hurt the process of holding the polls to the constituent assembly. As concerns of all the groups can be addressed after the polls to the constituent assembly is conducted, the agitating groups should be patient and considerate enough and negotiate successfully with the government.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 7, 2007

Snarling Domestic Politics : Need Of All Inclusive Approach

Madhavji Shrestha

Obviously, Nepal's political process of democratisation is passing through a critical transitional phase from the old order to a newer one. Accumulation of problems, both at the national and local level, is on the increase. The time available for holding the election to the constituent assembly is now less than four months. Given the real achievement the interim government has made in the past four months, it appears that the government will be able to hold the election only if it can work on a war footing.

Lack of accomplishmentUntil the completion of the election in a. credible manner, other problems of various dimensions are bound to remain unaddressed. Considering the performance of the government in the past 15 months, most commitments in word are either being long delayed or not started at all, clearly showing a lack of accomplishment. As of now, the targeted political destination still seems miles away from realisation.In the wake of the resounding success of the people's movement of April 2006, the inflow of external support and sympathy from the international community for the democratisation process is indeed appreciable. However, the government that includes the Maoists has been unable to capitalise on the positive encouragement to move ahead on the democratisation process. The political parties with the state machinery in their hands are grappling with the political problem of how to go further with the coalitional politics so as to bring good prospects for the people long suffering from socio-economic degradation and isolation caused by political instability. This is one of the core issues to be taken up with regard to the approach of the official policy by the interim government. The appropriate step, if undertaken with a true coalitional spirit at heart by the politicians, would eliminate the hurdles and introduce a new and broad chapter in the Nepali political landscape. Had coalitional politics at the government level worked in a proper direction as expected by the common people, the Nepali society would have experienced the steady emergence of the consociational political system, which is characterised by an equitable participation of various ethnic, cultural and linguistic groups spread across the country. Such a political process, if genuinely practised, might have heralded both accommodative and associative democracy.

We find very good examples of consociational democracy in Belgium, the Netherlands and, particularly, in Switzerland. These European countries have a social fabric that is of a multi-composite nature. However, it is the incomparable genius of politicians and statesmen of these countries that they could invent and put into practice consociational democracy that has been highly successful in ensuring that the coalitional government runs the administration satisfactorily. In reality, accommodative democracy guarantees the sharing of the political power by various multi-ethnic groups, and associative democracy facilitates in sharing the economic growth in a justifiable way. Unfortunately in Nepal, political developments are heading toward digression, if not yet deteriorating irreparably, because most of the political parties are headed and directed by the elite class, which by tradition does not genuinely represent the desire and need of the people at the grass root. Nor is there any likelihood in the near future of a political and governmental leadership surfacing that can reflect the highly composite social structure of the country. We have at least 60 ethnic groups that are sub-divided into several sub groups and mini clusters of people spread all over the country. Many of these groups have remained outside the purview of the modern system of administration and political democracy. The massive participation in the political revolution of April 2006 by the people of various walks and strata of life has opened the floodgates of political awareness and consciousness about political rights.

In the immediate aftermath of the people's movement last year, the common people's expectations have risen greatly for building democracy in the newly emerging society. Some political measures of historical significance have already been rooted. However, these politically inspired actions have yet to be effectively implemented for a democratic process advancing in a proper direction. Political observers point out the inherent weakness of the eight political parties and the interim government in introducing a political culture of working together to translate their commitments into accomplishments. This core need is visibly lacking in them. This immeasurable lacuna has made the country and people pay dearly at the cost of building a democratic society.Its direct consequence implies that the country is now fast moving towards ethnicity building instead of democracy building. True, ethnicity building is also not an undesirable development to look at, if not accompanied by violence. Each ethnic group needs to enjoy freedom and liberty in a congenial atmosphere inspired and characterised by democratic ideals and actions. However, the recently emerging reality points to the other side of development with no indication of a quick solution appearing in the scene. Currently, the Terai belt is in flames, the indigenous nationalities are making vociferous protests and other dissenting segments of the society are wrecking havoc. Constituent assembly electionThe failure to complete the promised election on the scheduled date would unquestionably prove the gross inability and incompetence of the leaders of the interim government led by the eight political parties. These politicians must come out of their political cocoon much dotted by their pre-conceived notion of political belief and behaviour if they are true to the democratic spirit of pluralism.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 7, 2007

UN role in Nepal dubious

Sandhya Jain

Throughout 1945 and 1946, Britain, the Netherlands and Australia, as occupational forces in Indonesia, sought to reverse Indonesian independence and revert it to Netherlands’ colonial control.

It is strange that all Indian discourse on Nepal avoids scrutiny of the role the West is playing through the auspices of the United Nations Political Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), established vide Security Council resolution 1740 (2007). Recent visitors to the country speak of the Terai disturbances, the growing extortion and lawlessness of Maoist cadres, the rising hills-plains divide, and the danger that elections scheduled for November 22 may be cancelled on some pretext. Some have taken note of the mushrooming growth of dance bars as the only means of income in a stagnant economy. Yet they seem unaware of the growing hatred of UN Mission staff as local citizens witness their flamboyant life styles, suffer their arrogance, and see no beneficial result of their presence in the country. The UNMIN was set up for one year at the request of the Nepalese Government and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to help implement the 2006 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, monitor the ceasefire, and assist in the election of a new Constituent Assembly.

What most Indian analysts fail to realise, however, is that UNMIN is not an ordinary peace-keeping force, but a Political Mission. Only an absolute abdication of responsibility could have let the Sonia Gandhi-dominated UPA regime acquiesce in the arrival of the Mission to determine events in a country that lies in India’s natural sphere of influence. It is well known that India’s sad experience with UN officials in Kashmir compelled her to seek friendly ties with the Soviet Union so as to procure the Soviet veto against Western unilateralism in the Security Council. A more telling example of what the UN can do to non-Western nations can be seen in the case of Indonesia, one of its worst victims. The UN was set up in 1945 ostensibly to save the globe from future world wars; uphold fundamental human rights and the equal rights of nations regardless of size, among others. Yet its founding members, Britain, Australia and the Netherlands, were the principal wreckers of Indonesian independence. Throughout 1945 and 1946, Britain, the Netherlands and Australia, as occupational forces in Indonesia, sought to reverse Indonesian independence and revert it to Netherlands’ colonial control. The UN ignored this brazen violation of its Charter. In 1947, after two years of atrocities by the occupation forces against the Indonesian people, the Security Council merely called for a cease-fire on August 1, 1947. In an unpublished paper, public opinions activist Ms. Radha Rajan points out, the UN failed to declare the continuing presence of the Dutch in Indonesia or of the British in the Malay province (British Malaya) as illegal and violative of the Charter. The call for cease-fire suggested that Indonesia was a party to the hostilities, rather than an victim of continued western and colonial aggression. UN did not direct the Netherlands to withdraw from Indonesia, or UK to quit British Malaya. Instead, UN set up a “Good Offices Commission” in October 1947 to work out a ‘settlement’ in Indonesia. This naturally made the Netherlands a legitimate party in the negotiations, thereby legitimising colonialism and the refusal of European powers to withdraw unconditionally from their colonies.

In the context of Nepal, it bears mentioning that India can ignore the political activities of the UN Political Mission only at its own peril. The grim reality of Nepal today is that violence and lawlessness are increasing daily and Maoist cadres are flush with funds. Some of the funds can be explained in terms of government grants under the ceasefire, and extravagant extractions from businessmen and traders. It is my understanding, however, that these sources are being used as a ‘cover’ to shield the fact that the Maoists are being funded by external forces with a view to secure an anti-India and anti-China foothold in the region. Nothing else can explain the truth that under UNMIN auspices, Nepal is daily moving further away from the possibility of elections for a new Constituent Assembly. Instead, Maoists are trying to force the unelected coalition government to declare a Republic and dethrone the monarchy. Reports from hitherto reliable sources suggest certain Madhesi leaders of the Terai are being wooed and offered representation in the current makeshift Parliament. Should they agree, this would be unilaterally converted into a Constituent Assembly (again unelected), and this will proceed to declare a Republic, despite the growing public sentiment that the King represents the nation’s continuity with its Hindu civilisation and culture. Observers to the mountain country also say that the Maoists appear to have access to weaponry which has not been accounted for (there are districts that neither the government nor the UNMIN can enter). It is feared that if the scheduled elections are actually held, they may be violent and of doubtful fairness. UNMIN appears blissfully unaware of this reality, which is very suspicious.

