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Showing posts with label Maoists. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Maoists. Show all posts

Monday 14 January 2008

Two Armies: A War Of Words

Shyam Bhandari

The Nepali media is awash with opinions, allegations and counter allegations on the question of the integration of the two armies - People's Liberation Army (PLA) and Nepal Army (NA). The whole thing seems to have been triggered off by Chief of Army Staff (CoAS) Rukmangud Katwal's reaction to the 23-point agreement chalked out between the Maoists and the government regarding the integration of the verified PLA personnel with the NA. Speaking to reporters at the airport before embarking on his China visit on January 8, the CoAS is quoted as saying, "In the name of institutionalising the peace process, any political 'ism' or ideology should not be introduced in the Nepali Army. The Nepali Army operates under the people's chain of command, and it should be kept untainted. There should be no political influence on the Nepali Army. Political influence on the Nepali Army will only invite bigger problems in the country."
This was immediately followed by Maoist leader Krishna Bahadur Mahara's reaction: "The army chief's statement is against the spirit of the comprehensive peace treaty (CPA) between the government and the CPN-Maoist. The statement is ill-timed and unfortunate." The PM is reported to have supported the CoAS's stand "all-out" on January 9, and denouncing it the very next day. The prime minister retorted to his usual lame excuse of "the media distorted my views", which could well have been the fallout of Prachanda's allegation the previous day that the prime minister's statement was against the letter and spirit of all the agreements signed so far.Add to that Sher Bahadur Deuba's ignorant revelation that nowhere has it been mentioned that the Maoist army will be adjusted in the NA in any accords, including the comprehensive peace accord, interim constitution and the latest 23-point agreement, and there could be nothing more confounding.
Justified
The CoAS may or may not be justified in his stand. What he has said may or may not be in the best interest of the country's future, if not the present. Not to overstate, the NA is the institution that has been free from politics. Those who distort the views of the army vis-୶is its desire of remaining free from 'isms' are doing injustice to an institution which has demonstrated time and again that it is on the side of the country and the people far more than any of the people's parties can claim in their wildest misjudgement of themselves. What better proof do we need than the fact that this institution has always stood quietly in the sidelines allowing the people's desires to take precedence even when opportunity provided for it to overstep its jurisdiction? How else can one explain the NA's readiness to side with democracy rather than the monarchy that it has served ever since its existence? The Maoists have every right to demand that the provisions in the interim constitution be implemented so that their former combatants can be integrated back into the society. Their demand is also justified as they have sought to stick to the demand that the government implement the provision in the interim constitution regarding the armies 'word for word'.
The Way Out
The Nepalese people have had enough of politicking in every imaginable place and entity, in the schools and colleges, offices and organisations, in the streets and what not. We have already witnessed what politicised students can do to the country, and we have experienced what blending the bureaucracy with ideology begets. As if that has not been enough, they are now talking of infesting the army with hardened, indoctrinated ideologues. Imagine the outcome in the long run - uniformed, gun-totting politicos dictating democracy to us in a New Nepal. All said and done, there is still the question of reintegration of the PLA members for which there are several options other than integrating them with the NA. How about creating an unarmed reconstruction and development force out of the former Maoists combatants? They could be entrusted with building roads, bridges, schools, community hospitals and other much-needed infrastructure. The government could pay them at par with the NA, while still saving huge sums on arms and ammunition that it would need to buy for them otherwise. This would also serve as a purgatory for the Maoists that so pitilessly destroyed the infrastructure of this country during their people's war.
Source: The Rising Nepal, January 14, 2008

Wednesday 9 January 2008

New hope for Nepal

Paul Soren

The prolonged confusion and apprehension over holding of Constituent Assembly (CA) elections and the issue of monarchy was partially resolved when the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and Maoists signed a 23-point new agreement on December 23, 2007. This is fourth major agreement reached between the SPA and Maoists after the Jana Aandholan of April 2006. The interim government also approved the new pact which it is hoped will pave the way for the CA polls.
The interim parliament also passed an amendment bill to the interim constitution, declaring that Nepal would be a federal democratic republic after the CA polls. This will finally lead to the abolition of monarchy during the first sitting of the constituent assembly. It has also cleared the decks for the Maoists to rejoin the cabinet. The ball is now in the Maoists court and they have to make a move. They have to keep their commitments and join the democratic process and also ensure that polls are held on time.


For the present the new pact seems to be a good deal as it has cleared some of the existing political uncertainties and hiccups. This appears to be a tangible roadmap for a New Nepal. However, there are a few key questions which need to be further probed before making any conclusive statement. Will the 23-point pact pave way for timely CA polls and end the ongoing political crisis? The major demands of the Maoists have been addressed but what is the guarantee that they will sincerely participate in the polls? Will the Maoists come up with new set of demands to obstruct the CA polls? More importantly, will it address the Madhesi concerns and accommodate their political ambitions?
Analyzing it positively, it indicates that the new pact should be able to end the political stalemate in the country. The new agreement has primarily addressed two of the major issues obstructing the peace process and delaying the polls. The Maoists ’ demand for a republic and proportional representation has been met. Though the second Maoist demand for a full PR system has been partially met but it could still be acceptable to them. Similarly, in an effort to bring inclusiveness in the polity, the interim parliament also amended the constitution and increased number of members from 497 to 601. Thereby, 335 members will be elected under the proportional representation system, 240 members on first past the post system and 26 members will be nominated by the Prime Minister. It is expected that the amended constitution will be able to accommodate aspirations of the marginalised and deprived sections of the country. It should provide them an opportunity to represent their political viewpoint.
Despite all these positive trends, the government has several daunting tasks to perform. Firstly, it has to address the Tarai problem because elections cannot be held if the Tarai is left burning. Secondly, the security situation in the country is worrisome and need to be improved. The government has to take into account all these critical issues and address them on priority basis. Further and this is very important, the SPA members and Maoists have to stay united and stop playing the blame game. They need to co-operate with each other and find viable political solutions to the various problems the country. They also need to evolve a consensus over these issues and take them to their logical end.
Essentially the new deal enables the Maoists to rejoin the interim government by addressing two of their major demands. The rising aspirations of the Nepali people for peace and stability, require that political players play a leading role in establishing peace. They should also cooperate with other parties in sustaining the peace process. The Maoists credibility, will determined by their seriousness and adherence to their commitments. Manipulative politics and rigidity have to be replaced by transparency and flexibility in finding solutions to problems. The Maoists need to prevent their cadres (especially the Young Communist League) from indulging in terror and unlawful criminal activities. Any further attempts to stay away from the polls or creating obstacles in the holding of polls will rebound on them.
Since the institution of monarchy – controversial and meddlesome in politics -- has always been a focal point of debate in Nepali politics there has always been a struggle for power between the monarchy and democratic forces. The Maoists were the latest entrants in to this struggle to abolish what they described as a feudal institution. The new pact would eventually lead to the removal of monarchy in the country. The resultant amended constitution has empowered the parliament to abolish monarchy if the government suspects that the monarchy is playing a spoiler hand or intends to thwart the peace process. However, the Maoists would ensure that the monarchy is wiped out completely from the Nepali polity. The bill eases the government’s burden as it can now attempt to hold the polls by mid-April 2008.
There are a few negative aspects of the new pact and amended constitution. The new agreement does not directly address the ongoing Tarai problem inviting criticism from opposition party members and agitating Madhesi groups and the SPA and Maoists have been accused of taking arbitrary decisions. They alleged that common citizens have been deprived of their rights in the decision making process. It is true that the SPA and Maoists have neglected Madhesi aspirations by not addressing issues raised by them. It appears that the new pact is meant only to appease the Maoists rather than finding a political solution endangering the country. The SPA and Maoists have completely ignored that stability in Tarai is a very critical element for holding of a successful election. The Tarai problem if left unresolved has the potential to further complicate the peace process and aggravate the situation. Therefore resolving the Madheshi problem should be of the utmost importance for the government and parties.
The new agreement is an opportunity for the parties and Maoists to end the ongoing political crisis and will be a feasible roadmap for creating a new Nepal provided the SPA and Maoists can give up their petty political interests and exhibit the political will to address some of these pertinent issues like the Tarai problem and avoid delaying the polls. Most importantly, the SPA and Maoists have to create a conducive environment for the success of the polls.



