NEPAL: YCL DEMANDS ABROGATION OF 1950 TREATY

It appears that the Maoists and the Indian establishment are playing a “hide and seek game”.
Analysts admit and others too perhaps must admit that the Maoists became Maoists of what they are today thanks to the Himalayan contributions of the Indian establishment.
The Maoists though reluctantly admit that they have had tacit arrangements with the Indian establishment at time of the 12 point agreement signed on November 22, 2005 in Delhi which provided them not only “recognition” and a bit of “legitimacy” too which facilitated their “smooth” entrance into the mainstream politics to the extent that without having faced the elections the party of the ex-rebels could secure some eighty plus seats in the “King restored” parliament.

However, of late there has been a trend slowly creeping in the Maoists paraphernalia wherein the party “suspects” the very Indian designs and concludes that the Indians in one way or the other wish to corner the party of the ex-rebels in the country’s politics for reasons that yet remains to be substantiated by the party itself.
Nevertheless, the party of the ex-rebels do give the impression through their lectures and statements that India was a country that had no love for Nepal, neither for democracy nor for peace, instead all that India wanted from Nepal and its leaders is the preservation of its national interests and in the process been luring the leaders of all parties until its goals and objectives were served.
But then India will not have a free ride in Nepal’s politics, as much is visible from the fresh political overtures coming as it does from the party of the ex-rebels.
It appears that the Maoists too have come to their senses, thanks better late than never.

To begin with Prachanda,
The commander of the Maoists party more often than not is seen deriding at the Indian establishment.
Prachanda appears to have got the point as to why India primarily supported them while in the jungles or say in Delhi basically at time of theirs being underground.
Prachanda’s mentor, Mohan Vaidya alias KIRAN is blunt in saying that India is all pervasive in Nepal’s politics and has been imposing its dictates in the internal affairs of this country.
Dev Gurung, a Maoists leader and a Minister in Koirala cabinet the other day lambasted at the Indian establishment saying that the Indian maneuverings in bringing the MJF closer to the government was a foul act and that the “friendship” in between the two will not long last.
Remarkably, Dr. Babu Ram Bhattarai, the deputy in the Maoists party hierarchy chews his words and remains ever cautious as and when he has to speak against India. This is puzzling as to why Dr. Bhattarai appears reluctant in criticizing India when he has some valid points to lambaste at India?

The most vocal are the “naughty” but courageous “boys” of the Maoists-the Young Communist league cadres- in exposing India in the recent times thus provoking their own leadership and others as well to remain ever vigilant in safeguarding Nepal’s genuine national interests.
The otherwise brilliant Nepali media ignored this time a very unusual but very “nationalistic” issues that had been “pinching” the entire Nepali population since decades and decades.
Why the Indo-pendent intelligent media ignored is though a open “secret”, however, analysts here do not want to embarrass them. After all they are our “professional” colleagues.
The fact is that the “naughty” boys of the Maoists, the YCL this time collected the courage to handover a list of demands to the India elevated Koirala which are basically nationalist in nature but “anti-Indian” in the eyes of the Indian establishment.
Analysts say what the “illustrious” Nepal’s India backed and affiliated “Loktantric” leaders should have told has come from the some what “undisciplined boys” of the Maoists-the Young Communist league cadres very recently.

The boys are thus who speak in favor of preserving the national interests could in no way be called as bad boys. At least for us at this paper would rather encourage them if they did it so time and again to jolt their leaders first and then to the party that more often not takes pleasure, indeed a sadistic one, in twisting the arms of its smaller neighbors, for example, Nepal the prime victim of Independent India after the colonial Raj came to an end in 1947.
The Young Communist League Cadres- have lately voiced their real and serious concern over what constitutes the real Nepali concern. They have demanded, among others contained in the said list , “the abrogation of all "unequal" treaties with India, including the '1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty'.
The members of Youth Communist League, Maoists' Youth wing on 23rd August this month demanded abrogation of Sugauli treaty of 1816 signed between British India and Nepal Government and the 1950 Peace and Friendship treaty with India.
This is not all they even demanded the immediate removal of Indian armies from the Kalapani area, near India-Nepal-China border in far-west Nepal and thorough investigation of the alleged border encroachment by India in different places and demolition of dams in the border areas causing submersion of Nepalese territory during the recent flood.

