Koirala willing to declare Nepal a republic: report

The paralysis gripping Nepal's fragile peace process for nearly three months could be easing with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala finally agreeing to abolish the kingdom's two-century-old institution of monarchy and declare Nepal a republic, according to the Maoists.

Koirala and his Nepali Congress party - so far the major opponents of the Maoist demand that King Gyanendra be sacked immediately through a parliamentary decree - have shown signs of relenting, with the prime minister partially agreeing to the proposal of a republic, the Janadisha daily, the Maoist mouthpiece, reported on Wednesday. After several rounds of parleys, Koirala is now ready to amend the constitution that, though stripping the king of all powers and privileges, left the crown in a state of suspension, decreeing that an election would decide its fate.

Now, however, Koirala is ready to revise the constitution and abolish the crown before the election, as demanded by the Maoists. The rebels had asked the parliament to effect the change, alleging that a free and fair election would not be possible as long as the king remained. Although the majority of legislators supported their demand, the rebels were not able to push it through because they needed two-thirds majority, which eluded them because the Nepali Congress, the biggest party in the house, opposed them. Koirala's capitulation comes with a condition, the Maoist daily said. He is proposing that though Nepal would be declared a republic, the king should not be evicted from his palace immediately. The implementation would start only after the election.

This, incidentally, is also part of the peace formula suggested by former US president Jimmy Carter who visited Nepal last month to bring the warring sides together. It would also get the support of the international community that has been urging the government to hold the election and let it decide the king's fate. However, the daily also said that Maoist chief Prachanda is pushing for the immediate implementation of a republic. While the deadlock on monarchy could be inching towards a consensus, the two parties still remain divided over a second Maoist demand. The rebels also want a fully proportional electoral system, which is likely to improve their electoral chances.

While Koirala was opposing it at first, now he is ready to accept a 40 to 60 compromise in which 60 per cent of the seats would be elected as per the Maoist demand and the rest on the first past the post system, the report said. Earlier, Prachanda had indicated that if the demand for a republic were to be conceded, his party would be flexible about the second. Koirala's thaw was partly due to the growing pressure at home and abroad to reach an understanding with the Maoists and hold the twice-deferred election by April.

A new impetus came after his trusted Minister for Science, Technology and Environment Mohanta Thakur resigned on Tuesday along with three MPs from the Terai plains to form a regional party and push for autonomy in the restive plains. Both the Nepali Congress and the Maoists are concerned at the move, realising their control in the plains is diminishing. Any further delay to hold the polls could spell disaster for them in the Terai, which is emerging as the new x-factor in Nepal's politics.

Source: Hindustan Times, December 12, 2007

PLA and NA Question Of Integration

Shyam Bhandari

Addressing the seventh anniversary of the armed wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the People's Liberation Army (PLA), in Chitwan recently, Maoist Chairman Prachanda is reported to have ruled out any possibility of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections unless the peace process moved ahead properly. Nothing new! The Maoists have made the CA polls a bargaining chip before, and it seems they will go on making it just until their hidden agenda is met.

For now, the Maoists do not seem to be quite keen to set a new deadline for the CA polls in a hurry. Their insistence on the government first agreeing to adopt the proportional representation system of election and abolition of monarchy outright have come in the way of the elections being scheduled the last time around. Going by Prachanda's declaration in Chitwan, it's anyone's guess that new thorns are sprouting even if the existing ones get cleared somehow.

New thorns

There is every indication that the Maoists will come up with a new set of demands if the present ones are met. Needless to say, their oft-repeated allusion to the integration of the PLA with the Nepal Army (NA) is the new thorn that is emerging in the paths of the ever-elusive CA polls. As far as the Maoists are concerned, it is commendable that a force that was married to bloodshed has come as far as it has in its new role as a peaceful, though not overtly genuine, participant of a political process. However, neither the Government of Nepal nor the Maoists have been fully implementing the commitments they inked in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of last year.

In fact, they have turned each other's shortcomings in fulfilling the commitments into a post-conflict conflict. While the government harbours an overabundance of tacit bitterness against the Maoists for not reining in its various organs, including the YCL (Young Communist League), that are involved in making the law and order situation go haywire, the Maoists have been more vocal in their accusations. They have been availing of every possible opportunity to point accusing fingers at the government for ignoring the promises made to them. Prominent among the accusations is that of the government's apathy towards its fighters enclosed in the cantonments under the watchful eye of UNMIN. The Maoists want their fighters to be integrated into the NA with the greatest urgency. Time and again, Prachanda has underlined that the integration process was delayed due to the government's indifference and the lack of interest over the issue among the concerned parties. He has been insisting on settling the PLA issue before continuing on the journey towards the CA polls.

Why is Prachanda so keen on doing this? Is this more important than the mammoth task of writing a new constitution, more important than rewriting the very politico socio-economic foundation of a New Nepal? From the Maoist perspectives, yes! Prachanda has every reason to be wary of the PLA fallout in the event of his party not meeting what they were promised during the hard days of the 'war' or during 'recruitment' - whichever may be applicable. It is an open truth that his party recruited every possible Tom, Dick and Harry with inflated promises both during the years of active conflict and post-CPA. The result - 33,000 armed and trained indoctrinates who are constantly itching for action - is certain to weigh down on his back. It is becoming more and more evident that the real issue behind the Maoists' refusal to wake and shake themselves up for the remaining leg of the journey in the peace process is the reintegration of their fighters more than the issue of Monarchy or the representation system. That the Maoist chairman is hell bent on fulfilling the promises he made to his cadres is evident from his stance. What about the promises he and the other signatories and participants of the CPA, and later the government, made to the remaining people? These self-proclaimed people's leaders seem to have their own definition of 'people'.

Just as his party cadres are the only people in the eyes of the Maoist supremo, so it is for Girijababu, MaKuNe (Madahv Kumar Nepal) and others. What happens to the large chunk of the population that is sidelined when each of the leaders works to milk the most out of the public coffers for the benefit of a chosen few? When will these narrow-minded leaders learn to work for the benefit of the people and the nation as a whole?

Question of integration

As far as Prachanda's proclivity for the integration of his army with the NA goes, it doesn't look viable both from the military as well as the general perspective. You can't expect two forces that faced each other in the killing fields not long ago to share the same bed and breakfast, especially with both armed to the teeth. Moreover, the Maoists were themselves trumpeting, and correctly so, until a year ago saying that Nepal doesn't need an army as large as it presently maintains. How come they suddenly seem comfortable with adding another 30,000 to that already oversized lot? But then there is still the question of how we can demobilise and reintegrate the ex-combatants from the Maoist camp. There is a middle path that can both reintegrate the Maoist PLA while downsizing the NA.

What we can do is create an unarmed reconstruction and development force by incorporating the Maoists and a sizeable chunk of the NA into a Public Works Department (PWD). The work this department can do will include building roads and bridges, schools, community hospitals and other projects. It could also be mobilised for relief work during emergencies and natural disasters. The government can pay them at par with the NA soldiers, while saving a huge sum on arms and ammunition that it would need to buy for them otherwise. This would also serve as a purgatory for the Maoists that so unfeelingly destroyed the infrastructure of this country during their people's war. It would be a win-win for Prachanda for he could tell his fighters that he kept his word, while the rest of us could do with a long speech on how he trimmed the NA for the benefit of a New Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 13, 2007

Garbage and politics : Where is the difference?

Birendra P Mishra

Kathmandu is stinking these days. Of course, it has not happened for the first time. But those who have come to Kathmandu for the first time are naturally surprised at the sight of heaps of garbage on the main roads of the Metropolitan City. Last week, more than two dozen participants from South Asian Association for Regional Corporation (SAARC) countries were here to attend a workshop on inclusive electoral system organised by the South Asians for Human rights (SAHR).

In the course of their travel in a bus to attend a meet, surprised at the sight of the heaps of garbage, two participants from Bangladesh and Sri Lanka asked a Nepali participant as to why these heaps were lying unattended — ever since they came to Kathmandu two days ahead.

The reply of the Nepali participant was really interesting as he told them that garbage problem was a matter of politics in Kathmandu.The municipal corporation comes under the jurisdiction of the ministry of local development. After people’s movement, the first elected government formed in 1991 was one-party majority government. But unfortunately, it could last for only three years. After the mid-term polls, a minority government was formed which survived for nine months. Then started the era of unholy coalitions which continued for three-and-a-half years that saw the formation of five successive governments. During this period, the concerned ministry had five different ministers. It has always been the job of other government partners to put the minister concerned in trouble. So far, temporary arrangements have been made even as garbage was made the bedrock of opposition politics. Hence, from time to time, transportation of garbage from Kathmandu to dumping sites gets obstructed.