New Delhi would do well to take a fresh shock of events in the Himalayan kingdom, rather than accept the prevailing rhetoric as truth. For instance, it is said that a ‘people’s movement’ brought about the brief period of ‘democratic’ rule in Nepal in April 1990. Yet with hindsight, this seems to have been an orchestrated preamble to a more violent movement by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which launched an insurgency in 1996 because the various political parties simply failed to unite and give the country stable governance. The Maoists launched a decade of armed conflict during which thousands of persons ‘disappeared’ and many more were displaced. King Gyanendra’s intervention in October 2002 must be placed in this context. Various prime ministers appointed by him up to February 2005 could not control the violence, failing which he assumed executive powers on February 1, 2005. It is now well-known that the April 2006 agitation that led to restoration of Parliament was based on rented crowds. As such funding is normally associated with the West, India would do well to wake up to developments in its neighbourhood.

Source: The Organiser, Issue, August 12, 2007

Interesting developments in Nepal?

It is being reported that a new organization claiming to be Maoist has formed out of various anti-Prachanda groupings. The new group is called the “Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists United Rebellion Front.” It is being reported that one of the leaders of this organization is Roshan alias Laxman Tharu. (1) It is reported that other leaders of this front include Rabindra Shrestha and Mani Thapa who are reported to have earlier called for a new cultural revolution and continuation of people’s war. Rabindra Shrestha and Mani Thapa were expelled by Prachanda’s clique some time ago.

It is reported that the new organization has issued an ultimatum that all of Prachanda’s ministers must resign from the government by September 1st, next month. The announcement of the new front coincides with Prachanda’s party’s ongoing plenum in Kathmandu. (2) Roshan alias Laxman Tharu threatened, “If the Maoists party ignores our instructions, we will bring the entire militias from the cantonment sites scattered in different parts of the country.” (3) Tharu also said, “If they continue to follow the reformist line by sabotaging the revolution instead of protecting it, then we will pull out the (PLA) army along with the arms.” The front claims to have 4,000 cadres and 1,000 PLA fighters on their side. (4) In addition, the front complains about imperialist and Indian hegemony in Nepal. The Prachanda clique has been under pressure from below for some time. The Prachanda clique is reportedly suffering mass desertions from some cantonment sites where the PLA is jailed. Some speculate that these desertions are coordinated. (5) MSH has no way to confirm any of this.

MSH has long declared the RIM-backed Prachanda clique to be renegade fakes. (6) It is no surprise to MSH that there are various revolts against the Prachanda clique. MSH simply does not have enough information on any of these specific revolts and organizations to make any in-depth comments. It would be opportunist for MSH to recognize any group as a vanguard in Nepal with so little information available to us. However, MSH supports those who would put the Nepalese people’s movement back on the path to power. MSH supports true Maoists everywhere. People’s war must be carried through to the end.

Notes.
1. http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=1671
2. http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=118087
3. http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=1671
4. http://www.kantipuronline.com/kolnews.php?nid=118087
5. http://www.telegraphnepal.com/news_det.php?news_id=1594
6. http://monkeysmashesheaven.wordpress.com/on-the-situation-in-nepal/

August 6, 2007

Federalism : Devolution Of True Levels Of Sovereignty, Power

Ambar Mainali

No nation can remain iso-lated from adopting a system of governance that ensures transparency, social justice and devolution of power. Nepal, too, is seriously skimming the options of what best form of governance would be appropriate to address the imbalances of development and inclusiveness. The debate on moving ahead for a federal system has gathered momentum among the political parties and the citizenry at large.

People's participation

History reveals that Nepal has been making steady progress in bracing ahead for a governance system, which would allow maximum people's participation in the overall state machinery. The journey from the Rana oligarchy to the eight-party coalition has come through years of debate and struggle. The nation at the moment is deeply engrossed in what model of federalism would augur well for its democratic development.

Except for the educated political elite, not many really understand what federalism stands for, its philosophies and modalities. The concept of federalism revolves around the sharing of power between the central government and the constituent federal states. The different disgruntled groups must be very clear about the fact that power sharing with the centre is not equal.The centre normally has comparatively more power than the constituent states in such a set up. The whole idea is not to confine the powers at the centre but to distribute them to the states. This is agreed upon by the states at the time of promulgating the Constitution and the successive years whenever amendments are proposed to what extent power should be devolved to the states.Today, around 45-50 per cent of the world's population lives in federal states. The essence of federalism is to devolve the true level of power and true level of sovereignty. How should the country be structured at the sub-national level? What electoral system will be used to elect national officials? These are some of the pertinent issues that need to be dealt with.Besides, intergovernmental organs must be developed over a course of time, which are not necessarily provisioned in the Constitution. Infrastructure development, media, roads, bridges and the metric system need to be uniform for all the states.As stated earlier, Nepal has had a chequered political history revealing the gradual devolution of state powers to the people. The eastern part of the country is comparatively more developed than the western part. The same holds true for the eastern hills and western hills. The dalits, Madhesis, ethnic and indigenous populations have grudges that they have been sidelined from the political mainstream. Against this backdrop, devolving state power to the federal units would be a sensible way to allow people to have their say in carving their own fates.

Hence, rumours that the state would disintegrate if it were transformed politically in favour of a federal set up is misleading and unrealistic. Power sharing between the centre and the federal units would instead help keep the unity of the people together. The constitution in the making should take note of the fact that the federal states would have a larger stake in linking their identity with the country instead of breaking away from it. Given this assurance, no federal unit would ever want to break away, as doing so would entail huge expenses for them. They would have to have their own army, police and the administrative set-up.With the agreement among the eight parties that Nepal would move for a federal structure already in place, the only issue in need of a thorough soul searching is 'would the nation be comfortable when the federal units are marked on the basis of ethnicity?' Rather efforts to divide the federal states on the basis of geography would be more sensible in the case of Nepal where communal feeling is very intense. This would, in turn, provide opportunities for the people from diverse groups to intermingle with each other and thereby have a feeling of cultural solidarity.Federalism at the moment is being portrayed like a magic wand that could find instant remedy to all social ills. This, however, is not the reality. There are a range of issues that have to be looked into before laying down the federal structure, which is principally based on the unequal division of the state power.

Following the drafting of the constitution by the constituent assembly to be elected on November 22, it is essential to have a rigorous discourse on which powers to retain at the centre and which to relegate to the sub-national or state level.Besides, the political parties must also work out which model of federalism best suits the nation's development realities. The nation's division on the basis of ethnicity and race is believed to be a model that would only serve to bring about division along racial lines, hence it would be wiser to adopt the geographical demarcation while carving out the states.The benefits of federalism are such that it reduces abuse of power and tyranny. Decentralised authority lessens the risk of autocratic rule because disbursed power is harder to consolidate and exploit. It helps to solve basic collective action problems. It helps reconcile the need for both unity and diversity. It allows for ethnic, cultural, demographic, economic differences to flourish sub-nationally and be incorporated nationally. A federal system permits greater flexibility and responsibility. Each sub-national government can tailor policies to the citizenry, and the citizens can hold their sub-national as well national officials to account.Last but not the least, federalism encourages innovation, competition and efficiency. Sub-national governments are policy laboratories that innovate and learn from each other, and in mobile societies competition among governments may yield better policies.