Source: Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, January 7, 2008

Friday 4 January 2008

Maoist will have a very cordial relation with India: Dr Bhattarai

Sarat C Das speaks to Bhattarai in Katmandu to understand the Maoists’ preparations for the election, their contribution to the peace process and willingness to make India a partner in the future development of the state.
Interview with Baburam Bhattarai, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Nepal is rife with speculation about Baburam Bhattarai’s assuming the office of deputy prime minister in the interim government as Communist Party of Nepal (UML) agreed to the Maoist proposal for proportional electoral system.

You strongly believe in Mao Zedong and draw inspiration from “Revolutionary Internationalist Movement” and Peru’s left wing extremist guerrilla movement. What is your real ideology?

Marxism- Leninism-Maoism-Prachanda path is the guiding force of our ideology. However, when you draw a parallel with other communist movements such as Peru, we would find us different in terms of our adherence to the Prachanda path. Knowing Prachanda path would bring you closer to the historical importance of our movement.

There are many groups, both active and defunct, by a common abbreviation CPN (Communist Party of Nepal). Do you think this would confuse the identity of CPN (Maoist) during the poll?

There are various ideologies that creep into the communist movement at different points of time; hence there are splits and counter splits resulting in so many parties. However, there are two major forces — one is the reformist communist party known as CPN (Unified Marxist-Leninist) which believes in parliamentary form of democracy and other one is the revolutionist communist party known as CPN (Maoists) which believes in the revolutionary path for the development of society. Any layperson knows both parties; hence there should not be any confusion.

Do you think CPN’s (Maoist) membership with Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and the co-ordination committee of Maoist parties and organizations South Asia have paved the way for its greater international acceptability?

Marxist ideology is an international ideology. All the revolutionary movements in the world express their solidarity with us. However, they don’t have any impact on the current political movement of Nepal. We are chalking our own strategies.

You claim that Maoists People’s war always aimed at establishing a “new democracy” in Nepal through a historical revolt against federalism and imperialism. Then why are you not contributing enough to the peace process that can lead to early democracy?

We think we have hugely contributed to this ongoing peace process and somebody who thinks it is otherwise he or she is totally wrong. Our ultimate goal is socialism and communism and we believe it can be achieved through various stages of the development of democracy. We are trying to achieve a federal democratic republic as an immediate need of the society. For this we armed the people’s war and then led them to a peaceful movement.

Maoists initial memorandum presented to then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba on Feb 4, 1996 demanded the abrogation of Mahakali treaty with India on distribution of water and electricity. Do you still stand by this?

We are keen to redefine our relation at the international level. Nepal’s current diplomatic relation with India stems from a strong British legacy in India. The unequal treaty, imposed on us in 1816 following Anglo-Nepalese war, is still continuing. Hence, we want this legacy to be done away with so that we have mutually agreeable and beneficial relationship. We want the abrogation of some of the treaties such as on distribution of water which is one of our major resources. However, it does not mean we would have an antagonistic relation with India as we understand India is our most important neighbour and it is difficult to progress without its support.

The abrogation of Mahakali treaty is a 40-point demand. Do you want all these demands to be fulfilled?
We would like to sit down and discuss and find a way out.

How do you foresee Nepal’s relation with India post-election?
We have always had a good relation. Unfortunately people of both countries have been exploited by the ruling class for their selfish interest. I think we will have a very cordial relation.

India insists that Nepal Maoists must delink themselves from Indian naxalites to pave way for a better political relation!

We only have ideological and political links with them but no military links. And we would never have military links. Various communist parties of the world have similar political links among themselves. So what is the problem!

But you have alleged military collusion with some radical naxalite groups such as ULFA!

We have come across some news claming our association with ULFA which is baseless. We don’t have any association with them and we can never have since they don’t believe in Maoism. These are various nationalistic movements in their own rights and we have nothing to do with them.

What role do you visualise for the King now?
We are for a democratic republic in which there is no role for the King even as a ceremonial head. However, his existence in the country would depend on how he cooperates with the new political system. If he chooses to live as an ordinary citizen he is welcome or else he would call trouble for himself.

You are an alumnus of India’s Jawaharlal Nehru University, which is a bastion of communism. How much has JNU influenced you in your revolt against the establishment?
JNU has had a great influence on me. I learnt my Marxism there not only in theory but also in practice.

Let us visualize the scenario post-election in April. Where do you see yourself in terms of political achievement?

The way we have supported various movements in the country such as dalits, women and janjatis, we think we will attain the majority in the election. It is based on a real assessment.
Would you predict a date for the elections?We always want elections to happen at the earliest. As of now it appears to be in April.

Do you want independent international observers to oversee the elections?

It was we who wanted independent observers from UN and elsewhere to ensure a free and fair election.

Would you want India to become a part of the international observers during elections?
People from civil societies and human rights groups in India are always welcome to become a part of independent observers.
Are you chalking out a bigger political role for your wife Comrade Parvati as the country is going into polls?
I don’t chalk out plans for her. She has her own independent contribution to the communist movement in Nepal. In fact we met during the struggle. She is capable to chalk out her career and she has contributed a lot to women liberation movement in Nepal.
Are you planning to contest in elections?
Definitely, yes. Our chairman has already indicated that all our top leaders will be in the electoral fray.

Can you give an estimate of the number of Maoist combatants, militia, cadres, hardcore followers and sympathisers?
There are 30,000 combatants and another 20,000-22,000 will soon be added to this list following verification. There are 50,000-70,000 people in our cadre and our hardcore followers and sympathisers are in millions. We have nearly 200,000 people as our followers from the trade unions of Katmandu.

Is this huge following going to translate into votes?
We are confident of emerging as the party with majority in the election. However, it is a little early to predict the exact number of votes.

According to a UN report Maoists have procured some 85 percent of weapons from Police and RNA during their struggle against monarchy. There are reports that the loot is still continuing. Is it true?
After the ceasefire there is no arm struggle.

Source: Hindustan Times, January 3, 2007

Saturday 29 December 2007

A Chance Encounter With a Maoist Commissar

It is notable that two years ago, before the ceasefire, the Maoists did not have any presence at all in Mustang due to the Royal Nepal Army’s occupation of a high foot suspension bridge below Ghasa that serves as the only entrance to the district below 5000 meters. Now the Maoists had a large visible office in Jomsom.




Neil Horning


Text of the interview with Pawan, the Mustang district in charge follows. I think it’s still a bit boilerplate.




1. The leadership has often said that the peace process was an unprecedented experiment for Maoism. In your opinion, what are the results of this experiment and the lessons to be learned?


When king Gyanendra used the Army to take power from the elected representatives We made the 12 point agreement in order to win back power with the help of all of the citizens. As we have been voicing the demands of the people, the old agreement was insufficient to fulfill these demands in the current situation so we are trying to make another agreement on the basis of a new consensus. The theme of this consensus must be to first announce a republic in order to uplift the different oppressed ethnicities genders regions and communities so they participate fully in the upcoming Constituent Assembly elections. For that the Communities of Women and Dalits must be given specific rights to participate in the interim government. Only then can the new Constitution be made in accordance to the will of the Nepalese citizens. This is the main aspiration of the Nepali Citizen today. Our party (Maoist) is always ready for that. Although we have joined the peace process, we are still integrating the strategies of People’s War and talks so there is less possibility of failure.


2. who do you think the public blames for the delay in the elections?

Since we started our People’s War to build the future of the Nepalese citizens we have waged the whole war for constituent assembly and we have written slogans on the walls saying “long live Republic, long live Constituent Assembly.” When we were doing this the Government [under the mainstream parties] arrested and even killed those people. And now the same people are blaming us for the delay. Shall we not remember that? Before the 19 day People’s uprising who was making the demands for Constituent Assembly and Republic? With this in mind, how can there be any confusion? Our 13,000 Martyrs sacrificed for Constituent Assembly and Republic so how can our party be against them? Therefore, those who were against them are the ones who are against Republic and Constituent Assembly.