Recently, the cadres of Young Communist League (YCL) affiliated with the Maoists had taken up the job of keeping the metropolis neat and clean to brush up their tarnished image as extorters and abductors but, for reasons unknown, they soon gave up the noble job.

Like politicians in Nepal, the residents of the Kathmandu metropolis suffer from two common but serious ills: lack of sensitivity to the problem and dependence on ‘others’ for solving any serious problem that might arise in the course of time. And we never bother to introspect that it is our duty to reduce the quantity of garbage we are producing. We never think of disposing of some of the garbage ourselves. We take it as the sole duty of the municipality to keep the metropolis clean.

Definitely, we can solve this problem if we want. For instance, if we decide not to use plastic bags, the problem will be considerably minimised. Hence the government should ban the use of plastic bags immediately. If every household has some space (which is hardly the case) for disposalof garbage by turning it into compost, there will be very little left for the municipality to manage. Alarmingly, the house owners try to use every inch of their landto construct buildings and what little is left is plastered to keep the premises clean. Most seriously, they are exploiting the underground water to meet the needs of multi-storied building dwellers but never leave any space for discharge of rain-water into the ground — unmindful of its serious repercussions.

Similarly, our politics has become a problem like garbage, be it the peace process, or the Constituent Assembly (CA) election or the issues of Madhesi people. With regard to the peace process, it is found that no party is serious about it.After signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord, the Maoists became a partner in the political alliance making it an eight-party alliance, but in reality, they have never functioned cohesively as a unit. The Maoists have always behaved like a separate entity who only care for their own benefits. The government too went along without bothering to look after Maoistinterests.

Likewise, the conduct of CA election appears to be no party’s responsibility. Election for the Constituent Assembly is, in reality, an intermediate objective, whereas building a new Nepal the supreme national goal. Instead of listening to the advice of the experts offering several alternatives, our politicians, however, are wasting time on the proportionality of the two components under mixed system.

In a similar vein, the issue of the Madhesi people have never considered seriously. No doubt, criminal activities can be checked with the help of India, but the genuine political demands of the Madhesi people cannot be met by striking any negotiations with India. For this, Nepal Army and the Maoist People’s Army’s combined operation is also not required. What is required is our seriousness and determination to resolve the outstanding issues. Otherwise Nepali politics too will continue to stink like the roads of Kathmandu.

Source: The Himalayan Times, December 13, 2007

The roads to Kathmandu

Yubaraj Ghimire

There is fresh uncertainty about elections since the Maoists hinted that monarchists should be given space in Nepal’s politics

Two factors are breeding a sense of stalemate and uncertainty in Nepal. The ruling coalition led by G.P. Koirala has failed to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) on schedule. And the Maoists are taking actions that militate against the spirit of the peace process. The absence of clarity about the immediate future has led to some rather extreme speculation. Senior Maoist leaders even claim that by not accepting their demands for declaring Nepal a republican state and agreeing to election by proportional representation for the CA, Prime Minister Koirala is creating a situation where army might stage a coup.

Prachanda, who leads the Maoists, proposed last week that the Maoists and the ‘nationalists’ — implying those close to the king — work together for the larger national interest and durable peace. He has predictably come in for sharp criticism from his colleagues, mainly belonging to the ruling coalition, but the proposal has injected fresh uncertainty into Nepal’s politics. He later tried to explain that his statement was not aimed at protecting the king, but argued that they should not leave the monarchists without a space in the country’s politics.

Prachanda’s latest interventions have sowed the seeds of distrust among Nepal’s key political players — the Nepali Congress, which leads the ruling coalition, saw a fresh bout of revolt with more than 70 parliamentarians and central committee leaders threatening to revolt against Koirala if he succumbed to the Maoist demand. The move is seen to be aimed at preserving the monarchy in a ceremonial status. It has the backing of stalwarts like party’s working president, Sushil Koirala, and its general secretary, K.B. Gurung.

The prevailing uncertainty has also confused the international community which, during the past two years, has been patiently supporting the peace process and elections. They had also accepted India’s lead role in the whole exercise after India brought the Maoists and the major pro-democracy parties together under with 12-point agreement that secured the Maoists’ commitment to end the decade-long insurgency, renounce the politics of violence and accept a democratic order. Election to the CA was accepted as the best way to ensure durability of Nepal’s political system.

But with elections postponed twice, the Koirala government’s legitimacy at home, as well as India’s status as a peacemaker, are being questioned. There are clear signs of the international community making their individual assessments of the situation. The European Union recently sent a high-level delegation — the fourth in a year’s time — to assess the situation. While it concurs with India that elections should take place at the earliest, a conducive security atmosphere is seen to be a pre-condition.

“Lawlessness, notably in the Terai, is increasing,” the EU’s team said at the end of the visit. “There has been severe violence between communities; many people live in fear and are prevented from going about their daily lives. There is a need to rebuild public confidence in the police and to give the police the support to tackle these problems.”

As the Terai becomes an issue of major concern, both for the Nepali authorities as well as India which says the aspirations of the people there should be addressed, China, Nepal’s northern neighbour, has somehow come to believe that what has been happening in Terai is not ‘usual’. There are increasingly visible signs that China now fears that instability in Nepal will have its impact in the north as well, and it will want to have its presence felt in Nepal more. Although China was part of the combined international initiative, a high-level Chinese delegation led by Wang Ziarui, minister for international development of the Communist Party of China, which visited Nepal recently, advised leaders from all sides including the Maoists that Nepal must find solution to its problem by itself. The loaded statement is being interpreted here as China wanting to play its role independently taking into account all the factors, internal and external.

Source: The Indian Express, December 13, 2007

Parties Pushing Nepal To Failed State Status

Yuba Nath Lamsal

The seven politi cal parties have mutually agreed to defer the Constituent Assembly election scheduled for November 22 this year. This is the second time that the election has been postponed. Earlier, the election was to take place in June. But it was postponed as the government failed to make the necessary preparations for holding the election. The government and the seven-party (now six-party) alliance were responsible for the election postponement in June.

Blame

Now the blame has now been put squarely on the Maoists by the six-party alliance for the postponement of the November election. However, the Maoists have denied the accusation and say that the government is responsible as it could not create the necessary conditions for holding free and fair polls.The peace process is intact as all the constituents of the six-party alliance and the Maoists apparently seem to be committed to the peace process. However, the political process on which the peace process has hinged appears to be tumultuous and shaky. The political process that was initiated to institutionalise the peace process is heading towards collapse.

The bottom-line of the political process is to establish a democratic federal republic and total restructuring of the state through an elected Constituent Assembly. This was clearly mentioned in the comprehensive peace agreement (CPA) reached between the then seven-party alliance government and the Maoists. The interim constitution and the interim parliament were also made in the same spirit.With the twice postponement of the Constituent Assembly election, a sense of doubt has crept in the minds of the voters that the Constituent Assembly election may not take place at all. It shows that all the political actors and forces are not committed to holding the Constituent Assembly election. It is so because these forces are not confident of their strength and position in the election.The problem started with the non-compliance of the comprehensive peace agreement and also the spirit of the interim constitution. The interim constitution had clearly stated that Constituent Assembly election should be held in the June of 2007. The government did not make any preparations to meet the deadline of the election set by the interim constitution.

The violation of the constitution and the CPA and breach of promise began right from this point. Later the constitution was amended to suit their interest in which the dates for the Constituent Assembly election were rescheduled for November 22.When it comes to non-compliance of the promise and agreement, the government again is in the forefront. It was agreed that several measures would be taken before going to the polls. The first responsibility of the state was to ensure perfect law and order so that the people could freely and fearlessly participate in the election. But the law and order situation continued to deteriorate. Several armed groups appeared in the Terai, and some hill-ethnic groups also sprang up threatening to take up arms if their demands were not met.The government has not been able to tackle these issues effectively and maintain law and order. The other issue of non-compliance is related to the allowances and conditions of the Maoist combatants living in the cantonments. The government did not release the allowances in time. The condition in the camps is so inhuman and poor that even UNMIN has raised this issue several times.

As far as the Maoists are concerned, they, too, cannot escape blame. They were part of the government and they failed to exert pressure on the cabinet to take necessary measures for the creation of a conducive atmosphere for the election. If the government failed, the Maoists, too, have a share in it. Their withdrawal from the government is not a solution.Moreover, there are certain things the Maoists have done that are not compatible with the CPA. On the eve of the election, the Maoists suddenly raised two political issues that ultimately caused the postponement of the election. The issues the Maoists have raised are genuine and they must be adhered to. However, the timing does not seem to be appropriate.The issue concerning a full proportionate electoral system was first raised by the CPN-UML when the interim constitution was being drafted. The provision of a proportionate election system could have been incorporated in the interim constitution, and the issue would have been solved long ago, if the Maoists had raised this issue when the constitution was being drafted. But the Maoists failed to realise it earlier, and they have raised this issue now which shows their political immaturity.