Risks

However, there are risks in federalism. It creates collective action problems. Public bads may proliferate, such as cross-jurisdictional pollution. There could be accountability problems in a federal system owing to multiple elected officials. Next, local biases cannot be ruled out. Sub-national politicians will tend to favour the interests of their own constituents, which can come at the expense of national interest. And finally, the issue of inequality could surface as some sub-national units will have greater demands and problems than others, creating either inequities or animosities arising from redistribution by the national government of sub-national resources.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 4, 2007

Implementation Must

The government has unveiled the much awaited Rayamajhi Commission Reportin the legislative Parliament the other day which is a welcome step on its own. The commission headed by former justice Krishna Jung Rayamajhi was formed in the aftermath of the Jana Andolan-11 to inquire into the atrocities and killings carried out to suppress ruthlessly the popular movement under the purview of adherents of the Royal regime. Needless to describe, many people had been killed, several hundred amputated and thousands involuntarily disappeared during Jana Andolon II as people had revolted against the much maligned autocratic Royal regime to restore civil rights and freedom in the country. The commission probed, interrogated and collected adequate testimonials and evidences which could be adduced to incriminate those responsible for using disproportionate force to suppress the people taking to the streets peacefully for restituting democratic rights and liberty . The report has rightly indicted 201 people from different agencies of the state administration including the executive organ of the government, police and civil administration, military and paramilitary apparatuses. The monumental 1184 page report has blamed the higher authorities for being involved in hatching design and conspiracy to suppress the people?s movement and abetting the use of force to quell and tame the surge of mass to oust the dictatorial regime. The report has categorized the accused into four types and recommended different forms of actions commensurate to the gravity of the offences and crimes committed to flout human rights and jeopardize the democratic aspiration of the people. The report has suggested the enactment of necessary laws since the prevailing legal framework is not sufficient to book the culprits to justice. Though the government, in its bid to implement the recommendations of the report with a view to strengthen the process for enforcement and reparation of the rights of the people, had formed a ministerial level committee some months ago, no concrete steps were taken to do the same. The presentation of the report in the legislative Parliament this Friday would definitely lead to the initiation of the genuine and concrete steps towards its implementation . The government should work towards enacting necessary laws so that those who are involved in the commission of the crimes are brought to justice. The onus of building positive human rights culture lies with the government.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 6, 2007

Is Foreign Aid Necessary

Sunil Poudyal

Nepal?s dependence on foreign aid has always remained more than 50 per cent of the annual budget with some exception. The donors also never bothered to study whether the aid reached among the target group or not. It has also been found that the extreme dependency of the recipient country of the aid leads to the it plunging into the deepest pit of corruption. Nepal is no exception in this regard. Besides, the provisions set by the donors are so complex, especially for poor and strategically weak countries, that the recipient can hardly secure her people?s interest and/or sovereignty.

Graft

Right from the beginning of the process of aid, the network of commission starts being framed. There is also the donor?s domination and direct/indirect intrusion within the realm of freedom of the recipient. The recipient country has to satisfy the intermediaries, agents as well as some officials of the donor country or organization. The donor imposes on the method of the utilization of aid amount, ways to implementation the project, recruitment of advisors and most of the top level officials, procurement of machineries, equipment and logistics etc. This is rather unfortunate but a reality.If the administrators are visionary, sincere, dedicated, honest, confident, determined and if they have integrity, Nepal does not need any donor to help for its development. But we should hurry to stop the dependency on aid because its addiction to our economy is so severe that haste in this direction can ruin the economy. It should be decreased gradually to zero level within a few years. No country can remain aloof in the modern world. All the countries in the globe are interdependent. But interdependence and domination are two different things. Nepal holds nature?s blessings no less than other countries in the globe, though the type might be different. Until about two decades back we used to export bricks, cement, bamboo shoots, sugar, rice, floor etc to Tibetan Autonomous Region of China. There was also a time when we had exported timber to the then USSR. We have been exporting carpets, garments, herbs etc to foreign countries; the volume of exports fluctuate affecting the foreign earnings because of some problems including the lack of consistency in national rules and regulation.. If we pay due attention to make our policy, quality etc compatible to exploration and expansion in our foreign trade, we do not have to worry much to make the balance of payment favorable. Nepal is said to be a country with the second highest hydropower potential in the world. There is no doubt that if we go for mega hydro projects, they depend on foreign aid. By developing water resources for generating power, it can also be exported to India. It needs huge investment either through foreign or loans. However, the buyers are limited and Nepal has to abide by the conditions imposed by them. Therefore mega projects do not seem to be feasible for the country. Attracting foreign investments for joint ventures or national industrialists for medium scale hydro projects might be suitable for the country as power can be sold at the local markets. However, we should not forget to target our neighboring countries also to cash in on the surplus power, if any, provided the agreement is beneficial to us. It would be contextual to note that mega project of any kind is unsuitable to us considering the huge investment on imported resources and raw materials and equipment and because of transit problems.

It is advisable to also encourage small investment for micro scale hydro projects and other sectors. Again we should always remember that our policy and facilities guaranteed to the entrepreneurs should be reasonable, consistent and compatible to the interest of the country. If we develop hydro power project extensively, we can develop cable cars and rope ways facilities, extending them, especially, in the remote areas. It will also contribute much to solve the grave problem of irrigation and drinking water facilities.. It is worth remembering that the construction of is very expensive together with a big sum required for regular maintenance in comparison to cable cars and rope way system. The degradation of the environment is another curse that the land routes invite. Similarly, soil erosion, land slides and pollution that land routes initiate naturally causes extra burden on the national purse and hampers the life of human beings and the flora and fauna. Besides, regular import of means of transport and accessories is another big burden that the country has to face. The ropeway system help create market for the products of remote areas to cities and vice versa and the cable cars; to boost the tourism industry. The ridge, vivid impression of nature, the diaphanous landscape, the rock band, varieties of climate, unfathomable precipices, the flora and fauna, varieties of birds and animals (some rare in the world), varieties and colorful insects and butterflies, rivers for rafting, places for gliding and bungee jumping etc are the things which can tempt not only foreign tourists but also the domestic ones. The development of tourism will initiate the expansion of inns, hotels, restaurants, rest houses etc with the utilization of local materials.

Prosperity

If we cast our eyes from the east to the west of our country, some areas in the hills are very much favorable for grazing, cattle and sheep farming, dairy industry, fodder etc. Similarly, some areas are very promising for various fruits and vegetable, and some areas for forest products like Bijayasal ( Tacocarpus Marsupium). If these could be harnessed properly some of them can be exported to earn foreign currency. All these activities mentioned also help generate opportunities of local employment which naturally support to increase per capita income of the country. These all show that Nepal can not only survive without aid but also can prosper.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 6, 2007

Right Decision

Jana Andolan II was a grand success thanks to the great participation of people from all walks of life despite the terror and suppression resorted to by the then royal regime. Many people, in the course of the 19-day revolution, sacrificed their lives all for bringing democracy once again in the country and to be free from the shackles of tyranny that was evident in the country then. The country and the people owe it to the martyrs and the other people who took part in the revolution without fear to do away with the authoritarian regime. Soon after the success of the April revolution, Parliament was reinstated. One of the major decisions of the government then was the formation of the high-level Rayamajhi Commission under the co-ordination of former Supreme Court Justice Krishna Jung Rayamajhi to probe into the misuse of state coffers and power of the erstwhile royal government during the April movement. It was a right move to find the culprits that tried to suppress the people's movement by committing excessive force and misused the people's money to gun down people. However, those who misused power and state money to suppress the people were swept away by the people's power. That was the beginning of a new era for the people despite the fact there is a lot to travel in realising the goal of the constituent assembly and the drafting of an all-inclusive democratic constitution to herald a new Nepal.

The Rayamajhi Commission had submitted its report to the government quite a few months back, but it had neither been presented to the legislature parliament nor had it been made public despite several commitments in the past to do so. Finally, the cabinet has decided to present the said report to the legislature parliament today. This is quite meaningful in the sense that the names of the guilty will be made public, and the necessary legal action against them can proceed according to the law of the land. It has been reported that there are over 200 people who have been charged in the report as having acted against the people during Jana Andolan II. The decision of the cabinet was made public by the Minister for Information and Communications. Now, the people can rest assured that the necessary legal action will be taken against those who had committed excess and misused the state coffers to suppress the people's revolution. The coming days will be very important in how the recommendations of the report will be implemented in the greater interest of the people and the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 3, 2007

Government's Noteworthy Initiatives

Prem N. Kakkar

PROBLEMS crop up time and again in national politics. Since the success of Jana Andolan II and the formation of the interim government and the legislature parliament with the participation of the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists, the country can be definitely said to be moving towards the goal of holding the constituent assembly (CA) polls on November 22. There is, no doubt, that the announcement of the CA poll date is very significant as it has erased all doubts and confusions that persisted in the minds of the people stirred by the political leaders themselves in their various addresses. That the government was dilly dallying over the date for the polls has been proved wrong.Law and orderNow that all eyes are set on the CA polls, it is the right time for all the political parties to concentrate on the drive to go to the villages and districts so that the people will have all the inputs to be aware about the poll and prepare for it. So far, it seems that the political parties and their activists have not adequately galvanised themselves for the purpose. This is rather disconcerting as the polls going to be held in the country for the first time has great ramifications for the whole political scenario.