3. What political development has most surprised you over the last year and a half?

Over the last year and a half we have concluded a huge ideological war. After the 12-point agreement we were able to isolate Gyanendra from the power of the Royal Army. Then we had the opportunity to speak freely among the Nepalese for whom we have been fighting for the last 11 years. As there is one army in this country of the government and one of the Nepalese citizens, we are able to force the government to give equal treatment to these two armies, as well as clear the charge made against us by the American imperialists that we are terrorists they had been popularizing to the world. Even now we are still trying to free the Nepalese government from the interference of European countries, America, and Australia who are exercising their hegemony. We are trying to balance the foreign strategies so we are not in the situation to be oppressed at their will. Our Party is the only party which is integrating all oppressed regions, ethnicities, genders, languages, cultures, all women and Dalits; understanding their sentiments in order to move them on the path of their liberation.

4. How have things changed for you personally over that time?

Things have changed so much since our last meeting because time is constantly moving [progressive]. According to that, human society is moving ahead. Therefor today’s Nepal is moving further ahead that yesterdays Nepal. In the same way, human society is becoming more conscious so there is a certainty of improvement. In the past there was an armed struggle of ideas. This category of struggle is not limited only to Nepal. It has become world wide because todays world has already become a fully integrated system. Finally, our ideological struggle is not only for Nepali citizens but rather for all the oppressed citizens of the world. Therefor, to have change in the politics of Nepal means to have change in the politics of the world.


Source: Blog for a Democratic Nepal, December 28, 2007

Thursday 27 December 2007

Atrocities And 2008 Elections In Bhutan

T. P. Mishra
At a time when the election date is drawing nearer in Bhutan, the Royal Government of Bhutan (RGOB) has once again begun inflicting atrocities on innocent citizens of ethnic Nepali origin.ArrestsThe state-directed court recently announced jail terms ranging from 5-9 years to 30 innocent civilian from the southern district of the country for their alleged involvement in the Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist). The RGOB claims the accused had carried out subversive activities against Bhutan.
How could the RGOB claim such a thing when it does not have an 'independent judiciary' in the country? A fair trial in the name of delivering justice to the detainees has always been a farce in the context of Bhutan. This is yet another instance of Bhutan's tactics to derail the repatriation of Bhutanese refugees, now living in camps in Nepal, to their homeland.Bhutan's official media, Kuensel, further stated that seditious meetings were held in Katarey and Ugyentse in Samtse, during which the participants planned to recruit the local people and set up camps in the forests to house the terrorists belonging to the CPB-MLM. Such fabricated statements are made by the Bhutanese government when its army arrests people especially of ethnic Nepali origin. The RGOB has charged them of being active during briefing sessions in Nepal on "Political and Ideological Trainings? conducted by the cadres of the Communist Party of Bhutan and Communist Party of Nepal, Bhutan People's Party, Druk National Congress and Bhutan Gorkha National Liberation Front. Ironically, the message Bhutan is sending to the international community is that the UNHCR is providing shelter to radical groups inside the refugee camps in Nepal.
The court is said to have sentenced them to jail under the provisions in the National Security Act of Bhutan, 1992, and the Penal Code of Bhutan, 2004. The people were accused of holding political meetings, especially related to Maoist ideology, in the country. Even if they were involved in such activities, what crime had they committed to be given jail terms of such long periods, especially at a time when the elections are fast approaching near? Is this, in any way, to hold a 'democratic exercise'? The RGOB, on the other hand, should have been encouraging the people in the country to get involved in the political exercise. Besides, the condition of hundreds of such detainees arrested in the early 1990s during demonstrations in the country is still unknown to the international community.Their whereabouts have not yet been made public. There is no one to publicise the conditions prevailing in the country.
It is a matter of shame that the RGOB should transform civilians into jailbirds for such a long period despite their innocence. The atrocities of the RGOB have crossed the limits, leaving enough space to raise questions about the effectiveness of the advocacy of international rights bodies and so-called big democracies of the world. Isn't Bhutan playing with the rights of the people, and would anyone believe that it is embarking on the path of democratisation? The surprising thing is - for how long will the international community stand mute spectators to all the atrocities that go around in Bhutan? A fair trail to the detainees is not possible in Bhutan. Even if these people belong to the Maoist militia, then Bhutan should have carried out an investigation in co-ordination with international human rights bodies.
Political restriction
In the meantime, on November 28, the Election Commission of Bhutan (ECB) stated that the leaders of the Bhutan People's United Party (BPUP) have no vision, goals and aspirations for a democratic Bhutan. Besides, in a notice, the ECB said it cannot register the BPUP as a political party in the country. The ECB's decision indicates that the party lacks persons with direct links with the royal family like Sangey Ngedup of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and Jigme Thinley of the Druk Phuensum Tshokpa (DPT). While Bhutan is holding the first-ever elections in its history, the RGOB is trying to impose different restrictions on innocent civilians. Thus, there is little room to believe that the elections will be free and fair.There is a need for the world community, including international human rights bodies, to initiate noteworthy and stronger measures to provide justice to Bhutan's innocent civilians. The RGOB shouldn't be given a free hand in committing atrocities against its people.
Source: The Rising Nepal, December 27, 2007

Maoist trouble at border

India might have had its own share of problems due to border disputes with China and Pakistan for decades, but Nepal could well prove to be an additional concern, with Maoists joining the Girija Prasad Koirala government recently.
India, on Tuesday woke up to an attempt by around 200 Maoist ultras from Nepal trying to stake a claim on a stretch of the “no man's land" after crossing the porous international border touching Uttarakhand. They tried hoisting red flags in the area, close to Banbasa town in the border district of Champavat, before they were accosted. “Previously, border pillars with numbers 3 and 3-A used to mark the border with Nepal. However, they were uprooted due to various reasons. Of late, there have been efforts to conduct a joint survey by the two countries of the nearly 300-km stretch of the Indo-Nepal border to identify areas where the border pillars are missing and to restore them," said superintendent of police of Champavat MS Bangyal.

Bangyal said the Nepali Maoist ultras, who tried to hoist the flag belonged to the Young Communist League, a wing of the Nepal Communist Party. "Although the Nepali Maoist ultras' bid to hoist their red flag was foiled by the security forces they had a design behind that," the official said. "They tried their best to provoke the security forces to open fire on them, as any casualty on their side could become an international issue," he added.

Stating that the security forces showed restraint and pushed the Maoist ultras back to Nepal, the SSP said. "They tried to enter the 'no man's land' from Gadda Chowki area near Banbasa town. We had information from Nepali authorities that they would try to enter through Brahamadev town of Nepal," he added.
Source: Hindustan Times, December 27, 2007