This they demanded from none less than Prime Minister Koirala who is number one “friend” of the Indian establishment or else why should he have been elected/nominated the prime minister of the country? Certainly, he assumed this post under the “cover” for down sizing the King who is no where on the country’s political scene, thanks the EPA plus the South Block tacit arrangements.
The important news that went ignored does tell that the YCL courage would be a mere cry in the wilderness. But then yet, the YCL in doing so has at least proven that the League is aware of the Indian designs.
The million dollar question is thus whether the YCL did this under the instructions of their top-hats or they themselves raised this national issue?
If they were given instructions from their elders, then it does indicate that the Maoists-India relationship at its lowest ebb.
Some intelligent analysts also claim that the Maoists did it so to bag people’s sympathy at time of the CA polls as other left forces do it mostly at time of the elections.
Be that as it may, the event though remained ignored but does amply tell that the Maoists party too possesses a huge number of nationalists-yet another headache for India that it is by all accounts.

Source: Telegraph Nepal, September 6, 2007

Is Foreign Aid Necessary

Sunil Poudyal

Nepal?s dependence on foreign aid has always remained more than 50 per cent of the annual budget with some exception. The donors also never bothered to study whether the aid reached among the target group or not. It has also been found that the extreme dependency of the recipient country of the aid leads to the it plunging into the deepest pit of corruption. Nepal is no exception in this regard. Besides, the provisions set by the donors are so complex, especially for poor and strategically weak countries, that the recipient can hardly secure her people?s interest and/or sovereignty.

Graft

Right from the beginning of the process of aid, the network of commission starts being framed. There is also the donor?s domination and direct/indirect intrusion within the realm of freedom of the recipient. The recipient country has to satisfy the intermediaries, agents as well as some officials of the donor country or organization. The donor imposes on the method of the utilization of aid amount, ways to implementation the project, recruitment of advisors and most of the top level officials, procurement of machineries, equipment and logistics etc. This is rather unfortunate but a reality.If the administrators are visionary, sincere, dedicated, honest, confident, determined and if they have integrity, Nepal does not need any donor to help for its development. But we should hurry to stop the dependency on aid because its addiction to our economy is so severe that haste in this direction can ruin the economy. It should be decreased gradually to zero level within a few years. No country can remain aloof in the modern world. All the countries in the globe are interdependent. But interdependence and domination are two different things. Nepal holds nature?s blessings no less than other countries in the globe, though the type might be different. Until about two decades back we used to export bricks, cement, bamboo shoots, sugar, rice, floor etc to Tibetan Autonomous Region of China. There was also a time when we had exported timber to the then USSR. We have been exporting carpets, garments, herbs etc to foreign countries; the volume of exports fluctuate affecting the foreign earnings because of some problems including the lack of consistency in national rules and regulation.. If we pay due attention to make our policy, quality etc compatible to exploration and expansion in our foreign trade, we do not have to worry much to make the balance of payment favorable. Nepal is said to be a country with the second highest hydropower potential in the world. There is no doubt that if we go for mega hydro projects, they depend on foreign aid. By developing water resources for generating power, it can also be exported to India. It needs huge investment either through foreign or loans. However, the buyers are limited and Nepal has to abide by the conditions imposed by them. Therefore mega projects do not seem to be feasible for the country. Attracting foreign investments for joint ventures or national industrialists for medium scale hydro projects might be suitable for the country as power can be sold at the local markets. However, we should not forget to target our neighboring countries also to cash in on the surplus power, if any, provided the agreement is beneficial to us. It would be contextual to note that mega project of any kind is unsuitable to us considering the huge investment on imported resources and raw materials and equipment and because of transit problems.