That the polls are important has been highlighted by the political leaders and the government, but concrete steps on many fronts have yet to be undertaken to the fullest. The first and foremost is improving the law and order situation of the country. Without peace prevailing, it is clear that it will be difficult to conduct the CA elections. The government is well aware of the situation, so it is conducting talks with the various agitating groups. The talks are moving ahead, but the conclusion is yet to come about. It can be hoped that soon an amicable solution with the different groups will materialise in the interest of all, including the voters. The violence that is taking place in many parts of the country, especially the eastern Terai region, is of great concern. There are people who are blaming the government for this, but it alone cannot do everything and needs the support of all, particularly the stakeholders. The differences in opinion among the political parties represented in the government are natural, but the need is to resolve them through mutual understanding and dialogue. That has been the hallmark of the time since Jana Andolan II achieved success. This is the reason why the top leaders of the eight parties always speak of maintaining unity despite the fact that the CA elections are going to be competitive.The reason for maintaining unity is the outcome of the fear that the regressive elements might become active to undermine the gains made so far. A look at the way the cabinet meetings are being held shows this. There are differences, and then the meetings are stalled for a number of days. Following high level parleys, the cabinet again sits down to take important decisions. The same happened last week. Finally, a cabinet meeting was held on Wednesday.

The meeting took some very important decisions, including the presentation of the Rayamajhi Commission report to the legislature parliament so as to make it public. The cabinet also approved the tune for the new national anthem. In fact, the country had been without a national anthem for over a year.In making the Rayamajhi Commission report public, the people will formally come to learn of the people indicted by the Commission. It will also make it easier for the legal process to start to prosecute those who have been named in the report for their suppressive role during the April revolution. Over 200 people have been named in the report, against whom legal action has to be taken. In this context, it is not understandable why the government took so long to take the decision to present the report to the legislature parliament. Now that the decision has been taken, the people will be waiting to see what steps will be taken to implement the recommendations of the Rayamajhi Commission. That it has come a few months before the CA polls must also be taken into consideration. DemandsThough late, steps are being taken to take the people into confidence. This will boost the morale of the people in the run up to the CA polls. Meanwhile, steps must be taken to deliberate on the demands of the various agitating groups, improving the law and order situation and the campaign to go to the villages and districts to make the people aware of the importance and necessity of the constituent assembly election. If these are done, the dream of a new Nepal will definitely materialise.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 3, 2007

Madesh In Turmoil : Still No Political Understanding

Vijaya Chalise

The Eastern Terai covering Mithila, the centre of ancient civilisation, has been facing constant turbulence since January this year. A number of armed groups claiming to fight for the rights of the Madheshi people have emerged, disturbing social cohesion. Despite a series of protests across the country against such violence, these armed rebel groups in the Terai continue to kill and abduct people, including government employees. With the emergence of various armed groups there, the security situation has deteriorated. The Goit and Jwala Singh factions of the Terai Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM) have not only issued threats to the civil servants from the hills but even been involved in killing them. The local administration remains a mute spectator to all this.

Solution

The government has been trying to bring all the groups concerned to the negotiating table in a bid to find a peaceful solution to the problem. The eight-party coalition government even made changes in the interim statute-2063 constitution and agreed to increase the number of constituencies in the Terai region. Unfortunately, none of the groups, many of them splinter factions, has responded positively to the government's goodwill. Thus, questions are being raised as to whether the constituent assembly (CA) elections will be held as scheduled in November. Now that the CA elections are only 110 days away, it has become urgent to resolve the Terai problem to create a conducive environment for the CA polls. Political parties and parliamentarians have yet to forge a political understanding from the centre to the local level so that their presence can be felt in the troubled areas. Even the consensus reached on forming a unanimous voice regarding violence in the Terai has not yet translated into practice. The high-level Inter-party Co-ordination Committee (HLPCC) had recently reached a consensus to address the issue in one voice.

The government, too, has not been effective in initiating effective steps to bring the situation to normalcy by interacting with the locals in the region. Paradoxically, members of the council of ministers themselves have different views on how the problem should be tackled. While Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula gave a 15-day ultimatum to the various agitating groups in the Terai to come to the negotiating table, Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel dubbed the Home Minister's ultimatum as something personal. Political observers say the Terai issue has two dimensions: first, it is political in nature; second, it is non-political, in that some of the activities are instigated by internal regressive forces and Hindu fundamentalists from across the border. If this observation is true, obviously, the first one should be settled through political negotiation. However, the second one will need to be dealt with from a different approach. In such a situation, where certain elements are also trying to fan communal violence by creating division between the Terai and the hills, the government and the eight-party political leadership should address the Madesh issue without bias or using it to secure votes during the election. Irrespective of the geographical region they represent, nobody would dispute the fact that all the people living inside Nepal are Nepalese. Therefore, there should be no hesitation in fulfilling the demand of the Madhesi people, who are still searching for their identity. Indeed, if their demands for an autonomous federal structure and an election based on proportional representation are addressed, one can hope to win the confidence of the Madhesi people. But noone would tolerate or compromise any act aimed at endangering national unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity.

At a time when the government is holding negotiations with the Terai Jana Adhikar Forum, Madhesi intellectuals during an interaction with the Gorkhapatra said that the Madhesi people's rights be guaranteed by addressing their genuine demand before the constituent assembly (CA) polls in November. Their demands, among others, include an election based on proportional representation, reorganisation of their identity as Madhesi Nepali and an autonomous federal structure for Nepal. Professor Dr. Mohammad Habibullah said that the monarchy was an obstacle to inclusive democracy, so a new system should address the social, political and economic problem of all ethnic, linguistic and regional communities. Likewise, Jeetendra Dev, General Secretary of Loktantrik Madhesi Sangathan, said that the root cause of the Madhesi problem lay in the eight-party alliance's failure to stick to their earlier commitment to establish the Madhesis' right to autonomy and proportionate representation in the national parliament. He suggests calling a round table conference of all the Madhesi and indigenous groups and asking them for a solution. Secondly, he says, the eight political parties should issue a joint statement with a political commitment to establish an autonomous federal system and agree to a proportionate election to ensure the Madhesi people's greater representation in the constituent assembly. If the agitating groups are fighting for the rights of the Madhesi people, then they should be ready to settle the dispute through dialogue and create an election-friendly environment for the November poll that alone would consolidate their rights. Obviously, the Madhesi people should be treated at par with the people of the hills. For this, the political leadership should be visionary and handle the situation with care to protect the Nepali culture of tolerance.

Reactionary forces

Since the election to the constituent assembly is the only option for fully empowering the Nepalis, including the Madhesi and indigenous people, all should actively participate in the election for securing their rights. The possibility of the reactionary forces impending the constituent assembly elections will continue to grow if national harmony is not restored. No one should ignore the fact that royalist feudalistic forces are actively working to derail the constituent assembly polls, and all should unite to defeat such regressive forces. The country must move towards declaring itself a republican state prior to the constituent assembly poll. Besides, removing the racial hatred seen in the Terai at present and cultivating goodwill and good understanding in its place is essential.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 3, 2007

New Nepal - A Country Out of Whack

Sangram Singh Basnyat

The secularization of Nepal has made the ambiance quite treacherous for the holy cows of Nepal. But the predicament of the Nepali populace is even worse. With no water trickling from the spigots, irregular supply of electricity, scarcity of fuel, worsening food security, rising ethnic tensions, unabated criminalities, and nonchalant law enforcement, Nepal's plight is easily discernable. Also, no cover is adequate for security. While insecurity and inadequacies plague Nepal, the vaunted rhetoric of "New Nepal" is unfolding into a bitter irony.
The annual failed states index published by the Foreign Policy magazine had placed Nepal in the 21st seat. In the list of failed states, only 20 states were ranked worse than Nepal. In 2006, Nepal was ranked 20. When the indicators assessed a slight improvement in the overall conditions of the country, it nudged Nepal from the Red (1-20) to Orange (21- 40) category. It is to be noted however, that the 2007 rankings were the result of the data collected in 2006.
But today, if those same indicators were re-employed to calibrate Nepal's situation, it would certainly bump up Nepal 's ranking. Given the insecurity and inadequacies, it would easily position Nepal in the "Red" (Top 20) category. In just a matter of a year, Nepal's security situation has acutely deteriorated. Even at the crest of the maoist instigated violence, the overall security situation was not as bad as it is today. Today the entire country is gripped with fear and uncertainty.