Thursday 13 December 2007

PLA and NA Question Of Integration

Shyam Bhandari

Addressing the seventh anniversary of the armed wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the People's Liberation Army (PLA), in Chitwan recently, Maoist Chairman Prachanda is reported to have ruled out any possibility of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections unless the peace process moved ahead properly. Nothing new! The Maoists have made the CA polls a bargaining chip before, and it seems they will go on making it just until their hidden agenda is met.
For now, the Maoists do not seem to be quite keen to set a new deadline for the CA polls in a hurry. Their insistence on the government first agreeing to adopt the proportional representation system of election and abolition of monarchy outright have come in the way of the elections being scheduled the last time around. Going by Prachanda's declaration in Chitwan, it's anyone's guess that new thorns are sprouting even if the existing ones get cleared somehow.
New thorns
There is every indication that the Maoists will come up with a new set of demands if the present ones are met. Needless to say, their oft-repeated allusion to the integration of the PLA with the Nepal Army (NA) is the new thorn that is emerging in the paths of the ever-elusive CA polls. As far as the Maoists are concerned, it is commendable that a force that was married to bloodshed has come as far as it has in its new role as a peaceful, though not overtly genuine, participant of a political process. However, neither the Government of Nepal nor the Maoists have been fully implementing the commitments they inked in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of last year.
In fact, they have turned each other's shortcomings in fulfilling the commitments into a post-conflict conflict. While the government harbours an overabundance of tacit bitterness against the Maoists for not reining in its various organs, including the YCL (Young Communist League), that are involved in making the law and order situation go haywire, the Maoists have been more vocal in their accusations. They have been availing of every possible opportunity to point accusing fingers at the government for ignoring the promises made to them. Prominent among the accusations is that of the government's apathy towards its fighters enclosed in the cantonments under the watchful eye of UNMIN. The Maoists want their fighters to be integrated into the NA with the greatest urgency. Time and again, Prachanda has underlined that the integration process was delayed due to the government's indifference and the lack of interest over the issue among the concerned parties. He has been insisting on settling the PLA issue before continuing on the journey towards the CA polls.
Why is Prachanda so keen on doing this? Is this more important than the mammoth task of writing a new constitution, more important than rewriting the very politico socio-economic foundation of a New Nepal? From the Maoist perspectives, yes! Prachanda has every reason to be wary of the PLA fallout in the event of his party not meeting what they were promised during the hard days of the 'war' or during 'recruitment' - whichever may be applicable. It is an open truth that his party recruited every possible Tom, Dick and Harry with inflated promises both during the years of active conflict and post-CPA. The result - 33,000 armed and trained indoctrinates who are constantly itching for action - is certain to weigh down on his back. It is becoming more and more evident that the real issue behind the Maoists' refusal to wake and shake themselves up for the remaining leg of the journey in the peace process is the reintegration of their fighters more than the issue of Monarchy or the representation system. That the Maoist chairman is hell bent on fulfilling the promises he made to his cadres is evident from his stance. What about the promises he and the other signatories and participants of the CPA, and later the government, made to the remaining people? These self-proclaimed people's leaders seem to have their own definition of 'people'.
Just as his party cadres are the only people in the eyes of the Maoist supremo, so it is for Girijababu, MaKuNe (Madahv Kumar Nepal) and others. What happens to the large chunk of the population that is sidelined when each of the leaders works to milk the most out of the public coffers for the benefit of a chosen few? When will these narrow-minded leaders learn to work for the benefit of the people and the nation as a whole?
Question of integration
As far as Prachanda's proclivity for the integration of his army with the NA goes, it doesn't look viable both from the military as well as the general perspective. You can't expect two forces that faced each other in the killing fields not long ago to share the same bed and breakfast, especially with both armed to the teeth. Moreover, the Maoists were themselves trumpeting, and correctly so, until a year ago saying that Nepal doesn't need an army as large as it presently maintains. How come they suddenly seem comfortable with adding another 30,000 to that already oversized lot? But then there is still the question of how we can demobilise and reintegrate the ex-combatants from the Maoist camp. There is a middle path that can both reintegrate the Maoist PLA while downsizing the NA.
What we can do is create an unarmed reconstruction and development force by incorporating the Maoists and a sizeable chunk of the NA into a Public Works Department (PWD). The work this department can do will include building roads and bridges, schools, community hospitals and other projects. It could also be mobilised for relief work during emergencies and natural disasters. The government can pay them at par with the NA soldiers, while saving a huge sum on arms and ammunition that it would need to buy for them otherwise. This would also serve as a purgatory for the Maoists that so unfeelingly destroyed the infrastructure of this country during their people's war. It would be a win-win for Prachanda for he could tell his fighters that he kept his word, while the rest of us could do with a long speech on how he trimmed the NA for the benefit of a New Nepal.
Source: The Rising Nepal, December 13, 2007

The roads to Kathmandu

Yubaraj Ghimire

There is fresh uncertainty about elections since the Maoists hinted that monarchists should be given space in Nepal’s politics

Two factors are breeding a sense of stalemate and uncertainty in Nepal. The ruling coalition led by G.P. Koirala has failed to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) on schedule. And the Maoists are taking actions that militate against the spirit of the peace process. The absence of clarity about the immediate future has led to some rather extreme speculation. Senior Maoist leaders even claim that by not accepting their demands for declaring Nepal a republican state and agreeing to election by proportional representation for the CA, Prime Minister Koirala is creating a situation where army might stage a coup.
Prachanda, who leads the Maoists, proposed last week that the Maoists and the ‘nationalists’ — implying those close to the king — work together for the larger national interest and durable peace. He has predictably come in for sharp criticism from his colleagues, mainly belonging to the ruling coalition, but the proposal has injected fresh uncertainty into Nepal’s politics. He later tried to explain that his statement was not aimed at protecting the king, but argued that they should not leave the monarchists without a space in the country’s politics.
Prachanda’s latest interventions have sowed the seeds of distrust among Nepal’s key political players — the Nepali Congress, which leads the ruling coalition, saw a fresh bout of revolt with more than 70 parliamentarians and central committee leaders threatening to revolt against Koirala if he succumbed to the Maoist demand. The move is seen to be aimed at preserving the monarchy in a ceremonial status. It has the backing of stalwarts like party’s working president, Sushil Koirala, and its general secretary, K.B. Gurung.
The prevailing uncertainty has also confused the international community which, during the past two years, has been patiently supporting the peace process and elections. They had also accepted India’s lead role in the whole exercise after India brought the Maoists and the major pro-democracy parties together under with 12-point agreement that secured the Maoists’ commitment to end the decade-long insurgency, renounce the politics of violence and accept a democratic order. Election to the CA was accepted as the best way to ensure durability of Nepal’s political system.
But with elections postponed twice, the Koirala government’s legitimacy at home, as well as India’s status as a peacemaker, are being questioned. There are clear signs of the international community making their individual assessments of the situation. The European Union recently sent a high-level delegation — the fourth in a year’s time — to assess the situation. While it concurs with India that elections should take place at the earliest, a conducive security atmosphere is seen to be a pre-condition.

“Lawlessness, notably in the Terai, is increasing,” the EU’s team said at the end of the visit. “There has been severe violence between communities; many people live in fear and are prevented from going about their daily lives. There is a need to rebuild public confidence in the police and to give the police the support to tackle these problems.”
As the Terai becomes an issue of major concern, both for the Nepali authorities as well as India which says the aspirations of the people there should be addressed, China, Nepal’s northern neighbour, has somehow come to believe that what has been happening in Terai is not ‘usual’. There are increasingly visible signs that China now fears that instability in Nepal will have its impact in the north as well, and it will want to have its presence felt in Nepal more. Although China was part of the combined international initiative, a high-level Chinese delegation led by Wang Ziarui, minister for international development of the Communist Party of China, which visited Nepal recently, advised leaders from all sides including the Maoists that Nepal must find solution to its problem by itself. The loaded statement is being interpreted here as China wanting to play its role independently taking into account all the factors, internal and external.
Source: The Indian Express, December 13, 2007

Wednesday 5 December 2007

Prachanda for tie-up with ‘nationalist’ royalists

KATHMANDU, Dec 5 - Maoist Chairman Prachanda has stressed the need to forge an alliance of royalists, parliamentary parties and his own party. This is the first time the Maoists - long known for their public animosity towards those close to the monarchy - are advocating a tie-up with the royalists. Speaking at a function organized by the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) in the capital on Tuesday, Prachanda asked media to appreciate the importance of such "tripartite" unity and play its role accordingly.

"Even among the royalists there are those who love the country very much. In the new context where the king has been sidelined, a tripartite alliance, which includes such nationalists, must be forged," Prachanda said. Prachanda added: "There is no alternative to this national necessity [for the new alliance]. The press should play a role in this regard. Even media with large circulations should appreciate the importance of the alliance."

Prachanda criticized what he called "big media". He accused big media of spreading information against his party, out of fear that they would be closed down if a government was formed under Maoist leadership. He stressed that such a situation of fear should be ended. However, he did not elaborate how his party would come to power. "Some media have the misconception that the Maoists would shut down their radio, FM and newspaper if we lead the government," Prachanda said, "Therefore, large circulation media are playing a role to stop the Maoists from forming a government under their leadership."