Moreover, the other parties were not fully prepared to go to the polls, although they had publicly expressed their commitment to hold the election on time. Had the parties been fully prepared and committed, they would have gone to the people with their election programmes. But the Maoist move has given an opportunity to other political forces to blame the Maoists for the postponement of the election.Internally, the other parties, too, are happy with the election deferral. The postponement of the election is a move to block the smooth political process. Although the Maoists appear to have blocked the November 22 election, all the political forces are in one way or the other responsible for this.Nepal has already suffered very badly due to political instability. The frequent postponement of the election and breach of promises by the political parties have raised serious questions about the legitimacy and credibility of the government in the international community.In the same way, people at home are slowly losing faith in the ability of the parties and their leaders. If the election is postponed frequently and the country is governed without a popular mandate, the chaotic situation will continue to grow, which would ultimately push Nepal towards the status of a failed state.

By agreeing to postpone the Constituent Assembly election, the seven political parties have agreed to make Nepal into a failed state. No political force can escape from the blame. All constituents of the seven parties as well as the Maoists are equally responsible. This situation has only benefited the Monarchists and regressive elements that do not want the election at all as the election, if held, would eliminate the monarchy from Nepal.The Constituent Assembly election was aborted in 1951 by the king. Now there is sufficient ground to raise the question whether the election would be held at all. It is the process of making a people's constitution and involving the people in the process. In the present political equation, the Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and the Maoists are the chief actors.

Dignified presence

Making a constitution without the active participation of all these three forces would be a futile exercise. In this constitution making process, the parties must not think who will win or lose in the election. But arrangements should be made so that all these forces have a dignified presence in the Constituent Assembly. For this, the leaders of Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and the Maoists must act in a more responsible, liberal and rational manner.

Source: The Rising Nepal, October 17, 2007

Election Detour in the Himalayas

Brenda Norris

The Maoists were polite, but firm: no civic or voter education activities could be conducted until their national political demands were met. Hours of negotiation succeeded only in convincing the young men not to burn the voter education materials that our local partners intended to distribute. For the previous two hours we had watched our partners complete a two-day voter education training of facilitators and a mock election in the small classroom in Nepal’s Rasuwa District. The trainers were dedicated and professional, and were visibly excited to educate their fellow villagers about the upcoming Constituent Assembly election. With the memory of violence from Nepal’s ten-year-long Maoist insurgency still fresh in their minds, they watched as the Maoists ripped posters from the walls and carted all the voter education materials away. As we learned later, this heartbreaking scene in Rasuwa was being played out in districts all across Nepal, with voter and civic education activities being disrupted in scores of localities.

The Maoists succeeded in their goal of delaying the election. On October 5th, the Chief Election Commissioner announced that the Constituent Assembly election, scheduled for November 22nd, would be impossible. Nepalis were understandably baffled: Maoist insurgents had fought their guerilla war for a decade, and holding a Constituent Assembly election to redraw the country’s constitution and framework of governance had always been one of their central demands.

So why were the Maoists opposed to a November election date? In part, because they feared what many communist parties have traditionally feared: that they might not do very well in a free and fair election. They stated that two demands must first be resolved: replacing the mixed electoral system with full proportional representation, and declaring the country a republic prior to the election. But their reasons were also deeper. The Maoists have taken an increasingly hard-line approach in part, it appears, because they feel the government is not sincere in delivering on commitments it made in a series of peace agreements to downsize the army, integrate former Maoist combatants, and tackle difficult issues such as land reform and caste discrimination.

Now Nepal’s peace process stands at a crossroads. Before the country can begin voter education and related activities, the political parties, including the Maoists, must resolve their disputes about the electoral system and forming a republic. Those steps are crucial, but even they will not be enough to ensure a free, fair, and safe election. All parties need to take a hard look at themselves, and begin implementing the agreements they have already committed to. The Maoists need to leave their habits of violence and intimidation behind, just as the government must demonstrate that it is willing to change how it does business in a country that remains one of the most profoundly discriminatory – on the basis of gender, language, class and caste – anywhere in the world. In Rasuwa, and across Nepal, the people are eager to have their voices heard.

Source: The Asia Foundation, October 17, 2007

Stalemate in Nepal

Padmaja Murthy, INFA

Nepal appears to be heading for turmoil once again, with the Maoists quitting the interim coalition Government led by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and threatening to return to the streets if the country was not declared a republic immediately. The first casualty of the Maoists action seems to be the disruption of the year-long peace agreement between the CPN- M and the political parties. With the election process already on uncertainty now looms large on whether the 22 November elections to the Constituent Assembly will go ahead as scheduled. Given the Maoists threat to derail the poll plans. It appears that the Maoists action was dictated by the feedback that they may not get a sizeable share in the seats Assembly and they had started having second thoughts on the entire political process initiated in the last few months. In fact, the Maoists wanted some dramatic shift like the abolition of the monarchy to swing votes in their favour. With the ruling Nepali Congress unwilling to go along with this type of change it has resulted not only in a stalemate between the Party and the Maoists but also put a question mark on the election process.

The genesis of the problem has it roots in the Jan Andolan II of April 2006 which forced King Gyanendra to restore the House of Representatives, dissolved in May 2002.When the House met in late April, it committed itself to holding the elections for a Constituent Assembly and a Government under Prime Minister Koirala was formed. The HOR declared itself a 'sovereign,' 'secular' and 'supreme' body, brought the army under civilian control, dissolved the royal Privy Council and cut the power and privileges of the King. A 25-point Code of Conduct was also drawn up between the Maoists and the Government during the ceasefire period. In November 2006, the Maoist Chairman Prachanda signed a historic deal with the Seven Party Alliance (SPA). The SPA consists of the Nepali Congress, Nepali Congress (Democratic), Communist Party of Nepal (UML), Jan Morcha Nepal, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party, Nepal Sadbhavana Party (A) and United left Front. Among other things, it called for elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA). Having had their way, the Maoists had successfully changed the political agenda in Nepal. Thus began the transition process in Nepal. With a clear goal to hold the Constituent Assembly elections.

The CA so elected would then draft a new Constitution which would transform the socio-politico-economic structure of Nepal, making it both democratic and inclusive. Given the consensus, the CA would also declare Nepal a republic. Prachanda also signed the historic Comprehensive Peace Agreement which declared the end of war that had been going on since 1996 between the Maoists and the Government. The tri-partite agreement on arms management of both the Nepali Army (NA) and the Maoist People's Liberation Army (PLA) was concluded between the UN, the Government and the CPN-(Maoist). In January this year, an interim Constitution promulgated by the SPA and the Maoists set-up a 330-member interim legislature which included 73 from the CPN (Maoist). The 22-member Cabinet which included 5 Maoist was headed by Prime Minister Koirala. From being branded as terrorists the Maoists were now partners in the Government.

The transition period, so far, has seen instances of great statesmanship and flexibility. Sadly, what stands out is the extreme violence, use of arms, abductions, extortions, killings and rigid stands taken by various groups. Resulting in serious reservations about whether the Constituent Assembly elections would be held at all as scheduled on 22 November 2007. Nepal, a country with a population of over 30 million has more than 100 ethnic/caste groups and over 93 languages. Post Jana Andolan II, many of these ethnic/caste groups - some old and some new are asserting for their rights once again. They believe that unless they have enough representatives elected in the CA, their political space will not be guaranteed which in turn will determine their economic and social space. While the interim legislative Parliament agreed on a mixed electoral system, they are now demanding complete proportional system for the CA elections.

The demand on the nature of federalism and autonomy and self determination varies from group to group. They want assurances on all these aspects before the CA elections are held. What has complicated matters is that these groups, like the Maoist insurgents, have adopted extreme violent means to put forward their demands. The agitations in Terai have become a major cause of concern .The Government held four rounds of talks with the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) but could not reach an agreement on key issues. It has called other agitating groups in the region for dialogue. The Janatantrik Mukti Morcha (Jwala Group) has ordered officials, hailing from the hills to leave the Terai plains, thereby vitiating the already tense atmosphere. Moreover, some of these groups have violent conflicts among themselves and also with the Maoist affiliated Madhesi groups. The Chure Bhawar Ekta Samaj has been demanding security and protection of rights of people of hilly region living in Madhesi region and an autonomous status for Chure Bhawar region.