From the King to the common man, no one feels secure. While the truculent government and parliament set on clipping all his royal prerogatives, the King feels the heat of abolition and even incarceration. Perhaps even execution if the maoists had their way. And recently, for the first time in history, the King has officially requested for extra security backup during his birthday bash. The King's request for security says it all.
It is not just the King however, but even the seemingly omnipotent prachanda feels threatened. Fearing an assassination attempt, he has demanded extra security. Currently there is fifty man contingent (a mix of maoists and armed police) to provide security for the maoist supremo (no other leader in Nepal has this elaborate security arrangement).
Other maoist ministers seem quite threatened too. Very recently, their paranoia of insecurity was exposed when there was a change in their personal army guards. Crying foul play, they claimed that the new Army guards were sent from the Bhairavnath battalion and Ranger battalion to assassinate them.
Not just the maoists, but the insecurity contagion has infected others top leaders and government officials as well. Surya Bahadur Thapa and Sher Bahadur Deuba recently demanded the government to provide them with extra security. Civil servants have recently halted work demanding extra security measures too. Even the VDC secretaries are staging protests demanding a secure work environment. Both the civil servant unions and union of VDC secretaries are currently launching a nationwide agitation demanding security.

Ironically, even the security forces have contracted the insecurity contagion. With the ongoing talks of integration of the maoists into the Army, the Army is jittery. Even during their clandestine stage, the maoists had threatened families of security forces. Now that the maoists are in the ruling coalition, many in the security forces fear reprisal for their involvement in counter-insurgency.
The Police force is the perhaps the most vulnerable security wing and is equally insecure. There are innumerable cases where the police force has shown absolutely no commitment in enforcing the law due to their personal insecurities. Rather, they continue to remain insouciant. The unofficial motto for the force has become "inaction is much safer than action."
If the security forces and the other big power players feel insecure, one can easily deduce the plight of the general populace. With no robust law enforcement against rising criminalities and ethnic tensions, the population feels defenseless. As the authorities and security forces lie emasculated and insouciant, a buffer between threats and society has collapsed leaving the people critically vulnerable.
On top of insecurity there are other matters of dire concern. The scarcity of water across the country is alarming. Despite being a hydro opulent nation, the spigots across the nation have barely trickled a drop of drinking water. Certain places in Katmandu have not had water for weeks now. And thanks to the bolshiness of the maosist minister yami, the Melamchi water-project is close to defunct.

Electricity too has become a rare commodity. While half of the population still lives without electricity, the other half is getting used to the darkness too. As vast swathes of land lie inundated due to the monsoon rains, the Nepal electricity authority (NEA) still claims that there is inadequate supply of water for electricity generation. So with hours of load-shedding, electricity is intermittent and utterly unreliable.
Another inadequacy is fuel shortage. Acute fuel shortages have also been a common phenomenon. Queues for fuel have been a frequent sight around Kathmandu. Laden with an unbearable debt, the Mecca of corruption and mismanagement - the Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC), is coming to a grinding halt. With losses of over 180 million dollars over the past five years and 250 million dollars of debt to Indian oil corporation (IOC) and other financial institutions, IOC may cut off supply if NOC doesn't cough up soon. Given the heavily indebted status of NOC, the future of fuel supply looks inexorably bleak.
The economy is looking grim too. GDP growth rate is estimated to be between 2.7 to 3.2 % - which is below the regional and global average (global average hovers around 4%). Inflation rate is close to 8%. Nepal Chamber of Commerce (NCC) has recently said that the government's goal of the capping inflation at 5.5% is unattainable and unrealistic. It is further said that due to the dwindling exports, trade deficit is widening and the balance of payment surplus of 8 billion rupees is something difficult to achieve. It has further warned of dire consequences if the economy became solely reliant on remittances alone.

Another blow to the economy came recently when the World Bank (WB) threatened to suspend all assistance related to the financial sector reform project, as well as the proposed budgetary support. The Scottish consulting firm, ICCMT - that had been handling the management of troubled Nepal Bank Limited (NBL) for the last five years unilaterally terminated the management contract on July 22, citing inadequate cooperation from the central bank. The WB has demanded an immediate reinstatement of the ICCMT team.
If the WB were to suspend the assistance, it will immediately affect US$ 100 million reform projects at NBL, Rastriya Banijya Bank (RBB) and reengineering at NRB. In addition, proposed grant assistance worth US$ 30 million aimed at enhancing access to finance will be an immediate victim. Likewise, the much-needed budget support for the current fiscal year will also become uncertain. The budget for the current fiscal year has anticipated receiving up to Rs 100 million.
Investment is intangible and taking a nose dive as well. Insecurity and instability have throttled foreign investment. Much to the consternation of the national industrialists and investors, maoists have aggressively formed labour unions left and right and are making preposterous demands. Even worrisome is the unabated extortion and the abduction of the individuals involved in the business enterprise. Criminal groups have gone on a rampage abducting Marwari businessmen and their family members for ransom. Such activities are fomenting capital flight and slump in investment. Due to the volatility, a large number of businessmen have already transferred most of their capital to overseas bank accounts.

Even food supply is in a precarious condition. Last week, the United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) and the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) issued a joint statement raising alarm over the situation of food insecurity. Due to natural disasters and the conflict, food production has declined. Also, the frequent closure of national transportation arteries by random groups has severely hampered food supply. The most critical factor however, is the political unrest and violence in the Terai region. Considering the significance of Terai as the rice basket of Nepal, and the connecting conduit between the main supplier - India and the rest of the country, the turmoil is causing a huge distress to food production and supply.
The Terai conflict is evoking an even more hair-raising fright. Numerous violent madheshi groups have mushroomed in the past year with an array of demands. Although the demands of the different Madeshi groups are diverse, there is one unifying factor - they are all claiming to be the representatives of the Madhesi people. By identifying themselves as Madeshi people, they have distinctly separated themselves as different from the Pahades (hill-people).
Given the years of discrimination and marginalization, Madhesi demands for fair representation and opportunities may seem rational. But the violent tactics of targeting Pahades by radical groups like the JTTM Goit and Singh factions are fuelling ethnic hatreds on both sides. Till date, the ethnic melee has already cost scores of lives and appears to be heading towards a larger carnage.

During the April uprising, people rallied behind the SPAM coalition in hopes of a better future and more freedom. However, a year of SPAM reign has proved to be a damp squib. Ironically, Nepalis have lost even more freedom in the hopes of attaining more. Primarily, the basic amenities for survival like water, food and security is not only incommensurate but dwindling sharply. Hence, without much doubt it can be stated that the two main categories of freedom - freedom from fear and freedom from want are quickly vanishing. Furthermore, the banning of a song that mentions the name of the founder (Late King Prithvi Narayan Shah) of the nation accurately reflects the trend in freedom of speech.
However in contrast, other remarkable acquisitions have been made during the last fourteen months. Now Nepalis have the freedom to take ministerial oaths in denim jeans. There is freedom to amass an illimitable wealth through corruption without the fear of penalties, especially if you are the current prime minister's former associates. There is freedom to carry weapons into the parliament if you are a Member of Parliament. There is freedom to calls strikes, shut highways and roads in a whimsical manner. There is freedom to open steak houses and enjoy beef delicatessens. There is freedom to be called democratic without a democratic mandate. Practically, there is so much freedom that anyone is free to do whatever one’s heart desires. After all, the April uprising has supposedly unfettered Nepal from the manacles of feudalism and tyranny. So welcome to New Nepal - a country out of whack.