He further said his party would respect media as per the values of democracy. "Some journalists spied for the army and they reported even a small mistake of our party as a big issue." The Maoist chairman was critical of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and accused the latter of giving more priority to the election of the Constituent Assembly than to the peace process. He further accused Koirala of trying to hold an election the way King Gyanendra did in 2005. The king held local elections amidst boycott by the political parties and questions of legitimacy.

He alleged that the prime minister deviated from the 12-point agreement which was about forward-looking reform of the state and "merging" of the Nepali Army and Maoist soldiers. The elections would be normal only if the peace process becomes normal, Prachanda said. The CPN-M might go for elections if both the armies are merged and the victims of the conflict compensated. "On the one hand, the peace process did not proceed as per the 12-point agreement while on the other, the victims of the conflict have not been compensated," Prachanda said. ‘Election necessary’

In the meantime, Prachanda, in an informal meeting with editors in the capital later in the day, said that the election was necessary to impart motion to society and the country. "We have realized that the election is necessary," Prachanda said, "Our expectation is that elections will provide us an opportunity to reform our cadres."
Source: The Kathmandu Post, Deember 5, 2007

NEPAL: FRATERNAL RELATIONS TO BIND NEPAL MAOISTS AND CPC?

Kathmandu: Visibly, the Maoists paraphernalia appear to be all prepared to keep a comfortable distance with the Indian establishment contrary to what they have had in the past or being presumed to be. Clearly, the Maoists hobnob with the Chinese establishment in the recent months and weeks hint that the Maoists in Nepal have come to their senses and that they just want to bring into effect a what could be best described as a “paradigm political shift” in their relations with India.

Its corollary would be that the Nepali Maoists “under compulsion or being guided by certain strategies” want to redefine their relations with India and begin a new chapter in their relations with Nepal’s northern neighbor. That the Chinese establishment too wishes to expand its sphere of political influence in Nepal and have formal “ties” with the Maoists party became visible when the visiting Chinese high flying Chinese authority Dr. Wang Jiarui and the members in his delegation spent some good three hours with the top-hats of the Maoists party at the Dwarikas Hotel Monday morning.

The meet of the Maoists leaders with the Chinese high level authorities and vice versa does clearly explain that both the sides are and were willing to “meet” each other and initiate on how such an “unclear” relations be legitimized. In effect, the meet in itself provides a sort of “recognition” to the Nepal’s Maoist party by the Chinese establishment as Dr. Wang is a very powerful man in the Chinese political hierarchy.

Thus the Maoists have been already recognized by the Chinese side and soon the two are expected to announce their formal linkages with each other on party lines. What political impact such a Chinese recognition would have then upon the Maoists? This is very important question indeed. Firstly, such recognition to the Maoists by the Chinese side would automatically distance the Maoists relationship whatever they have had in the past or is at the moment with the Indian communist parties. This is for sure.

To recall, though the Indian communist parties were close to the Maoists, however, in practice what has been well recorded is that when it comes to the preservation of the Indian national interests, the communist parties in India too do not spare their Nepali counterparts. “They tend to squeeze in tune with the Indian government’s structured policy towards Nepal that is to “weaken, smash and finally grab”, opine analysts.

However, such a new relationship with the Chinese Communist Party will act as a “political deterrent” to the Indian designs against Nepal. After such recognition by the Chinese communist party, the Maoists party can fairly adopt an “equi-proximity” policy if not that of the “equi-distance”. To recall, India disproves the equi-distance policy in the conduct of relations of Nepal with India and China.

Thus with the new relationship, Maoists will have abundant choice on how to proceed with their party agenda and will be rather more free in defining their relations with India. In such an eventuality, the Indian grip over the Maoists will lessen to a considerable extent. The second political impact on the Maoists would be positive one, say analysts. According to them, the moment Chinese Communist Party recognizes the Nepalese Maoists party, a sort of “fraternal” relations would be in existence which instantly would press the some what errant Maoists to “behave” as a communist but a democratic party.

Since the recognition would be a binding one upon the Maoists’, the latter would have to abide by the norms and the universal values of a democratic system. This would mean that such recognition in some way or the other will have profound impact upon the Maoists political behaviour and they will have to shun their previous aggressive and at times violent stances. In sum, though the two sides have not yet formally recognized each other as a fraternal party but yet the rumors are there that it would be declared soon.
In such an eventuality, the Maoists will have to change their present political credentials what they have at the moment and transform themselves into a fairly democratic party that would be demanded of them. Finally, such recognition would surely distance the Maoists with the Indian establishment. India will be the loser. In addition, such recognition by the Chinese establishment will automatically bring the now cornered “nationalist” forces together, including the monarch. In such an eventuality, the political equation will definitely see a sea change.

It is in this light, the would-be Indian annoyance in the pipeline should be viewed. Notably, the UML leaders, Bam Dev Gautam and Jhal Nath Khanal deliberately distanced themselves from the meeting, when their own boss held meetings with Dr. Wang and his delegation members. Gautam and Khanal are considered to be new “converts” for reasons unknown to the analysts.
Source: Telegraph Nepal, December 5, 2007

Monday 3 December 2007

Chinese Delegation Meets Maoist Leaders

Kathmandu, December 3The visiting Chinese delegation headed by Wang Jiarui, Minister of Foreign Department of Chinese Communist Party met the chairman of CPN-Maoist Prachanda and other senior Maoist leaders at Hotel Dwarikas in Kathmandu this morning.During the meeting, the Chinese team raised concern over the deferral of constituent assembly elections in Nepal. Maoist leaders informed the delegation that they were committed to make ongoing peace process a success. Maoist leaders and Chinese team also discussed the current political deadlock and other contemporary issues, sources said. Maoist second-in-command Dr Baburam Bhattarai and senior leader Ram Bahadur Thapa 'Badal' among others were present in the meeting.Yeterday, the Chinese team met former Prime Minister and Nepali Congress (NC) leader Sher Bahadur Deuba and Nepal Workers and Peasants Party (NWPP) leader Narayan Man Bijukche. The Chinese team will wrap up its Nepal visit tomorrow.
Source: The Himalayan Times, December 3, 2007

Wednesday 28 November 2007

Guerrilla strike

Yubaraj Ghimire
As Nepal’s politics takes new twists and turns, holding elections for the Constituent Assembly appears more and more uncertain, if not impossible. And that puts the seven-party unity under further strain.

For the purpose of elections, these seven parties had accepted G.P. Koirala as their patriarch. Prime Minister Koirala was also vested with the power of the king as the monarchy remains in a state of suspension. But now, with two deadlines for the CA polls having been missed — first June and then in November — the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (CPN-M) is not only demanding elections solely on its terms, it has also threatened to depose Koirala as PM. CPN-M chief Prachanda declared recently that Koirala was behaving more like King Gyanendra, undermining the role of his guerrillas in bringing the current political change that catapulted him to power. Prachanda has also asserted that the CA elections cannot take place without these guerrillas being integrated into the national army.
This, in effect, is the third pre-condition that Prachanda has put forward for the CA polls. His party’s other two demands — adoption of the proportional system of election and abolition of monarchy — have not found adequate support among the seven parties, and the latest one is certainly going to be resisted by many as there are increasing protests in several parts of the country against the Young Communist League (YCL). YCL is the youth wing of the party, with a large number of former guerrillas in it, who maintain parallel governments and kangaroo courts even today. Although the Communist Party of Nepal-United Marxist Leninist (CPN-UML), the third largest party in the coalition, has come forward in support of the first two demands of the Maoists, the induction of the politically indoctrinated guerrillas into the national army is unacceptable to them as well.

The number of guerrillas lodged in cantonments as the United Nations Mission to Nepal (UNMIN) began its work stood at 31,000. But in less than a year, at least 7,000 have already deserted those camps, while around 10,000 are found disqualified by UNMIN, as they were found either under age or recruited after May 6, 2006, the cut-off date for enrollment. The Maoist threat to depose Koirala if he failed to reintegrate these guerrillas in the army also followed Prachanda’s declaration that they are ready to raise their guns again and fight for another 40 years to establish their rule in the country.
While that makes Koirala’s position shaky, Prachanda also runs the risk of losing whatever support and encouragement he has been able to gather in peace time. Former US President Jimmy Carter recently suggested that 70 per cent of the proposed 480 seats in CA be filled up under the proportional system leaving the rest to be fought under the first-past-the-post system, a gesture to the Maoists who have demanded a 100 per cent PR system. But within 24 hours of Carter leaving Nepal, the Maoists put forth the new condition for the CA polls.