It is advisable to also encourage small investment for micro scale hydro projects and other sectors. Again we should always remember that our policy and facilities guaranteed to the entrepreneurs should be reasonable, consistent and compatible to the interest of the country. If we develop hydro power project extensively, we can develop cable cars and rope ways facilities, extending them, especially, in the remote areas. It will also contribute much to solve the grave problem of irrigation and drinking water facilities.. It is worth remembering that the construction of is very expensive together with a big sum required for regular maintenance in comparison to cable cars and rope way system. The degradation of the environment is another curse that the land routes invite. Similarly, soil erosion, land slides and pollution that land routes initiate naturally causes extra burden on the national purse and hampers the life of human beings and the flora and fauna. Besides, regular import of means of transport and accessories is another big burden that the country has to face. The ropeway system help create market for the products of remote areas to cities and vice versa and the cable cars; to boost the tourism industry. The ridge, vivid impression of nature, the diaphanous landscape, the rock band, varieties of climate, unfathomable precipices, the flora and fauna, varieties of birds and animals (some rare in the world), varieties and colorful insects and butterflies, rivers for rafting, places for gliding and bungee jumping etc are the things which can tempt not only foreign tourists but also the domestic ones. The development of tourism will initiate the expansion of inns, hotels, restaurants, rest houses etc with the utilization of local materials.

Prosperity

If we cast our eyes from the east to the west of our country, some areas in the hills are very much favorable for grazing, cattle and sheep farming, dairy industry, fodder etc. Similarly, some areas are very promising for various fruits and vegetable, and some areas for forest products like Bijayasal ( Tacocarpus Marsupium). If these could be harnessed properly some of them can be exported to earn foreign currency. All these activities mentioned also help generate opportunities of local employment which naturally support to increase per capita income of the country. These all show that Nepal can not only survive without aid but also can prosper.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 6, 2007