The Government has held several rounds of negotiations with the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NFIN). It has also agreed to at least one representation of the 59 listed ethnic communities. The NFIN too has climbed down from its demand for a fully proportional representation based elections to the CA. The indefinite bandh called by Sanghiya Limbuwan Rajya Morcha and Khumbuvan Rashtriya Morcha (KRM) continue to paralyse life in eastern districts. There are agitations by the Dalit Civil Society Movement calling for 20 per cent reservation for the Dalit community in the Constituent Assembly. On the other hand the Maoist affiliated Young Communist League is engaging in indiscriminate abductions and torture. Going back on its earlier consensus, the Maoists now want a Republic declared before the CA elections. They are also demanding a fully proportional electoral system and not the mixed electoral system agreed to by them earlier.

The second round of verification of the Maoist combatants and arms by the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) is also facing problems due to non-compliance by the Maoists. In sum, all these issues need to addressed before the Constituent Assembly elections. The agitating groups need to realize that the CA elections will benefit them. For that law and order needs to be maintained. Importantly, the Constituent Assembly elections are a means to an end and not an end in itself. Only when the process of drafting a new Constitution concludes can Nepal be said to be out of the transition period. It is the only real chance of stability in Nepal. Between Jana Andoaln I and Jana Andolan II, the politico-socio-economic agenda of Nepal has permanently and positively changed. Whoever comes to power has to address the legitimate grievances of the marginalized sections of society. The CA elections will institutionalize the gains made so far and take the transition process further. If the civil society in Nepal is any indication, they will choose stability to anarchy. Further with the support from international actors, it is a task which needs to be accomplished.

Source: Central Chronicle, September 24, 2007

The Political Stand Off In Nepal

Harsh Dobhal

This week, Maoists have resigned from the government after most governing parties opposed their demand that the monarchy be abolished before the elections scheduled in November. They have clearly accused PM Koirala and his Nepali Congress of trying to protect King Gyanendra and have warned to start a new "people's revolt" for the abolition of monarchy. Maoists were quick to gather that conservative elements in political parties are gathering together. Other coalition partners contend that the decision about Nepal's future political system should be decided by a special assembly after the November elections.

Having suffered for decades at the hands of a brutal, Royal Nepalese Army, armed police and king's other security forces, the people of Nepal rose in millions during the April revolution last year with a clear objective in mind: abolition of the centuries-old monarchy.
Despite American, Chinese and Indian chess games of diplomacy, the people of Nepal succeeded in putting their stamp on history and the king was forced to retreat and give up his absolute and unlimited powers. As in all revolutions, there was always the danger that the forces of reaction would regroup and old hawks of Nepali politics will try to have their way.

After over a decade of underground struggle, Maoists came over ground, disarmed and joined the government with the Seven Party Alliance. They put forward a series of unprecedented proposals for the restoration of true democracy, the disarming of the militia and drafting of a new Constitution. It was a brave decision by Maoists to outline the roadmap for a brave new Nepal.
Maoists, as much as the people, were always clear that monarchy should have no place in Nepali politics, that the country should be immediately declared a Republic. They never had any doubt that Nepal needs a general election, having abolished monarchy where the most marginalized - the dalits, the adivasis, madhesis, vanvasis, women, minorities and other weaker sections - will have adequate representation.

At that time the move was seen as an end to their armed rebellion and this little, beautiful Himalyan nation appeared to be on the threshold of a new era. This week, Maoists have resigned from the government after most governing parties opposed their demands that the monarchy be abolished before the elections scheduled for November.
They have clearly accused Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and his Nepali Congress of trying to protect King Gyanendra and have warned to start a new "people's revolt" for the abolition of monarchy. Other coalition partners contend that the decision about Nepal's future political system should be decided by a special assembly after the November elections.

The Maoists had earlier joined the interim government in April 2006, after signing a peace agreement with the government. The new developments simply signify the fact that Nepal's politics has been slowly but steadily lapsing into complacency from such momentous changes that were paving the way for not just consistent and lasting democratisation of the State but also its secularisation from a declared only Hindu State.
Maoists were quick to gather that conservative elements in political parties are gathering together. However, these forces would be compelled to come to negotiation with Maoists as the tide might rise once again. Maoists may have lost some ground after April Revolution of last year, but they have enough base to win back that ground. And they know it, for otherwise none is going to be as hard hit by new developments as Maoists who had laid down their weapons at a time when the mood in Nepal was upbeat.

The crisis that had been gathering over Nepal howsoever surreptitiously during past few months bode ill for the Maoists. And, they had no option but to take a strong decision to quit the government. Koirala had sadly been missing this till the Maoists decided to part away with his dispensation. Even if the country goes to polls on November 22, the appeal of the Maoists would be powerful, as they have raised more basic issues than merely electing legislators. So it is in the best interest of the government and the people to see as to how the Maoists' participation in not just polls but the political process is won back.

India has come under Nepalese ire, for Koirala has been blamed of toeing New Delhi's line. Yet, the fact is that the Manmohan Singh Government is grappling with its own crisis where the Left is miffed by it over the nuclear issue and it lacks the kind of cohesion that it had until last year when the Nepal crisis was solved.
India can facilitate in solving a crisis in a neighbouring country like Nepal, but it can only ill afford to dictate anything to any one. The move by Maoists has raised fresh questions about the peace process and stability in Nepal. Will the feudal, pro-monarchy forces and their external patrons come together for maneuver? Does the political mainstream of Nepal now belong to these elements or to radical forces?

Is the spirit of the April revolution still lingering in the hearts of Nepalese people? Are some of the parties engaging in a conspiracy against the peoples' aspirations and demands? The answers to these and many other questions will unfold in coming weeks and months.

Source: Counter Currents.Org, September 25, 2007

Sounding the red alert

SD Muni,

With the Maoists quitting the government, there is a real risk of the peace process in Nepal going astray. Though the leadership has promised to keep the struggle peaceful, the country faces a serious crisis

The decision of Nepal’s Maoists to quit the Eight-Party Alliance government and launch a ‘peaceful’ agitation for the establishment of a republican Nepal even before the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections is, on the face of it, a breach of their commitment. In their Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of November 2006, with the G.P. Koirala-led Seven Party Alliance (SPA), the Maoists had agreed to let the elected CA decide on the issue of monarchy or republic in its first meeting. The Maoists have also reversed their earlier decision to opt for the elections on the basis of a mixed system of direct and proportional voting. Now they want a wholly proportional basis for the elections. These are the two principal demands in their 22-point charter that the SPA has refused to accept.

The Maoists are driven by three motives. The first is that they have genuine concerns over the ‘regressive forces’ led by the monarchy that will not allow smooth, free or fair elections, only to ensure that the republican agenda is thwarted. The role of these forces in fuelling the Terai violence, instigating the recent blasts in Kathmandu and vandalism in the Terai region are cited by Maoists to justify their fears. In their assessment, the present king and his coterie, though politically redundant, have enough resources to create mischief. They refer to the June 2007 amendment to the interim constitution which says that if the king is found to be disrupting the peace process, the interim parliament may, by a two-third vote, declare Nepal a ‘republic’. But the Maoists suspect that sections of the SPA, as well as countries like India and the US, would still prefer a ceremonial monarchy over a republic.

Second, the Maoists complain about being shabbily treated by the interim government and that they were kept out of the key ministries of home, finance, foreign and defence. None of the important ambassadorial assignments, in India, China, US and Britain, were given to them. In other critical administrative and political appointments, they were not offered adequate representation. Their cadres have not been given promised facilities. They also allege attempts to marginalise them politically. The turning of the Madheshi movement against the Maoists that seriously dented their political base in Terai is pivotal to this impression. The Maoists have a real fear that the drive against them will lead to a serious slump in their electoral prospects. They have, accordingly, been asking for an assured share in the winnable seats in the elections.
The internal divisions within the Maoist organisation have deepened. There has always been two viewpoints among the Maoists: those who want to get into the democratic mainstream and the rest who want to carry on with their ‘struggle’ until all their demands were met.

Prachanda and Bhattarai can ignore the 22-point demand charter at the cost of their credibility within the organisation. The Maoists, however, are conscious that their move will lead to sullying their public image and international reputation. They were desperately seeking a face-saving mechanism to solve their political dilemma. They proposed a parliamentary resolution to declare Nepal a republic before the elections, but subject to final endorsement by the elected CA. Prime Minister Koirala refused to concede that, as that would have made the elections appear to have ben fought on a Maoist agenda, giving them huge political mileage.

The Maoists’ action has raised serious questions on the peace process as a whole. They have threatened to withdraw from the CPA as well as various understandings worked out with the SPA. There is a real possibility of accidental violence as well as a possibility that hardliners among the Maoists can instigate violence. Though the Maoist leadership is committed to keeping the struggle peaceful, but there is real risk of losing control.