Of late, Koirala seems to be toying with the idea of going to the polls without the Maoists as “they have used the peace process only tactically and not as a commitment to democracy”. But that comes at a time when Koirala is being seen as a total failure, both at home and abroad. The fact that Delhi has not sent the agreemo, despite Shailaja Acharya, a senior Nepali Congress leader and Koirala’s niece, being recommended as ambassador, shows how seriously Delhi takes Koirala now. Out of 18 ambassadors Nepal appointed recently, five are yet to receive the agreemo. The other four: France, Denmark, Australia and Malaysia may not accept them as Nepal’s representatives to their countries since the Maoists have failed to show that they have faith in democracy and elections. But Delhi’s delay has been taken as an indication of Koirala’s legitimacy being on the decline. Sadly, the home assessment about the Koirala regime is equally negative.
Source: The Indian Express, November 28, 2007

Nepal Army not hindering PLA integration

KATHMANDU, Nov 25 - Maoist Chairman Prachanda has said that the cadres of the party’s controversial youth front, the Young Communist League (YCL), are going to transform into “sages” in the days to come. He said that as he had personally attended the central meetings of the YCL and directed that anarchic incidents of the past would not recur from now onwards.
Any YCL cadres defying the directive would be punished, Prachanda added.
He was replying to concerns and queries raised by the intellectuals at an interaction at Bharatpur in Chitwan district. The Maoist Chairman added that he has already directed the YCL not to collect donations or to take the law into their own hands. “Now the YCL men would become sages,” he said. “The reform was needed as the foreigners were plotting (against the party) on the basis of the YCL activities.” He also admitted that he was shocked by the YCL’s latest move to torture a medical team, including doctors from Morang district.

“The plot was carrying out by blackmailing the people I had invited to Kathmandu to sort out a row,” he added. “They were stealthily abducted from the airport and beaten up. I was shocked as soon as we heard about the incident.” Prachanda further said that he has advised the YCL men to do those things that were in the interest of the people. He also revealed that the YCL would issue a public notice within the next few days urging the people “not to give donations” to them. However, the Maoist leader vented his anger against the ‘big media houses’. “Some big media houses have sold themselves to the American and Indian capitalists,” he said. He added that the Nepali press was pretending as free press.
Nepal Army not hindering PLA integration’
Earlier today, taking to reporters in Chitwan Prachanda said that the Nepal Army was not a hindrance to the integration of the Maoist People’s Liberation Army (PLA) into the national army. He said that a high level commission should be set up regarding the integration of the two armies. He also revealed that two high level meetings between the Nepal Army and the Maoists were held regarding the matter. Prachanda underlined that the integration process was delayed due to the government’s indifference and the lack of interest over the issue among the concerned parties.

Prachanda, who was in Chitwan to address the seventh anniversary function of the PLA yesterday, informed that after various rounds of talks held between the two armies, he found that the Nepal Army was positive during discussions. Prachanda also informed that he had proposed the Nepal Army to train the PLA men separately for few years after integrating them in two levels of brigade and company. Stating that the Nepal Army personnel could become democratic and the PLA personnel could become professionals after the separate trainings for a few years, Prachanda said that the actual integration process could begin after that. However, the Maoist Chairman ruled out any possibility of Constituent Assembly (CA) elections unless the peace process moves ahead properly.

Likewise, on the occasion of the seventh anniversary, the PLA is organising a-week-long sports and cultural events in Chitwan. This is the first time the PLA men from the seven different cantonment converged at the Shaktikhor camp of Chitwan district to organise a sports event amidst general public.
Source: The Kathmandu Post, November 25, 2007

Nepal Maoists to resume Kangaroo courts

Kathmandu, Nov 22: The Maoists in Nepal are set to resume their feared 'Kangaroo Courts' as part of their plan to revive their parallel 'government' in an effort to step up pressure on the country's interim government that has failed to end the political stalemate with the former rebels. The Maoist leadership in Nepal's south-eastern industrial city of Biratnagar is resuming the operation of their 'Kangaroo Court' defying the landmark Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) they signed with the government last year in November which had specifically bared the former rebels from conducting such trials. The cadres of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) said they decided to revive their parallel 'government' as tension between the party and the interim government had increased in recent days after the failure to implement their core demands for a new political and electoral system in the country. "We have resumed our activities through the parallel government to exert pressure on the government as the government has been dishonest," said Shushil, assistant in-charge of Maoists in Morang district. He was quoted as saying by the Kantipur Online today that they are ready to set up their Kangaroo court as differences between them and the coalition government had increased at the center. Maoist chief Prachanda last week demanded the review of all previous agreements between the rebels and the government and reconstitution of the interim set-up, amid a floundering peace process. The Maoist chairman threatened to form a parallel legislature and government if the country was not declared a Republic immediately. CPN-Maoist recently formed Kochila State Committee in the area comprising Morang, Sunsari and Jhapa districts as per their policy to set up the parallel government.
Bureau Report
Source: Zee News, November 22, 2007

Nepal's former rebel leader warns of armed revolt: report



Mon Nov 26, 12:34 AM ET


KATHMANDU (AFP) - Nepal's former rebel leader Prachanda has threatened to take up arms again if his demand for immediate abolition of the monarchy is not met, state media reported. Prachanda and the Maoists have been wrangling with mainstream political parties over their demands for the impoverished Himalayan nation to be immediately declared a republic. The Maoists formally ended their decade-long insurgency that claimed over 13,000 lives after striking a landmark peace deal in November last year. The ultra leftists joined hands with the political parties after weeks of massive pro-democracy protests forced King Gyanendra to end his 14 months of direct rule in April 2006.



"We hoped that following 10 years of the people's war and 19-day people's movement (the pro-democracy protests) we should not fight anymore. However, we will be compelled to do so in case the parties in government and its head fail to understand this," the Rising Nepal quoted Prachanda as saying on Sunday. He was addressing the Maoists' People's Liberation Army at one of the UN monitored cantonments in Chitwan, 70 kilometres (44 miles) southwest of Kathmandu on Saturday. As part of the peace deal, the former rebel fighters and their weapons have been confined to UN monitored camps at 28 locations across the country. He said that they were in favour of peaceful protests but "could fight for decades if the situation necessitated such a fight," the newspaper said.



Under the deal, the Maoists had earlier agreed to decide the fate of the monarchy through constituent assembly elections. But polls for the assembly have already been postponed twice due to wrangling between political parties and the former rebels. The Maoists now want the country, one of the world's poorest, to be declared a republic immediately. They are also demanding full proportional voting contrary to a mixed first-past-the-post and proportional representation system previously agreed. The dispute between the Maoists and the mainstream parties led the former rebels to quit the government in September throwing the peace process is doubt.