50 Years Of Nepal-Egypt Relations : Present Reality And Future Prospects

Hira Bahadur Thapa

As early as 1957, Nepal had decided to establish diplomatic relations with the Arab Republic of Egypt, and as a result, we have a Nepalese embassy in Cairo functioning for half a century. Likewise, the Government of the Arab Republic of Egypt has maintained its diplomatic representation in the Nepalese capital with a full-fledged ambassador as the Head of the Mission. Their decision to maintain diplomatic representation at the higher level only suggests the importance attached by the respective governments of Nepal and Egypt to their bilateral relations. Historical perspectiveNepal's relations with the Arab Republic of Egypt in the Fifties must be viewed against the historical backdrop of the growing desire of the country to widen and diversify its diplomatic representation abroad. If history is any guide, opening of Nepal's foreign missions was precipitated by the dawn of democracy in the country in February 1951. It is obvious that Nepal had established diplomatic relations with no more than four countries till that time. The fundamental question here is to understand the rationale for the then government of Nepal to decide on maintaining diplomatic relations with a far off country located in the north of Africa, which is part of the Near East from the standpoint of geography. It may sound logical to recall and discuss a little bit about the various factors that played a crucial role in influencing the decision of Nepal to establish diplomatic relations with Egypt. We should take note of the period when newly independent developing countries in the continent of Africa and Asia were very much eager to forge a close relationship among themselves. That relationship had provided them an opportunity to work in unity for achieving common benefits by launching a joint struggle against bi-polarism which characterised the then prevailing global situation. Unfortunately, the world was divided into two rival blocs based on ideological grounds until the end of the Cold War in the Nineties. Those newly-born countries with very low level of development faced a host of problems, the most pressing of which was to safeguard their sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence. The rivalry for power represented by two differing blocs led by the West and East was basically based on political ideology. That confrontational scenario posed a serious threat to the freedom and liberty acquired by the developing countries. A majority of such countries have had to fight wars of independence lasting several years. Even the Arab Republic of Egypt has a bitter history of being ruled by various powers like the French, the British and the Ottomon Empire. One of the deciding factors that resulted in the establishment of diplomatic relations between Nepal and Egypt was the lead role taken by the Arab Republic of Egypt in the Movement of Non-alignment. Cairo even played host to the second NAM Summit Conference in 1964. Additionally, Nepal must have taken into account the emerging clout of Egypt, as an important player in Middle East diplomacy because of the latter's association with the Arab League, an organisation of 22 Arab speaking countries, and also its close relationship with the United States, a world superpower. With a significant size of population (now about 75 million), where the highest seat of Islamic studies is Al Azhar University, and also being a renowned centre of ancient civilisations like the Pyramids of Giza, among others, Egypt indeed held a lot of promises for a country like Nepal which was trying to cultivate bilateral relations with as many countries as possible. Nepal's interest in nurturing bilateral relations with such a resourceful country is obviously understandable. Relations at presentNepal-Egypt relations have always remained cordial and warm ever since the establishment of diplomatic ties on July16, 1957. Co-operation between these two countries is found in such fora as NAM and G-77, among others. As Third World countries, they have been holding identical views on many issues of concern to them. Nepal and Egypt have been in the Peacekeeping Committee of the UN General Assembly. In many UN Missions, Nepal and Egypt have been contributing to world peace by sending peacekeepers, which include civilians, police and army personnel. Coincidentally, seven Egyptian Monitors are deployed in UNMIN (UN Mission in Nepal) and are, thus, making contributions to advancing the on-going peace process in Nepal. Nepal and Egypt have also exchanged delegations at different levels on different occasions. Comparatively speaking, there has been a higher level of delegations from the Nepalese side than those from Egypt. Nepal has sent various ministerial level delegations to Egypt. Many of them are from the Agriculture Ministry. The then Foreign Minister, Prof. Krishna Raj Aryal, was the first to pay an official visit to Egypt in that capacity, who went to Egypt in 1976. Former Nepalese Foreign Minister Shailendra Kumar Upadhyaya also visited Egypt in 1989 at a time when Nepal was facing difficulties because of the no-transit regime with India. The Nepalese delegation led by then Speaker of the House of Representatives Ram Chandra Poudel had visited Egypt in September 1997 to participate in the 98th Conference of Inter-Parliamentary Union. Nepal's current Foreign Minister Sahana Pradhan very recently paid an official visit to the Arab Republic of Egypt from July 13-16.In April 1980, Dr. Boutros Boutros Ghali paid an official visit to Nepal when he was Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of Egypt. More importantly Dr. Boutros Boutros Ghali was appointed the Secretary General of the United Nations, the first African national as well to assume that high post. There were some ministerial visits from Egypt to Nepal in the Nineties. In March 1996, the then Egyptian Minister for Electricity and Energy M Maher Abaza visited Nepal from December 1-2, 1998. The official visit of Dr. Ezzat Saad El Sayed, Assistant Minister for Asian Affairs in the Egyptian Foreign Ministry took place from May 19-22, 2005 at the invitation of the Government of Nepal.TradeIn today's world of globalisation, as many countries are vying for closer economic integration, economic relations between countries play an important role. Such relations obviously cover a wide range of fundamental issues like trade, investment, tourism and foreign employment that affect the lives of people. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration to state that promotion of deeper bilateral relations of countries are very much dependent on the economic aspect. Stronger economic relationships tend to bring the countries closer to each other. Notwithstanding this fact, trade relations between Nepal and Egypt have hardly been strong, keeping in view the existing volume of trade between the two countries. Available data show that Egypt has been enjoying a trade surplus with Nepal. Taking into account the vast potentialities that exist between the two countries for a stronger trade relationship, there is no reason why the trade volume cannot go up.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 2, 2007

Maoist foreign policy based on Panchasheel: Gajurel

Kathmandu, July 25: Except for some timely modifications, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) does not have any immediate plan of making a major shift in the existing foreign policy of the country. The major thrust of the CPN-Maoist's foreign policy is based on the five Principles of Panchasheel.However, fraternal relations with the Maoist forces across the world will be continued on the basis of 'proletariat internationalism', said C.P. Gajurel, chief of the Foreign Relations Department of the CPN-Maoist. Since we entered into a new political phase, we have made some changes in our foreign policy. Now we represent in the parliament and we are a part of the interim government. We are aiming at forming our own government after the elections of the Constituent Assembly. So we must have certain policies to deal with different states and different governments Talking to The Rising Nepal on various issues relating to foreign relations, he said Maoist foreign policy will not deviate from the major international practices. "We have to work in such a way that our policy should not contradict with the existing international practices. We think we can do it. "Responding to a query as to how the Maoist would develop its international relations without active support of the United States of America and India, Gajurel said, "First of all, we do not want to single out any government for developing relations. We don't want to exclude any country. We are open and want to develop amicable relations with all."