Source: American Chronicle, August 2, 2007

Election financing : Need for greater transparency

Hari Bansh Jha

Funding for election campaigns is a major issue both in democratic and non-democratic countries. Foreign contributions to political parties or candidates are normal in election time, though such funds are officially banned. During the First World War, Germany provided clandestine funds to Bolsheviks in its bid to weaken its enemy, the Russian Czars. During the Cold War, secret services of certain countries bribed client politicians, parties, interest groups, journalists and newspapers to win their favour. Religious groups and foreign corporations were also involved. However, it is difficult to regulate the inflow of political money coming from abroad, particularly when it enters the country for the purpose of “training,” “technical assistance,” “voters and civil education” or “opinion poll survey.”But this does not mean that funding for election is a necessary evil. Electoral campaign is not possible without the candidates being able to convey their messages to the voters. If the political parties (an integral part of modern democracies) lack funds for election campaigns, they cannot help people make judicious choices. The democratic process grows only when political contributions are raised and spent in a proper manner.Each political party or candidate wants to outwit and overtake the other. There is maximum misuse of the government manpower and resources during election time. Even the administrative machinery, educational institutions, policy and other security agencies are misused. It gives leverage to the haves over the have-nots. The haves, for instance, can pay for media coverage in catching the public’s eye.In Nepal, all districts have been divided into four categories for electoral purposes. A candidate can only spend below the stipulated ceiling fixed by the EC. For districts in “Ka” category, a candidate cannot exceed Rs 275,000; in districts in “Kha” category, a candidate can spend up to Rs 235,000. In “Ga,” the limit is Rs 165,000, while in category “Gha,” it is Rs 135,000. The EC fixed the limits to control illegal flow of money into campaigns. But the EC could not receive election expenses reports from all the 2,238 candidates who contested 1,999 general elections. The candidates not submitting reports could well have exceeded the spending limits.For EC’s part, there was virtually no effort to verify election expenses submitted by candidates. Maybe the ceiling prescribed by the EC was unrealistic. In fact, the ceiling fixed by EC with regard to election expenses has become a subject of mockery. Until there is complete transparency, the ceiling has no meaning. The Election Commission Act, 2063, has a provision to fine a candidate who does not submit the details of election expenditure within the prescribed time. But it is too early to comment on the effectiveness of the Act. Also, many of the candidates lack faith in the election code of conduct and by large, the whole election system. As a result, they are least bothered about producing an accurate account of expenses. This is one of the reasons for the growth in number of dummy candidates.In every country, the business community makes donations to political parties and candidates during elections. But these donations are mostly murky. Therefore, the money often ends up in the hands of wrong persons. The political parties, for their part, are also not interested in receiving donations openly. In Nepal, there is a provision whereby political parties are expected to submit the list of persons or organisations making donations over Rs 20,000, but this provision is hardly enforced.Only a strong EC can reduce election expenses. The EC should be empowered to supervise and monitor funding of parties and campaigns. During each election, EC needs to review the expense limit so as to adjust it to the market price. But care should be taken that such a ceiling does not only serve the interests of the rich, but also those of resource-deficient candidates.Transparency has to be ensured in election expenses. After the election is over, the EC should not only make its own expenses on elections public, but also make public expenses made by each candidate. The government should effectively regulate or restrict political payments by business corporations, trade unions, foreign organisations and foreign citizens. The name of the person or business donating sums over Rs 25,000 to a candidate/party should be made public.A candidate not adhering to the rules of Election Code of Conduct should be debarred from contesting elections for at least two times. Code of conduct is essential not only for the political parties, but equally for the business sector. EC should have power to investigate political parties or candidates with regard to Code of Conduct so that the candidates are well aware of severity of penalties. The provision of such penalties should be akin to possessing a nuclear weapon, which is hardly ever used but nevertheless a potent deterrent.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 2, 2007

Nepal's Failed Unification

Rishikesh Ram Bhandari

As different Nepal and Liberia are, there exist important commonalities in regime hegemonies, state structure and social exclusivity that are crucial in understanding Nepal's current transition. Both of these relatively new states are struggling to establish their identities and cast away historical legacies that have restricted multidimensional national expression. Comparing histories from the very outset to the current day, we find some compelling parallels.ParallelsIn order to extinguish the problems of slavery by repatriation to Africa, the United States established the American Colonisation Society (ACS). The freed slaves, called Americo Liberians, started a colony, defeating numerous little kingdoms and ultimately gaining independence from the United States in 1847. On the other side of the hemisphere, a few decades earlier, Prithvinarayan Shah waged his unification campaign to create a modern Nepal. His dream took shape once he captured the three kingdoms in the Kathmandu Valley. After independence, the ACS had to consolidate a deeply divided nation. Naming itself from the Latin liberare, Liberia was confined only to capital Monrovia, which was occupied by the Americo Liberians. The indigenous Liberians had not been absorbed into the national mainstream and did not identify with this imposed 'Liberia'. The Americo Liberians made use of existing tribal chieftaincies to extend their domain. As a result, the chieftains got a fused role, both as the customary lawgiver as the local clan chief and an administrative role of the new government in Monrovia.After Prithvinarayan Shah and the subsequent Shah Kings conquered the baise and chaubise rajyas, the subjugated kingdoms' rulers were still kept in place, only to be governed from Kathmandu. Thus, the rajas became administrative functionaries of the Shah Kings, and it is through the conduit of such minor kings that the capital was able to extend its control. In this way, the minor kings maintained equilibrium between the Shah King and the subjects.When ACS created its colony, it did not do so by taking over one nation, but numerous little ethnic entities. Similarly, Prithvinarayan Shah did not usurp only one national consciousness. There was no overarching identity space that Prithvinarayan Shah had filled with his cavalry. Because of this, it was hard, ideologically, for the kingdoms to unite in expulsing the aggressors. Furthermore, as the deposed kings were still in considerable power as they were given administrative functions under the new Nepal, they lacked enough incentive to revolt and were absorbed into the ruling class. As a result, a distinct two-layered rule was created - the ruling class and the ruled. This crafted state structure allowed Prithvinarayan Shah to wield force to maintain a politically unified (yet) divided nation.In both countries, the state existed as a vacuous shell, and the diverse ethnicities never became incorporated into the mainstream. It was necessary for the ruler to exercise absolute hegemony to keep the state intact. Liberians did this by making the True Whig Party the sole party and extending membership only to Americo Liberians, hence on social lines. Indigenous Liberians were even yet to be called citizens of the state. The Shahs and the Ranas employed the same strategy by keeping the monarchy and ultimately the oligarchy intact by limiting power within the thakuri kshetriyas. The feudal land structure reinforced the Rajas' hegemony down to the village and also became a tool to further suppress the marginalised. Prithvinarayan Shah's much touted chaar jaat chhattis barna ko fulbaari (garden of four castes and thirty six sub-castes) is reduced to mere propaganda (rhetorical ploy) when we see how social cohesion was based not on an egalitarian playing field for all castes but a distinct hierarchy that subjugated identities of every ethnicity outside the maharaja's aristocracy. The scramble for Africa internally buttressed the TWP as it had to ward off imperialistic forces. Americo Liberians even used indigenous Liberians as bonded labourers to encourage investment for plantations, later on drawing the attention of the League of Nations. On the other hand, the East India Company had been sending off aggressive signals which Prithvinarayan Shah tried to counter by hastening his unification campaign to forge a strong nation. Ultimately, the Ranas used the extractive framework to gain support from the East India Company by exporting people as mercenaries for the British army. The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 and the two world wars are prime examples. The Gurkhas were allegedly welcomed into the British troops for their bravery and valiant behaviour, but we must realise that this was a form of slave trade grounded on foreign policy objectives, repression and economic destitution, and is a form of resource plunder.After more than 150 years of hegemonic rule, an indigenous Liberian, Samuel Doe toppled the Americo Liberians' regime promising a new Liberia. However, as the state ACS-TWP crafted state structure had been so embedded that he found it easier to operate in the system rather that to bring change. The same situation resulted in Nepal when the political parties gained power. The democracy they brought in was not inclusive and participatory. It was only with the sheer force of the April movement that the ethnic minorities started to really clamp down about their rights and identities. Since King Gyanendra had been symbolically vanquished, the ethnic minorities who had been subjugated to maintain the garden of Prithvinarayan Shah started to display the deep divisions that were never dealt with since the unification process started two centuries ago. Once a hegemonic structure is toppled, the repressed identities come to surface. The ethnic issues that are being raised are a result of the improper unification process based on imposing a coercive and extractive feudal structure. LessonsLiberia is well into post conflict reconstruction and reconciliation. Nepal needs to learn an important lesson about ethnicity from Liberia. There are important lessons that Nepal can learn from Liberia. Labelling ethnic tensions as mere political propaganda of the regressive royalists shall only serve to elude us about the suppressed ethnic tension. We need to realise that ethnic tensions could not have been played up if cleavages had not existed in the first place. Therefore, all effort must be taken to create a new and inclusive participatory democracy.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 2, 2007