The Maoists may realise that it will be impossible for them to achieve their political goals through an armed struggle particularly under an internationally supported democratic government. The regressive forces and all those who have stakes in disrupting peace and stability in Nepal may also exploit the opportunity provided by the Maoist agitation. This can only serve to worsen the suffering in the poorly governed mountain nation. A further loss of credibility of the democratic experiment will only frustrate the aspirations of the Jan Andolan-II of April 2006.

All those who have stakes in a stable and democratic Nepal, particularly India, need to ensure that the narrow political space still available to resolve the crisis is harnessed constructively.

SD Muni is visiting scholar, IDSA and Editor, Indian Foreign Affairs Journal.

Source: The Hindustan Times, September 20

Parties Moving Slowly For CA Polls

Narayan Upadhayay

The nation is hurtling to wards the November Constituent Assembly (CA) election, but the skepticism whether the polls would be held in a fitting manner in the stipulated date has refused to die down. The statements and reports coming from various quarters and some incidents taking place are alarming as they suggest the path to CA polls is still strewn with many complexities that need to be sorted out before any awkward situation comes to pass.

The Code

Even as the government, composed of eight political parties, has come up with code of conduct for the CA polls, the parties are blamed for their lackadaisical response to the pre-CA polls campaigning. The prevailing mood among the political parties is they have not yet jumped into the electioneering bandwagon. Lately, the Elections Commissioner himself has, in a round about way, admonished political parties for failing to create an environment for polls and lacking in initiative to stir up the real interest among the electorate for polls. The commissioner?s very suggestion that the political parties must now expedite for the polls drops a hint that the political parties have not yet fully geared up for what many believes an epoch-making November 26 poll. It is sad to see that our political parties, almost all of who are never tired of professing their respect for democracy and freedom, had to be given the ?wake-up? call by none other than the commissioner himself.

In democracy, it is the political parties that must remain at the forefront to take the proactive role in launching various activities while they seek electorate?s vote for them through an election, agreed upon by the existing constitution of the nation. Likewise, in a democratic political set-up, the onus of making the electorates attentive and responsive to any kind of polls and the post poll consequences that will have far reaching implications on the well-being of a nation rest solely on political parties. There are several reasons that have slowed the three major political players- Nepali Congress, the Nepali Congress (Democratic) and CPN-Maoist. They have been sluggish in their approach to the CA election. In other words, they have their own axe to grind before the epoch-making poll is conducted.As far as two Congresses are concerned, they seem to be in grip of nagging fear that it would be suicidal if they go into the polls without being united.The fractured Congresses are a worried lot and are also under fire from the party workers for failing to take an unambiguous stance in the fate of Monarchy and issue of republicanism. While many party top brasses are reluctant to support the idea of republicanism, plenty of the congresses? workers are supporting the idea. The raging controversies within Nepali Congress might have delayed the party?s election manifesto.

For the Maoists, the results of the mock elections conducted by the Election Commission are not encouraging while the ?persisting? issue of declaring the nation republic before CA polls and the issue of proportionate election in all seats for CA- have been consuming their time and energy. The two demands however, are at variance with the Maoists? various agreements and understandings with government and other political parties. The Maoist party leadership is also in the know that some activities of the party workers in recent time have done nothing good in raising the popularity of the party. And, of late, the party?s submission of 22-point demand to the government has made the task all the more difficult for those who want to create the conducive environs for holding CA polls. The Maoists are pressing to see their demands come to the fruition. But the problem for the authority that have power to fulfill these demands too need some time while many of the demands are not likely to be duly met, because they are against the 12-point agreement.

The position of CPN-UML on the upcoming CA polls is slightly different. It is the only party that has declared to be doing its homework for CA electioneering. But the sad part of it is that the party as big as UML has not been able to prepare its manifesto to catch the attention of its supporters and the electorate as whole even when the much-talked about polls are less than three months away.A cursory glance at the present position of the major political parties makes it obvious that these parties are mainly engaged in their own party interests rather than for the nation?s and people?s. The fear that the CA polls would once again be deferred for new date is all the more glaring.But the psyche in the nation is against any deferral of the poll. Almost all of the foreign donor agencies, the United Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) diplomats from India, the USA, the UK and other nations form European Union, who have provided assistance in cash and kind for the polls and restoring peace, are voicing their concern that the epochal polls must be held in its stipulated time. They are pressing hard to liven up the political parties for polls, because like all of us, they too are aware that the future of this nation and its restructuring are closely connected with the success of the CA polls. Now this nation can not do away with CA polls. There is no denying that the nation will be pushed into new crisis in case the polls can not be held in peacefully.

Unity Vital

However, in the face of mounting skepticism, one can be fully assured that the vital poll can be successfully held, if the eight parties, the true representatives of the people, go for it in united manner right now. To do this, the ruling elite must rise above their narrow party agendas and must shake off petty interests.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 27, 2007

Crisis of nation-building

C D Bhatta

Political movements in Nepal have brought about significant changes but, to our dismay, they have always posed a threat to the nation-building. This is partly because after the temporal settlement of political movements, the spirit of any movement is spoiled by the boundless desire of power within the political leadership. And partly due to external forces (as all political movements since 1950 are guided by the foreign powers) and infighting between regressive, progressive and status quo-ist forces on basic political (national) values. Prevalence of this type of (a) political culture within the political class have degenerated both political will and promises made before-during-and right after the completion of people's movement.
Nepali state has witnessed a series of political movements during the last half century to democratize state and address issues that impede the process of nation-building. However, all the political movements have ended up in some sort of, what Prof Thomas Meyer of Germany has called lazy compromises between the political parties in conflict and regime at the helm of power. The lazy compromises have only brought cosmetic changes and the major political issues are yet to be resolved. We have an established revolutionary political culture but not the revolutionary thinking (approach) in translating achievement(s) of political movement(s) for the commonwealth of people. Inability of translating words into deeds (real action) is certainly driving Nepali state towards political deadlock one after another for the last half century. This, no doubt, leads us to strongly argue that Nepal never had complete political revolutions in a real sense of the term.

Another factor contributing towards the crisis of nation-building is that political movements have provided sufficient opportunities for various groups to emerge and make claim and counter claim to the state to fulfill their various demands. But Nepali state is not in a position to fulfill all demands given the resources (economic) available and political capacity of the state. This, by contrast, is eroding the capacity of state.
As a result, internal sovereignty of Nepali state is in crisis due to the rise of various non-state-actors in different parts of the country. The non-state actors have challenged the conventional power of the state (such as authority to punish etc).
In the same vein, Nepali state has also lost policy sovereignty to the Western donors, multilateral and multinational organizations and their subsidiary NGOs due to the crisis of governance. In a nutshell, erosion in 'sovereignty' is contributing towards 'systemic crisis' in the nation.
We had underpinned high hope on civil society given its significant contribution towards regime change. But with the passage of time, Nepali civil society is failing to institutionalize the process of regime change (read democratization). This is primarily because civil society groups do not have common voice on major political issues. In fact, it is not clear who exactly governs and represents Nepali civil society as leading civil society activists keep on changing their position (often clash with each other) on major issues of national importance.

It is primarily due to the fact that civil society is aligned with political parties and is accountable to them (for power) and to the donors (for funding) as against citizens at large.
The sheer deficit in democratic political culture across political parties is the prime facie cause of political deadlock. For example, whenever political parties move onto power they are habitual to capture both state and system. This practice has developed neo-patrimonial culture in Nepali politics. To some extent, the eight party-phobias are also the product of this culture which has repeatedly undermined other societal and political forces. There are chances that the pillars of mass democratic movement will run out of steam and stamina, and that the project of nation-building will never be accomplished.
Moreover, there is no social representation of political power which is causing perpetual political pandemonium. For example - there is no intergenerational justice that is, the highest number of voters lies between 18-35 years of age group but we don't have leaders to represent this age-group across political parties.

The next important point within the context of nation-building is the scenario of national security and foreign policy. To put it bluntly, both are missing from political agendas. There is a great deal of crisis of confidence lurking between political forces and national security organs of the state.
The security organs and their members have been undermined, discouraged and demoralized in many occasions (in the name of restructuring) which is only adding up further problems to national security. The tendency within the political parties and their cadres is that they try to destabilize 'national security' for their own vested interests.
Similarly, unavailability of national vision on foreign policy is inviting too much interference into internal affairs of the state (particularly on the future political discourse). But we don't have ability to act upon because there is no coherent voice of political parties on the issues of national importance.