So far as the US is concerned, it has not been supportive to this process from the very beginning when the CPN-Maoist and seven parties entered into a 12-point agreement. The US was against the negotiations between the seven parties and the CPN-Maoists. The basic policy of the US was to make an alliance between the monarchy and seven parties and exclude the Maoist from that alliance and ignite suppression against the Maoist. But it utterly failed as the alliance between seven parties and the Maoist took a concrete shape. It is very unfortunate that the US has not taken any concrete decision to remove our party from their list of terrorists, he affirmed. So far India is concerned; it is very important part of our foreign policy. Nepal and India are very close neighbours in every respect. Relations with India are very important. But we will have 'equi-proximate relations' with both India and China, said Gajurel. "We don't think our relationships with revolutionary forces in different parts of the world should jeopardise the relations with these two neighbours." Despite 'unpleasant response' of the US, are you still hopeful about patching differences with the world's superpower? In response to this question Gajurel said that people should not be worried about the relations with the US. "There are countries in this world which are doing well without US assistance. Nobody should worry about that our development activities would suffer due to bitter relations with the US. There are countries, which are doing fine, even without US assistance."

Gajurel further said, "We are surprised as to why the US is so critical about us. It was fine when we were a rebellion force, but now we are in the parliament and we are also a part of the government. It looks funny that they recognise the parliament, they recognise the government, but it is quite surprising that they do not recognise our party." Because of this erroneous policy, the Bush administration has been isolated from other parts of the world as well. Jimmy Carter, former president of the US while he was here had a meeting with our leaders and told them that the US should not have continued the previous policy, Gajurel added. ''They should have removed the terrorist tag' this is what Carter told our leaders. Former US president Carter was very positive about our democratic transformation. Even the United Kingdom, the close ally of the US has taken our move very positively. So are you optimist about the Democrats in the US? Gajurel in response to this question said "Though their basic foreign policy is not going to be changed, but we are very hopeful that the victory of Democrats in 2008 US elections will definitely review the previous government's policy," he said. It is said that the activities of the Young Communist League (YCL) have been counter-productive to the process of democratisation of your party. Do you agree with this observation? In response to this query he said ?"We don't agree with such remarks because they are totally biased and baseless.Whoever makes such comments they do not have any evidence when and where the YCL violated the democratic norms. They (YCL) are supporting the administration or police force." We always welcome healthy suggestions. The other political parties blame the YCL for bullying, but they do not comment anything over the incidents of kidnappings and killings in the Terai. Such violent activities will be a real problem for holding the elections of Constituent Assembly, he added.

Regarding the Maoists' chairman's Europe visit he said, "We have had very positive experience. We are really encouraged by their overwhelming response." Responding to a query about the possible deviation from the principles of Marxism, Leninism and Maoism while moving towards the path of democratisation, he said ? "No we are not deviating. We are trying to adopt those philosophies according to the changed context, but without any obliteration in the spirit of those philosophies. Instead, we are enriching Marxism, Leninism and Maoism. But one has to understand that Marxism is not a dogma. It needs to be modified as per the changed context. In fact it is a guide to action, he said. What about CPN-UML's transformation to new democracy? As far as the CPN-UML is concerned, it has basically deviated from Marxism and Leninism. Because they are not in favour of class struggle, but for class-coordination. And they have given up new democracy. But you are also moving towards the path of CPN-UML. Aren't you? He said "No we are just in the process of applying Marxism and Leninism in the changed context."Our political rivals have spread a rumour that we are not democrats. But we can prove that communists are the real democrats, because we represent the will of 90-95 per cent people across the country. We are not against any democracy and democratic forces. Regarding globalisation and Nepal's entry into the World Trade Organisation, he said " "We are not against it, but it should be adopted according to the financial strength of a country. We should be in a position to reap benefits out of globalisation."