50 Years Of Nepal-Egypt Relations : Present Reality And Future Prospects

Hira Bahadur Thapa

As early as 1957, Nepal had decided to establish diplomatic relations with the Arab Republic of Egypt, and as a result, we have a Nepalese embassy in Cairo functioning for half a century. Likewise, the Government of the Arab Republic of Egypt has maintained its diplomatic representation in the Nepalese capital with a full-fledged ambassador as the Head of the Mission. Their decision to maintain diplomatic representation at the higher level only suggests the importance attached by the respective governments of Nepal and Egypt to their bilateral relations. Historical perspectiveNepal's relations with the Arab Republic of Egypt in the Fifties must be viewed against the historical backdrop of the growing desire of the country to widen and diversify its diplomatic representation abroad. If history is any guide, opening of Nepal's foreign missions was precipitated by the dawn of democracy in the country in February 1951. It is obvious that Nepal had established diplomatic relations with no more than four countries till that time. The fundamental question here is to understand the rationale for the then government of Nepal to decide on maintaining diplomatic relations with a far off country located in the north of Africa, which is part of the Near East from the standpoint of geography. It may sound logical to recall and discuss a little bit about the various factors that played a crucial role in influencing the decision of Nepal to establish diplomatic relations with Egypt. We should take note of the period when newly independent developing countries in the continent of Africa and Asia were very much eager to forge a close relationship among themselves. That relationship had provided them an opportunity to work in unity for achieving common benefits by launching a joint struggle against bi-polarism which characterised the then prevailing global situation. Unfortunately, the world was divided into two rival blocs based on ideological grounds until the end of the Cold War in the Nineties. Those newly-born countries with very low level of development faced a host of problems, the most pressing of which was to safeguard their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. The rivalry for power represented by two differing blocs led by the West and East was basically based on political ideology. That confrontational scenario posed a serious threat to the freedom and liberty acquired by the developing countries. A majority of such countries have had to fight wars of independence lasting several years. Even the Arab Republic of Egypt has a bitter history of being ruled by various powers like the French, the British and the Ottomon Empire. One of the deciding factors that resulted in the establishment of diplomatic relations between Nepal and Egypt was the lead role taken by the Arab Republic of Egypt in the Movement of Non-alignment. Cairo even played host to the second NAM Summit Conference in 1964. Additionally, Nepal must have taken into account the emerging clout of Egypt, as an important player in Middle East diplomacy because of the latter's association with the Arab League, an organisation of 22 Arab speaking countries, and also its close relationship with the United States, a world superpower. With a significant size of population (now about 75 million), where the highest seat of Islamic studies is Al Azhar University, and also being a renowned centre of ancient civilisations like the Pyramids of Giza, among others, Egypt indeed held a lot of promises for a country like Nepal which was trying to cultivate bilateral relations with as many countries as possible. Nepal's interest in nurturing bilateral relations with such a resourceful country is obviously understandable. Relations at presentNepal-Egypt relations have always remained cordial and warm ever since the establishment of diplomatic ties on July16, 1957. Co-operation between these two countries is found in such fora as NAM and G-77, among others. As Third World countries, they have been holding identical views on many issues of concern to them. Nepal and Egypt have been in the Peacekeeping Committee of the UN General Assembly. In many UN Missions, Nepal and Egypt have been contributing to world peace by sending peacekeepers, which include civilians, police and army personnel. Coincidentally, seven Egyptian Monitors are deployed in UNMIN (UN Mission in Nepal) and are, thus, making contributions to advancing the on-going peace process in Nepal. Nepal and Egypt have also exchanged delegations at different levels on different occasions. Comparatively speaking, there has been a higher level of delegations from the Nepalese side than those from Egypt. Nepal has sent various ministerial level delegations to Egypt. Many of them are from the Agriculture Ministry. The then Foreign Minister, Prof. Krishna Raj Aryal, was the first to pay an official visit to Egypt in that capacity, who went to Egypt in 1976. Former Nepalese Foreign Minister Shailendra Kumar Upadhyaya also visited Egypt in 1989 at a time when Nepal was facing difficulties because of the no-transit regime with India. The Nepalese delegation led by then Speaker of the House of Representatives Ram Chandra Poudel had visited Egypt in September 1997 to participate in the 98th Conference of Inter-Parliamentary Union. Nepal's current Foreign Minister Sahana Pradhan very recently paid an official visit to the Arab Republic of Egypt from July 13-16.In April 1980, Dr. Boutros Boutros Ghali paid an official visit to Nepal when he was Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of Egypt. More importantly Dr. Boutros Boutros Ghali was appointed the Secretary General of the United Nations, the first African national as well to assume that high post. There were some ministerial visits from Egypt to Nepal in the Nineties. In March 1996, the then Egyptian Minister for Electricity and Energy M Maher Abaza visited Nepal from December 1-2, 1998. The official visit of Dr. Ezzat Saad El Sayed, Assistant Minister for Asian Affairs in the Egyptian Foreign Ministry took place from May 19-22, 2005 at the invitation of the Government of Nepal.TradeIn today's world of globalisation, as many countries are vying for closer economic integration, economic relations between countries play an important role. Such relations obviously cover a wide range of fundamental issues like trade, investment, tourism and foreign employment that affect the lives of people. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration to state that promotion of deeper bilateral relations of countries are very much dependent on the economic aspect. Stronger economic relationships tend to bring the countries closer to each other. Notwithstanding this fact, trade relations between Nepal and Egypt have hardly been strong, keeping in view the existing volume of trade between the two countries. Available data show that Egypt has been enjoying a trade surplus with Nepal. Taking into account the vast potentialities that exist between the two countries for a stronger trade relationship, there is no reason why the trade volume cannot go up.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 2, 2007

Prachanda proposes launching "People's Revolt"

Concluding that the elections for the Constituent Assembly (CA) is impossible without announcing republic and adopting proportional representation based election system, Maoist chairman Prachanda has proposed to launch "people's revolt" as an alternative.
According to Kantipur daily, Prachanda made this proposal at the central committee meeting of the Maoists, which has started from Tuesday in Kathmandu .
In his political resolution, Prachanda has stated that "people's revolt" has become possible due to conclusions that the party reached in the aftermath of decade-long "people's war", 19-day-long people's movement, and one year of legitimate struggle by his party.

"The report states that CA election is impossible without announcing republic and without adopting PR electoral system. (In the absence of the election) it says the "people's revolt" has no alternative," a central member of the Maoist revealed.
Discussing Prachanda's proposal, some central members are said to have wondered how a revolt can be launched when the party is in the government. They said party leadership should be ready to sacrifice and immediately walk out of the government to announce programmes of struggle.
On the eve of the central committee meeting, there were differences among the central leaders on whether to launch such revolt before or after the CA elections. They, however, were united in their conclusion that the revolt is necessary.
Maoists have been claiming that their revolt will be of peaceful nature. "We abandoned the decade-long people's war feeling that we can achieve republic also through peaceful means. We signed in the peace agreement. But now, India and the parties have betrayed us. Having reached to this conclusion, there are preparations for revolt," another central member told Kantipur.
The Maoists have also calculated that more the transition phase prolongs, lesser role they will get to play. They have also concluded that the Congress is pushing them the most. A source added that there is a section within the party, which believes that the party should not immediately walk out of the government and announce the revolt as there will be complications in the management of combatants during the two months of monsoon period and people, too, won't come to streets then.
The central committee meeting is discussing to finalise the party's future direction to be submitted at the plenum (expanded meeting). The plenum will begin immediately after the central committee meeting ends.