Given these contradictions in practice, perhaps, we need to develop a spirit of understanding, tolerance and give-and-take culture (smart culture of compromise) to complement each other (political and social necessity), which will help to put an end to all internal strife and violence amicably and to get rid from the web of systemic crisis.
Having said all these, finally, the larger challenge for Nepali state, perhaps, is to bail out from the 'state of nature (everyone against everyone)'. And this can only be done internally, by bringing all sorts of societal forces (left out and potential political actors) into the institutional life of the state and externally by taking international community into confidence. Nepali political leaders should posit some sort of commitments towards the peace process, which does not seem to be in place at the moment. Equally important is that we need to strike a balance between political freedom and external and internal sovereignty of the state to enhance the process of nation-building and maintain national security.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

Peace please

Prerana Marasini

So you're from Nepal? The country of Maoists," reacted a foreign classmate of mine here in India. "You can't say it's the country of Maoists; I'm not a Maoist," I retaliated. "Don't deny your country is going through turmoil and there hasn't been any settlement even after the revolution," he said, "Believe it or not but the synonym for Nepal has become Maoists today."
Feeling a little dejected at the comment, that too in a different land, I wanted to think for a while that Nepal is still the same-peaceful-but I couldn't agree to myself. I went to the computer lab and logged on to Nepali websites to update myself with the latest political news. I hoped to see some positive news, something that was not related with deaths and damages, bandas and its aftermaths but I had to be disappointed again.

A parliamentarian had been attacked ruthlessly by Maoist cadres. The news said that they wanted to burn him alive, in public. I got goose bumps. I hadn't heard anything like that before and felt ashamed too. If the parliamentarians were attacked that way, I wondered what happens to the ordinary citizens. I felt emotionally hurt too, as the Maoists who joined the government months ago were still carrying out barbaric activities.
Some weeks ago, I had read the news in which they had attacked a DFO. The fact that they were still embracing people-frightening image disgusted me. Their participation in the government should show respect towards law and order. Involvement of their cadres in activities like these indicates either they haven't been able to implement law in their own group or, they want to remain as rebels. No matter what!

I was still pondering over the remark of my foreign friend, whose nationality I don't want to reveal, when I read something that gave me another blow. The news read: "CPN Maoists have formed committees for eight different ethnic-based 'states' under a federal structure for the country." States? I waited a second trying to figure out what they meant by that. 'Seti-Mahakali, Tharuwan, Magarat, Tamuwan, Newa, Madhes..' gave me a complete picture what these followers of Mao Tse-tung were up to. Split the nation!!
When I was a kid, I always thought of various things to introduce my country, in addition to the tallest peak and the Light of Asia, with foreigners. At this moment, however, I could not think of anything else except the green combatants with red bandana, the group that calls itself Young Communist League and carries out atrocities, and the leaders like Prachanda, Baburam, Mahara, and Hisila. I also remembered what Jwala Singh said-"We won't allow constituent assembly election to take place." I also visualized the everyday bandas and burning of tyres, destruction and demolition, hues and cries.
The more I thought, the more pessimist I became. I tried to divert my mind to the natural beauty of the country. But even that didn't help. I wanted to tell my classmate on his face: "Hey, I come from a peaceful country, okay." If only it was true….I sat back and closed my eyes.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, August 22, 2007

CA Polls: Reminder To Political Parties

Prem N. Kakkar

THE fanfare with which the date for the constituent assembly polls was announced is still vividly etched in the minds of the people in general. It was the great delay that had left the people rather confused as to whether the polls would ever be held. Though late, the affirmation of holding the polls came through the announcement of the date for it.

Deadlock

The delay, as is understandable, arose from the disagreement among the eight parties that are in the government. Often trivial issues were blown up, raising doubts and suspicions among the coalition members. That was rather unfortunate as the country was heading for the important landmark, that is, holding the CA election that would carve the future of the country.The hectic parleys of the top political leaders of the eight parties broke the deadlock, making it possible for the date to be finalised and announced. Now it is a mere 96 days for the set date to arrive and give the much-awaited opportunity for the people to vote. Yet, many things remain unclear about the said election. As is well known, the majority of the people are still unaware of the importance for going to the historic exercise. On this score, the political parties are yet to hit the campaign trail. It is not understood why the political parties are taking it so lightly when in rhetoric they sound very upbeat.

Unlike the general elections, the CA polls are markedly different. So the parties have to draw up a different strategy for it. Yet, the only thing that the parties are doing is saying publicly that if the polls cannot be held then it will prove disastrous for the country. Instead of making such remarks why don't all the parties make an effort to hold the election no matter what the situation.In the present situation, there are many problems confronting the government. Every partner in the government is equally responsible for the delay in resolving the various burning issues of the present time. It is peace that is a pre-condition for the CA polls to be held successfully. But, looking at the national scenario, there is very little to generate satisfaction. The problems in the Terai have to be solved at the earliest. As the delay goes on, many more armed groups have surfaced in the Terai region complicating the issue. The government has extended the olive branch, yet nothing concrete has been reached.

There is sincerity of the government in solving the problem, but there has been dissent from the coalition partners themselves. This is quite unfortunate. All the coalition partners should have, in fact, joined their heads together to resolve the problems. There are many genuine demands of the agitating groups which should be met in the best manner possible. The government talks team is doing the needful despite the fact that it is overburdened, and while sitting for talks with one or the other groups, it needs time due to lack of total homework. This aspect must receive utmost attention in the days to come. This must be realised by the eight party leaders that such a situation cannot be lengthened.What is equally disturbing is that neither the cabinet nor the leaders of the eight parties are meeting these days. When all want the unity among the eight parties to be maintained, then why this unusual phase? It is now run up to the CA polls, and the calls made to the parties to head for the villages and districts do no seem to be working. Even the chief election commissioner is surprised by the lack of enthusiasm of the political parties to hit the campaign trail. The Election Commission is reported to have made its preparations for the polls, but the parties are not doing the needful.

It is the political parties that must take up the issue seriously by immediately venturing to the villages and districts for the election campaign instead of remaining cooped up in the capital and making contradictory statements, which does not help in the creation of a new Nepal.

Seriousness

It is high time that the eight party leaders met and chalked out the future path. Only then will they be able to convince the electorate that they are doing the right thing and exhibit their unity. Concrete action is needed at the moment to ensure that everyone is seriously interested in having the CA polls held successfully. The people are important, and this must be genuinely realised by the political parties.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 17, 2007

State of the nation : Looking ahead to CA polls

Ajit NS Thapa


With less than 100 days left for the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls and in view of the ongoing turmoil, genuine doubts prevail over whether the polls will be held on the stipulated time. The recent havoc caused by the floods in the Tarai, the spate of transport blockades and forced closures of businesses by multiple political, social and geographical groups demanding, among others, separate autonomous state within a federal structure; and the unabated killings of political workers, civil servants and ordinary citizens of hill origin by non-descript groups masquerading themselves as the champions of the rights of the Madhesi people have left the nation devastated.

To add fuel to fire, the Maoists’ recently concluded plenum, which among others, has demanded the declaration of republic prior to the elections and that the CA members should be elected on proportional representation rather than through the mixed system (earlier agreed upon by the eight party alliance), has further muddled the prospects for the November 22 elections. As if this were not enough, the recent raid and looting of arms by a group of seemingly disgruntled Maoists from a police post in Nuwakot has raised suspicion of Maoists intent on the polls.

Furthermore, the lawlessness and criminal activities perpetrated by the Young Communist League (YCL) has severely dented the credibility of the Maoists. While the entire nation is suffering under the deteriorating law and order situation, the present eight-party government appears unfazed and conducts itself on a “business as usual” mode. There is no sense of urgency and purpose and no serious efforts (other than empty speeches) made towards making the public feel secure. The nation is caught up in a whirlwind of violence, blockades, strikes and demonstrations conducted by diverse groups with a multiplicity of demands.

However, on introspection, even this bleak scenario has a silver lining when one thinks of the tremendous and unprecedented outburst of enthusiasm and energy emanating from so many quarters to demonstrate their unique identity and demand their rightful place in society. Unfortunately, there are negative aspects of this development and this is manifested in the ready adoption of the culture of violence as a means to redress one’s grievances. Although the government has been engaged in negotiations with various groups such as the Madhesi Janadhihkar Forum (MJF), the Chure-Bhavar group and the Federation of Indigenous Nationalities to settle their demands, it has hardly succeeded in bringing them to a successful conclusion.