Source: Yahoo News, November 26, 2007

Tuesday 27 November 2007

Maoist intransigence: A time of national reckoning

Ajit NS Thapa
In order to reach a consensus on the two resolutions passed by the special session of the House — that of working effectively towards making the State a republic and the adoption of a fully proportional representation (PR) system to elect members of the Constituent Assembly (CA), the house took a ten-day recess. These resolutions are in contrast to the Interim Constitution (IC), which provides for a mixed system whereby 240 members would be elected through direct representation (first-past-the post), 240 through proportional system (PR) and the fate of the monarchy would be decided by the first meeting of CA.
In fact, the resolution passed by the House was spearheaded by the Maoists as a follow up of the demands made by them just two months prior to Nov. 22. They demanded that the House declare a republic and the CA members be elected on full PR basis. The Maoists made this a pre-condition for their participation in the Nov. polls and this forced the government to postpone the election indefinitely. The Nepali Congress (NC), which currently leads the coalition, is opposed to the Maoist demand and is in favour of sticking to the provisions of IC.
After the overthrow of King Gyanendra’s authoritarian regime some 18 months ago, Nepalis expected that the nation would have durable peace. Free and fair polls would be conducted which would provide a stable government that would usher in an era of peace, security, good governance and development. Unfortunately, delivery has been far short of expectations. In spite of the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), among other accords, the Maoists have not kept their commitment to democratic norms and rule of law. If this was not bad enough, the nation is traumatised by the increasing incidence of violence in the Tarai.
Even Home Ministry’s activities seem to be confined to making promises of improving security in the future, doling out relief to the families of the victims, and declaring on an ad hoc basis martyrs under pressure from political groups. The deteriorating law and order situation in the Tarai which has been caused both by politically and criminally oriented groups has cast grave doubts on our capability to govern ourselves and to remain a integrated nation. The situation in the Tarai has been further compounded by the split in the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP) and the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF).
The latest revelation by the Maoist supremo Prachanda regarding his party’s ideology has further blurred the future political landscape. Prachanda recently stated that he had no faith in parliamentary democracy since it only took account of the majority. He also did not approve of the republican system that prevailed in the US, India,Russia and China. He asserted that he believed in competitive politics that worked on consensus. It would be helpful if he were to define his concepts more clearly. Prachanda’s latest stand that durable peace is more important than holding CA election has merit but the question that follows is: Can durable peace be attained only if the other political parties were to follow the Maoist line?In order to arrest the deteriorating state of the nation and put it on the road to stability and peace we need to ask ourselves certain fundamental questions: Do we wish to survive as a sovereign and independent nation? What kind of state restructuring and federalism will protect our sovereignty, independence and unity? Should the Interim Parliament (whose main responsibility is to hold the CA election) have the authority to declare Nepal a Republic or should it be the will of the sovereign people? If law and order is the priority of the government, why is it hesitant to mobilise its security apparatus to improve the law and order situation? Would the nation be happy if it were to land with another form of dictatorship (of the proletariat) in place of the authoritarian rule that prevailed in the past?
The SPA’s inability to hold the CA election has eroded its credibility and legitimacy in the eyes of the nation and the entire international community. The SPA, to redeem its image and to provide a modicum of relief to the people, needs to find a solution to the current impasse and announce the date for the CA polls. In line with this, it should adopt mixed member representation (MMR) which combines the merit of a mixed system (as outlined in the IC) and full PR would replace the demand for full proportional representation as passed by the special session.If a consensus cannot be reached regarding these two issues, the SPA should unanimously agree to hold a national political conference with the participation of all stakeholders to determine the future direction of the nation. It would be a great injustice to the people and the nation if our political leaders did not to rise to the occasion and free the nation fromindecision.
Source: The Himalayan Times, November 27, 2007

Analyzing the Maoist Concept Paper

Analysis of the Maoist Concept Paper: Legitimacy of Interim government, Interim Parliament and Peace Accord Ended
Conflict Study CenterContributed by: Bishnu Pathak, PhD and Chitra Niraula
The following is the unofficial translation of the first-ever Concept Paper, after initiation of the Peace Process, prepared by CPN (Maoist) Supremo Prachanda and presented by Dr. Baburam Bhattarai on Nov 16, 2007 to the Political Parties, Civil Society and Media:
Preamble of the Paper
The serious impediments to peace process and political advancement of Nepal have been accepted by all quarters. The 12-point Understanding between the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and CPN (Maoists) or (SPAM) was concluded on Nov 22, 2005 for democracy, peace and advancement. The political journey ventured through Peace Accord, Interim Constitution (IC), Interim Parliament (IP) and Interim Government (IG) and fell into peril, consequently the agenda on Constituent Assembly (CA) election, establishment of Federal Republic, and the forward looking economic and social transformation that has been agreed by both parties have not been implemented. This has ensnared the entire peace process towards impasse. The present critical situation calls to review all the earlier peace agreements and conclude new political unity based on new grounds.
A. The 19-day long Popular Movement resulting from the unity of the Maoists, who had been waging ‘People’s War’ against feudalism and monarchy since 11 years, and the SPA, waging peaceful movement against the absolute monarchy, based on the 12-point Understanding ousted the king from power. The constitutional parties went against the 12-point Understanding and merely took up restoration of Parliament and pushed aside all the other agendas, diverting the establishment of republic away from the doorstep.

B. After some hustles with the SPA, on June 16, 2006, the 8-point Agreement was concluded for democracy, peace and advancement. Again passing through ups and downs, on Oct 8, 2006 a political consensus was reached with the SPA. On Nov 21, 2006, the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) was signed with the government and the confinement of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the government army into cantonments and barracks, respectively took off. The IC was proclaimed by the IP on Jan 15, 2007. The conflict management and political advancement, absolutely through the internal efforts, without any outside involvement, is a unique model for the world.
C. CA election on mid-June 2007 was the focused purpose of the Understandings and Agreements along with the IP and IC. The violent and destructive movement in Madhes, through forces that were not in existence prior to signing of the accord, were intentionally designed and instigated by the reactionary royalist, domestic and foreign forces to disrupt the peace process including CA election. The Gaur massacre was the climax of the counter-revolutionary forces.
D. Reacting against the counter-revolution, Maoists entered into the government on March 31, 2007 expressing its solemn commitment to the peace process. The CA election was dramatically deferred. The Maoists declared the deferral of the CA polls on schedule as a violation of the peace process through a note of dissent in a high-level meeting of SPAM. Maoists forwarded the 22-point preconditions because of the deferral of the CA polls, the conclusion of which is CA can not be confirmed until the monarchy exists and is meaningless unless full proportional electoral system is adopted. Maoists resigned from the IG on Sept 18, 2007 because these two preconditions were not met.
E. On Nov 4, 2007 the Special Session of the IP on the motion of Urgent Public Importance by a simple majority passed the federal republic and proportional electoral system, which has placed the ball in the Nepali Congress’s court.
Identification of the Key Problem
A. There exist serious problems regarding the viewpoint of Maoists and SPA on peace process and political events. Although there are grave differences, SPAM has agreed to declare federal republic, which is the essence of all the Understandings and Agreements, IC and IP, and the Minimum Common Program. All these documents include the clause ‘forward looking restructuration of the state to address the problems relating to classes, ethnicities/castes, regions and gender’, and that is the commitment of both the parties to create a new political mainstream. The status quest outlook of NC is the hinderance to the political impasse.
B. The political Agreements and Understandings will not be implemented until the unitary state power, security mechanism, bureaucracy, socio-economic dynamism supporting the monarchist and feudalist system exists. The incapable leadership of NC is the principal element of political impasse.

C. The special geo-political situation of Nepal has invited the foul play and involvement of foreign power-centers. The evidence is the Madhes incidents after signing of the Peace Accord. The issue of serious concern is the lack of national unity and understanding of the political parties when the sovereignty and geographical integrity of the country is in grave danger.
D. The lack of stringent implementation of the provision of conflict management in the peace process and widening the gap between the conflicting parties are the principal problems. The poor management and care of the PLA, lack of minimum compensation to the Martyr’s families, investigation of the disappearances, are the clear challenges of the peace process.

E. Another obstacle is lack of understanding by the political parties that restructuration of the State is the restructuration of the security sector.