Source: The Nepal News, August 1, 2007

Nixon, Mao And Nepali Maoists

Ritu Raj Subedi

The White House, the centre of world capitalism, has not always been an enemy of the Maoist world. In one of the eventful eras of US politics, former US President Nixon triggered a series of shocks, known as 'Nixon shocks,' in US history. One such shock was his dramatic visit to China and recognition of Mao's regime. This took place at a time when the whole western block was hostile and refused to recognise Red China. After Nixon's visit, the world's leaders beat a path to Mao's door.Cold WarAgainst the backdrop of worsening Sino-Soviet relations, Nixon wanted to balance the Cold War by wooing Mao. On the other hand, Mao wanted to re-launch himself on the international stage by rolling a red carpet for Nixon. However, their meeting did not happen so simply. In the beginning, both the sides were very aware about their images and did not want to be seen as courting each other. But it was Mao's side that broke the ice. In November 1970, Zhou En-Lai sent a message through the Romanians, who had good relations with both China and the US, saying that Nixon would be welcome in Beijng. The White House responded very carefully. It made no reference to a presidential visit, thinking that the idea would be 'premature and potentially embarrassing.' As the issue of a visit did not gain momentum, one event that took place in the sport sector gave a new twist to the scenario. In March, China sent a table tennis team to Japan for the world championship. In an interesting development, a US player got on a Chinese bus and shook hands and talked to a Chinese player. The US player expressed his desire to come to China to participate in a sport event. Mao first turned down the US request. After many deliberations, he phoned the Foreign Ministry at midnight to invite the US team.The news caused a sensation in the world. The American and western media made fascinating reports on it on a daily basis. "Nixon," wrote a commentator, "was truly amazed at how the story jumped off the sports pages and onto the front pages."The ping-pong diplomacy of Mao captivated Nixon. In his memoir, his Security Advisor Henry Kissinger wrote, "Nixon was excited to the point of euphoria. He wanted to skip the emissary stage lest it take the glow off his own journey." By the end of May, it was settled, in secret, that Nixon would go to China.By inviting Nixon, Mao got many things. The US abandoned its old ally Taiwan and offered China a permanent Security Council seat at the UN with veto power. It was fixed during the behind-the-scene meeting between Kissinger and Zhou. The US made a huge commitment to pull all forces out of Indochina and Korea. Kissinger also agreed to give sensitive information on Russia to China. Mao even floated the idea of forging a Sino-US alliance against the Soviet Union to obtain sophisticate military technology and boost China's aircraft industry and superpower programme.At the meeting, Nixon told Mao, "The Chairman's writings moved a nation and have changed the world." But a clever Mao manipulated Nixon's visit in a way that he continued to be seen as an anti-American champion in the world. However, Nixon was not a loser. At home, the American people praised him for opening a door to China and trying to bring the Vietnam war to an end. He was paid off in his second-term presidential win by a huge margin. Until he was disgraced and forced to resign as president over his role in the 'Watergate scandal,' he remained a successful Republican President. Almost three-and-a-half-decades later, President George W. Bush of Nixon's party has refused to recognise the CPN-Maoist of Prachanda who has followed Mao's doctrine to seize power using guerrilla warfare tactics. Nixon's man is ignoring Mao's disciple. May be that the Nepali Maoists do not hold as strategic an importance as Mao who completely tamed his enemy and ruled a colossal China. On the other hand, Prachanda has won the insurgency only by half. He could not bust the powers of his enemy. By courting Mao, Nixon challenged Kremlin that resulted in the singing of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT).The White House often cites Maoist violent activities as a factor to put the terrorist tag on them. Comparing the atrocities of the Nepali Maoists to Mao's excesses seen during the Cultural Revolution, the Great Purge and in crushing his long-time comrades, the former tend to be less ruthless. Going by the statements of Maoist leaders, Nepal holds strategic value for the US because of its geo-political location. Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai, a Maoist ideologue, talking to this author, claimed that the US is keeping an eye on the rising Asian super powers - China and India - by consolidating its position in Nepal. Whatever the intention of the US in treating the Maoists as terrorists, its policy towards the Nepali Maoists might create a new diplomatic paradigm. China is now in search of a reliable force in Nepal after the monarchy, its long-time trustworthy ally who is struggling for survival. Communist China always considered the king a reliable force in keeping its territorial interests intact. It is said that Chairman Mao had suggested that the Nepali communists work with king against the backdrop of Chinese hostility to India. Silent diplomacyGrowing Chinese interest in the Nepali peace process and the visit of a top Maoist commander to China is an indication that China will no more maintain silent diplomacy here. And the America's continued hard posture towards the Maoists will only give birth to another ally against it in the region.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 1, 2007

Nepal's Failed Unification?

Rishikesh Ram Bhandari

As different Nepal and Liberia are, there exist important commonalities in regime hegemonies, state structure and social exclusivity that are crucial in understanding Nepal's current transition. Both of these relatively new states are struggling to establish their identities and cast away historical legacies that have restricted multidimensional national expression. Comparing histories from the very outset to the current day, we find some compelling parallels.ParallelsIn order to extinguish the problems of slavery by repatriation to Africa, the United States established the American Colonisation Society (ACS). The freed slaves, called Americo Liberians, started a colony, defeating numerous little kingdoms and ultimately gaining independence from the United States in 1847. On the other side of the hemisphere, a few decades earlier, Prithvinarayan Shah waged his unification campaign to create a modern Nepal. His dream took shape once he captured the three kingdoms in the Kathmandu Valley. After independence, the ACS had to consolidate a deeply divided nation. Naming itself from the Latin liberare, Liberia was confined only to capital Monrovia, which was occupied by the Americo Liberians. The indigenous Liberians had not been absorbed into the national mainstream and did not identify with this imposed 'Liberia'. The Americo Liberians made use of existing tribal chieftaincies to extend their domain. As a result, the chieftains got a fused role, both as the customary lawgiver as the local clan chief and an administrative role of the new government in Monrovia.After Prithvinarayan Shah and the subsequent Shah Kings conquered the baise and chaubise rajyas, the subjugated kingdoms' rulers were still kept in place, only to be governed from Kathmandu. Thus, the rajas became administrative functionaries of the Shah Kings, and it is through the conduit of such minor kings that the capital was able to extend its control. In this way, the minor kings maintained equilibrium between the Shah King and the subjects.When ACS created its colony, it did not do so by taking over one nation, but numerous little ethnic entities. Similarly, Prithvinarayan Shah did not usurp only one national consciousness. There was no overarching identity space that Prithvinarayan Shah had filled with his cavalry. Because of this, it was hard, ideologically, for the kingdoms to unite in expulsing the aggressors. Furthermore, as the deposed kings were still in considerable power as they were given administrative functions under the new Nepal, they lacked enough incentive to revolt and were absorbed into the ruling class. As a result, a distinct two-layered rule was created - the ruling class and the ruled. This crafted state structure allowed Prithvinarayan Shah to wield force to maintain a politically unified (yet) divided nation.In both countries, the state existed as a vacuous shell, and the diverse ethnicities never became incorporated into the mainstream. It was necessary for the ruler to exercise absolute hegemony to keep the state intact. Liberians did this by making the True Whig Party the sole party and extending membership only to Americo Liberians, hence on social lines. Indigenous Liberians were even yet to be called citizens of the state. The Shahs and the Ranas employed the same strategy by keeping the monarchy and ultimately the oligarchy intact by limiting power within the thakuri kshetriyas. The feudal land structure reinforced the Rajas' hegemony down to the village and also became a tool to further suppress the marginalised. Prithvinarayan Shah's much touted chaar jaat chhattis barna ko fulbaari (garden of four castes and thirty six sub-castes) is reduced to mere propaganda (rhetorical ploy) when we see how social cohesion was based not on an egalitarian playing field for all castes but a distinct hierarchy that subjugated identities of every ethnicity outside the maharaja's aristocracy. The scramble for Africa internally buttressed the TWP as it had to ward off imperialistic forces. Americo Liberians even used indigenous Liberians as bonded labourers to encourage investment for plantations, later on drawing the attention of the League of Nations. On the other hand, the East India Company had been sending off aggressive signals which Prithvinarayan Shah tried to counter by hastening his unification campaign to forge a strong nation. Ultimately, the Ranas used the extractive framework to gain support from the East India Company by exporting people as mercenaries for the British army. The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 and the two world wars are prime examples. The Gurkhas were allegedly welcomed into the British troops for their bravery and valiant behaviour, but we must realise that this was a form of slave trade grounded on foreign policy objectives, repression and economic destitution, and is a form of resource plunder.After more than 150 years of hegemonic rule, an indigenous Liberian, Samuel Doe toppled the Americo Liberians' regime promising a new Liberia. However, as the state ACS-TWP crafted state structure had been so embedded that he found it easier to operate in the system rather that to bring change. The same situation resulted in Nepal when the political parties gained power. The democracy they brought in was not inclusive and participatory. It was only with the sheer force of the April movement that the ethnic minorities started to really clamp down about their rights and identities. Since King Gyanendra had been symbolically vanquished, the ethnic minorities who had been subjugated to maintain the garden of Prithvinarayan Shah started to display the deep divisions that were never dealt with since the unification process started two centuries ago. Once a hegemonic structure is toppled, the repressed identities come to surface. The ethnic issues that are being raised are a result of the improper unification process based on imposing a coercive and extractive feudal structure. LessonsLiberia is well into post conflict reconstruction and reconciliation. Nepal needs to learn an important lesson about ethnicity from Liberia. There are important lessons that Nepal can learn from Liberia. Labelling ethnic tensions as mere political propaganda of the regressive royalists shall only serve to elude us about the suppressed ethnic tension. We need to realise that ethnic tensions could not have been played up if cleavages had not existed in the first place. Therefore, all effort must be taken to create a new and inclusive participatory democracy.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 1, 2007