What the government sorely misses is a comprehensive strategy, adequate homework and consultation among the eight parties in the alliance. However, we could indeed have the Constituent Assembly elections and bring about the much desired peace and political stability if the alliance were to focus on the following issues: a) Adherence to the mandate of Jana Andolan II — the establishment of a fully functioning democracy with or without ceremonial monarchy. b) Restructuring of Nepal into appropriate numbers of self-ruled states on a federal setup. State formation would encompass such criteria as population, ethnicity, language, geography and economic self-sufficiency. c) As Nepal is dependent on the international community for its survival and development, it should seek their close co-operation in making CA polls a success. India must help Nepal settle the Tarai unrest through enlightened intervention and also help make Nepal’s internal security apparatus effective by blocking the entry of criminal elements across the porous border. d) Strengthen security situation for holding free and fair elections. The eight party alliance must rethink its original strategy of keeping the Army behind the barracks and recruit temporary security personnel to boost our police and Armed Police Force. Using the army would be the most effective (costwise, too) to provide adequate security for the polls. The Maoists should be less sceptical about this since the army is now fully under the control of a democratic regime and not under the monarch. e) The Maoists must exhibit sincerity in joining mainstream politics. Towards this end, it must rein in the misdirected and unlawful activities of the Young Communist League in order to win the hearts and minds of the people.

Our country is a land of terrific people, great places and tremendous potential — all that now look for is peace and stability. Our leaders must rise to the occasion and put aside their partisan interests for the larger benefit of the nation. At this critical juncture in our history, it would be wise if we were to follow the wisdom propounded by late BP Koirala. “In a period of national crisis, national interest is best served by the coming together of all stakeholders in

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 17, 2007

Immature democracy : What good will it do?

Ganga Thapa

A clear preference for democracy is evident in its acceptance and expansion around the world. While democracy is a multi-faceted concept, sovereignty calls for competent citizenry, responsible state and proper resource allocation mechanisms. Following the April revolution, concern for legitimacy, accountability and participation in the democratic process is gaining ground, but there has been no compatible progress on the democratic front, or in political and institutional reforms to increase direct participation of citizens in policy and decision-making process. Even positive aspects of the democratic process have been undermined by party leadership.

Strengthening democracy entails going through a long and complex process of building state institutions. Democracy, by its nature, is supposed to reflect disagreements and conflicts. But the failure to develop a conceptual framework for citizen participation by institutionalising ties between state and non-state actors has left Nepal with “partial” or “undemocratic delegative democracy”, particularly in the absence of actors who can transform policies and institutions into political resources.

Nonetheless, Nepal has never enjoyed Nonetheless, Nepal has never enjoyed quality governance, which consists of three dimensions: system persistence, inclusiveness and effectiveness. An accountable government responsive to its citizens can be set up through electoral process; its absence only exacerbates the lack of adequate institutions, excessive legislation and formalities, patron-client nexus, and other cultural bottlenecks and characteristics.Democracy leads towards inclusion, enabling citizens to participate directly and indirectly. By any measure, people now have an opportunity to engage in a constitutional mechanism which can dampen aristocratic values and discriminatory social practices with distinctive changes in ground rules. This should be done to make the mechanism vastly different from the old ‘stakeholder democracy’.

In the absence of strong state structures, social constructivist understanding and institutional credibility, democracy post-royal regime has at best been a mixed blessing. Some believe that democracy in an ethnically diverse society can indeed be fostered by broad-based, aggregative and multiethnic political parties. But the fragile institutions of political parties are endangered by excessive clout of their leadership. As a result, they are not successful in bringing about attitudinal and behavioural changes among the people. The issues of power, politics and ground realities can be comprehended by the way the electoral process is progressing. Democratic ideal is essentially about a core set of values such as political autonomy, equality of interests and reciprocity. Although the quest for freedom is universal, it is not the top priority when people have to fear for their very survival.It is too early to draw conclusions on long-term effects of the CA elections. If it acts as an instrument of democracy and can help institutionalise peace and democracy, it can be assumed that there is a link between citizens’ choice and their participation in policy making. Even if the CA polls succeed in achieving and maintaining peace, its ultimate outcome would not be evident until second or third general elections under a new system. Free elections are a prerequisite for instituting legitimate power flows and making the state adhere to the rule of law. This will, in turn, bolster state capabilities through administration, market and civil society and permit broad participation. These three sectors are crucial to building sustainable political and economic networks that help shape the state and enhance justice and political legitimacy.

While there is no consensus on what constitutes free and fair elections, Mackenzie puts forward four prerequisites: a) independent judiciary to interpret electoral laws, b) competent and non-partisan administration to conduct elections, c) well organised political parties that can present their policies, traditions and candidates before the voters and d) general acceptance of rules of the game. Many have argued that in addition to free and fair election and counting, the political parties must get an opportunity to compete on equal footing, all people should have equitable access to media, political environment must be free of intimidation, and public grievances must be settled promptly and justly. Another key element is monitoring of elections by national and international observers who can play a significant role in boosting public confidence in democratic transition.Consensus should not only be directed at acquiring political goals. CA elections must be viewed as an instrument of citizens’ influence associated with a vision for building legitimate political system rather than to reward or punish incumbents. Until the old structures that reward vested interests are dismantled and replaced by new ones, neither a “democratic society” nor “free and fair elections” can be realised.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 8, 2007

Government's Noteworthy Initiatives

Prem N. Kakkar

PROBLEMS crop up time and again in national politics. Since the success of Jana Andolan II and the formation of the interim government and the legislature parliament with the participation of the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists, the country can be definitely said to be moving towards the goal of holding the constituent assembly (CA) polls on November 22. There is, no doubt, that the announcement of the CA poll date is very significant as it has erased all doubts and confusions that persisted in the minds of the people stirred by the political leaders themselves in their various addresses. That the government was dilly dallying over the date for the polls has been proved wrong.Law and orderNow that all eyes are set on the CA polls, it is the right time for all the political parties to concentrate on the drive to go to the villages and districts so that the people will have all the inputs to be aware about the poll and prepare for it. So far, it seems that the political parties and their activists have not adequately galvanised themselves for the purpose. This is rather disconcerting as the polls going to be held in the country for the first time has great ramifications for the whole political scenario.

That the polls are important has been highlighted by the political leaders and the government, but concrete steps on many fronts have yet to be undertaken to the fullest. The first and foremost is improving the law and order situation of the country. Without peace prevailing, it is clear that it will be difficult to conduct the CA elections. The government is well aware of the situation, so it is conducting talks with the various agitating groups. The talks are moving ahead, but the conclusion is yet to come about. It can be hoped that soon an amicable solution with the different groups will materialise in the interest of all, including the voters. The violence that is taking place in many parts of the country, especially the eastern Terai region, is of great concern. There are people who are blaming the government for this, but it alone cannot do everything and needs the support of all, particularly the stakeholders. The differences in opinion among the political parties represented in the government are natural, but the need is to resolve them through mutual understanding and dialogue. That has been the hallmark of the time since Jana Andolan II achieved success. This is the reason why the top leaders of the eight parties always speak of maintaining unity despite the fact that the CA elections are going to be competitive.The reason for maintaining unity is the outcome of the fear that the regressive elements might become active to undermine the gains made so far. A look at the way the cabinet meetings are being held shows this. There are differences, and then the meetings are stalled for a number of days. Following high level parleys, the cabinet again sits down to take important decisions. The same happened last week. Finally, a cabinet meeting was held on Wednesday.

The meeting took some very important decisions, including the presentation of the Rayamajhi Commission report to the legislature parliament so as to make it public. The cabinet also approved the tune for the new national anthem. In fact, the country had been without a national anthem for over a year.In making the Rayamajhi Commission report public, the people will formally come to learn of the people indicted by the Commission. It will also make it easier for the legal process to start to prosecute those who have been named in the report for their suppressive role during the April revolution. Over 200 people have been named in the report, against whom legal action has to be taken. In this context, it is not understandable why the government took so long to take the decision to present the report to the legislature parliament. Now that the decision has been taken, the people will be waiting to see what steps will be taken to implement the recommendations of the Rayamajhi Commission. That it has come a few months before the CA polls must also be taken into consideration. DemandsThough late, steps are being taken to take the people into confidence. This will boost the morale of the people in the run up to the CA polls. Meanwhile, steps must be taken to deliberate on the demands of the various agitating groups, improving the law and order situation and the campaign to go to the villages and districts to make the people aware of the importance and necessity of the constituent assembly election. If these are done, the dream of a new Nepal will definitely materialise.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 3, 2007

Poll environment

There are only 117 days left for the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections slated for November 22. However, the election fever is conspicuously absent in the air. A period of four months is insufficient for the preparation of an election of such a great magnitude, which will not only form a new parliament but change the fate of this country as well. To our utter dismay, no party has pulled its socks up for the elections yet. Both UML and NC have initiated some sort of subtle poll campaigns. Neither the tea stalls are abuzz with election talks, nor are the political cadres anywhere close to their expected busy schedules. The forthcoming CA polls demand much more energy and enthusiasm because it is much more different and complicated than the general elections. In addition to electing one candidate from a constituency, this time, we will also be casting our vote for the party of our choice in the second ballot paper which will be dropped in a different ballot box. The second vote will ensure proportional representation.