F. Non-participation of various ethnic and regional liberation fronts, people’s representatives, civil agitators in the peace process and political consensus resulted in the increase of violent incidents like Madhes. Another factor is the hegemony of the NC in power division in the IG. Lack of the programs affecting directly to and bringing positive change in the lives of the people during the interim period is another aspect of the problem.
Road map
There are two aspects to peace process: politico-ideology and procedural.
Politico-ideology:
• High-level dialogue to minimize the differences for creation of a new political mainstream, recognizing the differences between the parliamentarian parties and Maoists, and realization of the essence of the peace agreement by both;
• Re-commitment of both the parties to establish federal democratic republic abolishing feudalism and monarchy;
• Resolution to National Unity for promotion and protection of Independence, Sovereignty and Geographical Integrity;
• Build common understanding on proclamation of republic and CA election to be held as early as possible;
• Build consensus through a serious dialogue of the concerned actors on a uniform model of the proportionate electoral system;
• Restructuration of the security sector through democratization of Nepalese army and integration of the PLA; and
• Socio-economic transformation policies, based on peace accord and IC, to be implemented stringently.
Procedural:
• Formation of a High-Level Task Force consisting of both the sides to review the contents and implementation and recommend amendments and/or revision to all the Agreements and Understandings;
• An extensive political conference of democratic political forces like castes, ethnicities, regions, madhes, women, dalit, muslim, minorities, professionals, civil society representatives to end the political impasse;
• If necessary, effort to change the government leadership also to maintain the unity between the peace process and political parties;
• Rigorous implementation of the resolutions of the IP on republic and proportionate electoral system;
• A State Restructuration Commission to Management and care of PLA, distribution of compensation to Martyr’s families, and treatment to wounded, a High-Level Commission to investigate to the disappearances, a Land Related Commission and Corruption Investigation Commission as per the 22-point preconditions forwarded by Maoists;
• Dissolution of the one-sided Peace and Reconstruction Ministry and formation of a powerful Peace and Reconstruction Commission;
• Reformation of IG through re-division of power and responsibility in a new way; and operate the government based on the minimum common program; and
• Build political consensus and environment conducive to mutual-confidence prior to declaring new date for CA election, and the State and all the political forces to be unified to execute it.
Analysis of the Concept Paper and Conclusion
Part three of the CPA has 13 points dealing with the letter and spirit of the conflict management. The first one covers political, social and economic transformation, but nothing of substance has been done. Similarly, the second states to conduct CA polls by mid-June 2007 in a free and fair environment, but the date was postponed affecting the sovereign rights of Nepali citizens. At first, the date was deferred for two weeks. As Maoists joined the IP and then IG, the Election Commission (EC) declared it not possible to hold the election because it would require at least 110 days preparing the election. The statement was made by the EC instead of the PM or the government, and was under fire from all quarters.

Maoists alleged that the domestic and foreign forces played behind the postponment fearing they would win. It also wrote the note of dissent in the High-Level Meeting, but agreed to hold election on Nov 22. The government deferred the date of the election three times without an excuse to the people nor did it resign based on morality. The third point deals with seizing and transferring the property of the late King Birendra and family to a Trust, which is partially fulfilled. Similarly, the property of King Gyanendra kept foreign banks on abroad clandestinely and those transferred from Birendra have not been made public. The property hukum baks (granted) to the persons for nepotism and favoritism during the regime of Tribhuvan, Mahendra and Birendra is not known.
The fourth tackles the respect of human rights, competitive democratic system, sovereignty inherent in Nepalis, constitutional balance and control, rule of law, social justice and equality, etc. but people’s right to life, liberty and security are violated day in and day out. The INSEC, local human rights organization, reports that 234 people were killed, of which 12% and 9% were attributed to the government and the Maoists respectively in the one-year tenure of Peace Accord. Similarly, the Maoists abducted 64% of persons out of 772 cases in the last year. In the Central region only (10 districts of Madhes), 82 persons have been killed within the six month period. In a year period, 41% Nepal suffered from either general strikes or valley strikes, regional strikes and district strikes.

The fifth consists of ending the unitary and centralized structure of State, which continues until date and lacks federal and inclusive character. The State restructuration process based on class, caste, sex, language and regionalism has not been initiated. The sixth stipulates to end all kinds of feudalism by developing minimum common program, but nothing has been done. The seventh deals with ending feudal land ownership and executing scientific land reform, which has not taken a step ahead. The eighth one relates to promoting national industries; is it not due to this that many industries are being closed and quite a few joint venture companies are quitting? The ninth point deals with citizen’s rights to education, health, housing, employment and food security. Nothing has been done to achieve these, even during the Dashain Festival the people in the Mountain regions had no food to eat. The tenth point states economic and social security for the disadvantaged groups, which has remained in paper. The eleventh one states to meet strong action against corrupt individuals, which has remained hypothetical, because the main alleged culprits are still in power in government, bureaucracy and so on. The twelfth one calls for creating a common development concept for the nation’s economic and social transformation. The thirteenth deals in employment and professional rights.
Part 4 deals with Arms and Armies Management. UNMIN is conducting second round verification of Maoist PLA confined in the cantonments, but progress is in snail motion. Nothing, not even policy development, has been implemented towards democratization of the Nepalese Army and integration of both the armies into a National Army. It was decided to provide the facilities to Maoist PLA equal to the Nepal Army, but they received the allowance for only four months during the one-year period.

The part 5 consisting of demising through neutralizing and eliminating the mines within 60 days has only been tried as a model, the rest are as they are. It also deals with the Cease Fire Monitoring Committee that remains in the document only. Similarly, it has stopped the practice of forced extortion and taxes (cash and kind) against law, which has not stopped. In recent months, there has been a frequent report of extortion from both local and foreign groups, although the Maoists claimed voluntary contribution. It also states to release the cadres from custody within 15 days of the signing of the accord, to which only high-level leaders were released and many still remain to be released. The government has not taken any steps to get the one and a half dozen Maoist cadres imprisoned in Uttar Pradesh, India. It also states to declare or notify the families the whereabouts of the disappeared within 60 days, but no one has been declared or notified yet. On the issue of rehabilitation and relief to the victims of war, it calls for forming of a National Peace and Rehabilitation Commission, which has been established in name but is defunct. A high-level Truth and Reconciliation Commission was targeted to be formed to address grave human rights violations and abuses during the armed conflict, but in vain. The pledge to reestablish the development infrastructures destroyed and respectfully rehabilitate the displaced people during the war has merely taken tortoise steps.
Maoists are pressuring towards immediate implementation of the federal structure of governance and full proportionate electoral system (resolved by the IP by simple majority). The NC not only has caste vote against these agenda in the Special Session of the IP, but also meetings of NC’s Central Committee and Parliamentary Committee declined to implement the directive of the IP. The resolution requires 2/3 majority in the IP to revise the IC. Some pro-monarchial individuals of NC stated that they would go against the party whip to caste vote for the revision. Maoist leaders have declared to change the government leadership through the streets saying budho goru le gai ogatnu mildaina (remove the old bull overtaking the cow). The gap between the two sides is ever-widening and reaching critical point - initiating political cyclone ‘segregation of the conflict state III’, which indicates messing of the CA polls. The Maoists have given top priority to declaration of a republic rather than CA polls.

Briefly, only 10% letter and spirit of 10-point peace accord has been implemented, which resulted a huge level of frustration in all tiers. More frustration is found in the Maoists activists due to leaders have started to lead luxury lives spending most of the time in Kathmandu and other urban centers. Activists are living with very poor conditions with limited resources and contact with leaderships. Such frustration is leading to more abduction to the opponents often owing to personal retribution rather than wider political motive. On the other side, as they are receiving an enormous pressure to resume people’s court (kangaroo court) and people’s government - ‘parallel government in district and local levels’ similar to before peace accord. Reestablishment of these have in some cases already begun.
Indeed, the political crisis and uncertainty at the central level, has given some Maoist sectors fertile grounds to recommence them. Dr. Baburam publicly stated that if the House Directives could not be implemented, they would form parallel government both horizontally and vertically with haste, that finally opens the ground of urban warfare or people’s agitation backed by the PLA leaving their cantonments. If such happened, the violent, non-violent and criminal groups would be fleeing to India for their secure terrain, effecting the security situation of India. The nation shall lose its opportunity to materialize the peace process through the people’s fresh mandate. At this instance, the nation and people in general would be defeated again and only the weapons traffickers, traders and manufacturers, opportunists and conformist leaders and pro-monarchial forces would benefit.

November 22, 2007 is the date set for the CA election. As the election could not be conducted on the scheduled date, the legitimacy of the IG, IP, constitution and peace accord have failed. Nepali Congress (NC) Mahesh Acharya says, “All three parties – the state, the Maoists and the UNMIN, involved in the ongoing peace process failed to play the desired role for effective implementation of the CPA.”

In this condition, there is a big question mark to zeal and zest of people for peace, security, development and forward-looking change, just as Professor Johan Galtung writes: “Where nothing has been solved the violence will recur, after some time.”