The lack of enthusiasm for the forthcoming elections, it seems, is due to the fact that many are unconvinced that the CA polls will be held on schedule. Mainly, the slow pace of the Maoist transformation from gun culture to peace are making people worried about the future of the CA polls. Besides, they are apprehensive that the monarchists might poke the elections, and that the Madhesi trouble might swell into too hot an issue for the state to handle. That the Maoists might not fare well in the ballot is also a reason to be suspicious of the coming elections. People are asking, will they allow free and fair elections seeing the writing on the wall?

Now, the onus lies on the shoulder of political parties and the Maoists to win the confidence of the people. The political parties should swiftly spread their tentacles to the hinterland and the Maoists should expedite their transition to peace. The lull in YCL's behavior in recent days has shown some appreciable changes. On the part of the government, it has to maintain law and order, ensure peace and generate enthusiasm for holding free and fair elections. As Chief Election Commissioner Bhoj Raj Pokhrel has said, it is the duty of the political parties and the government to create an election-friendly environment for the upcoming CA polls. In addition, everyone should acknowledge the fact that it is a testing time for Nepal. All the Nepalis should join their hands to make the CA elections a big success, and prove the world that the Nepalis are always for democracy, justice, peace and the economic prosperity.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, July 27, 2007

Nepal: experiencing pangs of transition

S.D. Muni

The challenge to Nepal’s peace process comes from political vested interests, Maoist activities, and the gradually spreading turbulence in the Terai region.


Nepal’s peace process is passing through a delicate phase. The core objective of this process is to integrate the Maoists into an inclusive and fully democratic political order. This process of transiting a 238-year-old feudal state into a vibrant and responsive democratic order has been reasonably smooth and speedy so far. Since the success of the peoples’ movement in April 2006, led peacefully by the Maoists and the democratic forces, much progress has been a chieved. The Maoists have committed themselves to non-violent and democratic politics under a Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed with the government on November 2001. Following this, the Maoists have registered their arms and armed cadres under United Nations supervision. An interim Constitution, interim parliament, and interim coalition government of an eight-party alliance (of Maoists and seven mainstream political parties) have been put in place. The King has been stripped of all his powers raising the prospects of establishing a democratic Republic. The culmination of the peace process, and thereby the prospects of a stable and prosperous Nepal, now depends upon the sincere implementation of assurances and commitments by the Maoists and other political parties and the drafting of a Constitution by a Constituent Assembly scheduled to be elected in November 2007.

The challenge to the smooth advancement of the peace process and the holding of the Constituent Assembly elections comes from three sources: political vested interests, Maoist activities, and the gradually spreading violence in the Terai region. The royalists, both around the palace and within the political parties, have no interest in the elections as a Constituent Assembly in its very first sitting is expected to abolish monarchy and establish a Republic. There are sections of royalists who may settle for a ceremonial monarchy. However, King Gyanendra, unaware of the shift against him of the popular mood since 2005, has not accepted the option of ceremonial monarchy and continues to scheme to regain as much of his powers as possible. He wants to drive a wedge in the ruling coalition and disrupt the election process. His failed birthday bash on July 7, 2007, was a clear indication of this.


Some of the political parties too do not seem to be ready for elections, having lost political ground during the 10 years of Maoist insurgency. The Nepali Congress (NC) is awaiting the reunification of its breakaway group under Sher Bahadur Deuba. The royalists as well as smaller left parties are not too sure of their electoral prospects. There are assessments that even the Maoists may want to delay elections as they have lost much of their goodwill in the post-peoples’ movement (Jan Andolan) period, though their top leaders are of the view that the more the elections are delayed the more their political ground will be eroded. Uncertainty in the minds of these political stakeholders has seriously daunted their enthusiasm for elections. The Chief Election Commissioner has complained of the government’s delay in filling the vacancies in the poll panel.

All those who want to delay the elections are seeking shelter behind the prevailing violence and lawlessness in Nepal. The abductions, extortions, and use of force by the Youth Communist League (YCL) created by the Maoists from their erstwhile Peoples’ Liberation Army (PLA) cadres invite considerable flak from various sources, including the Prime Minister. The Maoists’ inability to return properties seized during the insurgency period are also cited as examples of their bad faith vis-À-vis joining the mainstream. The Maoists are partly using YCL strong-arm methods to pressure the other coalition partners but, on the other hand, there are differences in the Maoist leadership on this issue. There are clearly two lines on the degree and extent to which the group should integrate in the prevailing multi-party politics. Many in the Polit Bureau feel that they are walking in a trap to be gradually marginalised and eliminated, as their cadres are killed in the Terai and their image is tarnished in the rest of the country. Therefore, an organised YCL is required to deter their enemies, mobilise political support, and garner votes if and when elections take place. For them, YCL is their youth wing as in all other parties.

The Terai is in a state of virtual anarchy on account of the unrest in the Hindi-speaking Madheshi community. Long neglected and discriminated against, the Madheshis are demanding proper representation in the new Nepal. Royalists backed by Hindu extremists from across the borders in India fanned the initial sparks of violence, caused by Maoist blunders, to discredit the interim government. Initially, even some of the major political parties and sections of the international community tried to turn the Madheshis’ ire against the Maoists to erode the latter’s support base. The Madheshis have a genuine issue but in the absence of a credible leadership, a number of criminal, self-serving and narrow-based political groups are taking undue advantage of the situation. In the forefront of violence and disruption are three splinter Maoists factions of Jai Krishan Goit, Jwala Singh, and Bisfotak Singh, the Madheshi Janadhikar Forum of Upendra Yadav, the Sadbhawana Party, which is a part of the ruling alliance, and lastly, the Terai Cobra and the Terai Tigers led by unknown Robin Hoods. Some Terai political activists are still waiting to float new leadership platforms. The royalists continue to indirectly support and encourage some of these groups in the hope that a disordered Terai will mar the prospects of smooth elections. Slow and uncalibrated responses from the government as well as the eight-party alliance have worsened the situation. The Maoists’ proposal to raise an eight-party front to politically deal with the Terai violence has yet to take off. If the Terai situation has to be brought under control, the government must move fast to seriously engage with the genuine Madheshi groups.


Behind all this confusion and persisting conflict in Nepal is the fact that the old mindsets are finding it hard to come to terms with the new challenge thrown by the peoples’ movement. The political parties and the Maoists had perhaps forged only a tactical alliance to deal with the autocratic King. It is doubtful if this alliance is based on a shared grand strategic vision of building a new Nepal of popular aspirations. This is reflected in the divergence among the eight parties on the questions of the monarchy’s future status, inclusion of hitherto marginalised sections of Madheshis and ethnic minorities, restructuring of the Nepalese army, and of priorities of socio-economic transformation. Such divergences have worsened the trust deficit between not only the Maoists and the other political parties, but also among the non-Maoist parties in the ruling alliance. Maoists continue to grumble about being discriminated against, be it the question of ambassadorial appointments or allocation of funds for their registered cadres or resources for the ministries allocated to them. One wonders if India and the rest of the international community, which are deeply engaged with Nepal’s peace process, have also not been afflicted by the old mindset problem. The outspoken and outgoing American Ambassador, James F. Moriarty, made it amply clear in a number of his departing statements. All those who are engaged in restructuring a new Nepal need to understand clearly that the continuing alliance between the political parties and the Maoists, and election of a Constituent Assembly are the basic requirements for peace and stability in Nepal. There is no alternative except chaos and disorder.

After receiving the shock of popular disenchantment with King Gyanendra’s April 21, 2006, proclamation on the peoples’ movement, India has tried to push Nepal’s peace process in a positive direction, both through diplomatic persuasion and the allocation of generous financial resources. There are, however, elements in the Indian political and policy establishments that would still like to see a ceremonial monarchy and the marginalisation of the Maoists. They want India to be prepared to pick up the pieces and deal with the debris if Nepal were to fall apart due to the Madheshi issue and the ethnic tensions. One hopes Indian policy steers clear of such elements. While continuing to support the peace process, India must throw its weight behind a constructive engagement between Kathmandu and the Madheshi people. Many of the Madheshi groups have in the past thrived and prospered on Indian doles. They must be prevailed on by New Delhi to desist from the path of violence and seek a just but negotiated resolution of their grievances with Kathmandu. If the Terai violence is allowed to delay or disrupt the election process in Nepal and its peace process collapses, India will be the worst affected by its extensive negative spillover.


Source: The Hindu, July 27, 2007