Source: The Rising Nepal, July 26, 2007

Diplomats And Dilemma

Minister for External Affairs Ms. Sahana Pradhan conferred with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala Tuesday to sort out issues concerning the appointment of envoys to the different countries where Nepal has its resident missions. Minister of External Affairs Ms. Pradhan apprised the prime minister of the ambassadorial posts sought by the Maoists in such countries as South Korea, France, the United Kingdom and Denmark. The Prime Minister, as reported, does not seem to be persuaded by the demands made by the Maoists. The differences over the sharing of diplomatic appointments to the major countries among the political parties have created hurdles in finalising the process for sending envoys to the different countries where Nepal has vital stakes in serving the nation's larger economic and strategic interests. Needless to mention, the resident missions in countries like India, USA and UK that are consistently backing Nepal in its transformative process into a democratic and prosperous country have been lying vacant for almost a year and a half.

This has several diplomatic implications with negative tones. Since the case of Nepal, especially in the context of its democratic political transformation, needs to be ably explained and presented in the international community. The absence of ambassadors to represent the country in meaningful terms is a case of diplomatic deficit. This can be attributed to the poor performance of the government itself to gather consensus on such a vital issue and arrive at a timely conclusion. It is to be recalled that the list of likely candidates had been drawn up some moths ago, but it was due to the objections raised by the Maoists that the process got stuck. The Interim Constitution requires the nominees for ambassadorial assignments to face parliamentary scrutiny and win legislative approval before being confirmed for the posts. This is a very important provision incorporated in the basic law of the land as it can contribute to selecting able and qualified persons for diplomatic assignments. As stressed by the minister of the external affairs, it is high time the political parties arrived at a consensus to appoint envoys to the different countries to head the diplomatic missions soon. This, however, cannot be done once the Election Commission issues a code of ethics for the polls to the constituent assembly to be adhered to by the government itself.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 26, 2007

Diplomacy : What Does The Latest Trend Indicate?

Madhavji Shrestha

It is high time Nepal's politically authoritative players were aware of the recent developments in the diplomatic arena. Very glaringly, the initial years of the 21st century are witnessing the dismantling of the strongly fortified walls of traditional diplomacy. It is evident that the growing supremacy of the common people combined with the enhancement of knowledge on international affairs even among the masses have led to shifting trends in the conduct of diplomacy, which was formerly considered an exclusive business of government-authorised diplomatic officials. Public diplomacyThe fundamental right to information enjoyed by the people in general has also led to the development of this new trend. As a consequence, the much pronounced public diplomacy and track-two diplomacy (people-to-people diplomacy) are fast gaining ground. The first relates to the people's inherent right to remain informed about the government's actions concerning external affairs, and the second is, becoming helpful in making international relations people-initiated to solve problems. Numerous developments can be advanced to support this trend.

Alongside this development, newer concepts and practices are making headway in the realm of diplomacy and its related fields. The old mindset and attitude are giving in to new thinking and approach. Straightforwardness and openness, instead of working behind the screen and remaining aloof in diplomatic business, have now come to stay in recent years. "Soft Power" and "Soft Ear" are now figuring prominently in diplomatic activities around the world. Dr. Joseph S. Nye Jr., a reputed expert on international affairs at Harvard University, is a leading figure who has been propagating the concept of soft power. He says soft power, as opposed to hard power, is "not the power to coerce, bully, browbeat and bribe, but the power to attract, to persuade, to influence through wisdom, example and attentiveness." In the present day world, excessive reliance on the hard power of economic strength and military might for any breathtaking achievement on the diplomatic front is neither recommended nor appreciated by the civilised society. Of course, hard power can still make the day under some unavoidable circumstances, but the solution arrived at through the use of this power will not be ever lasting, nor appear acceptable to all the concerned and affected people. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon has, in his recently published write-up, put his trust on the wisdom of the soft ear which he has described as "discernment ? seeing a person or situation in the round, the bad with the good, and being able to establish rapport and an effective working relationship despite disagreement, however sharp". He believes in "engagement, dialogue before confrontation." This shows the uprightness of understanding and rapprochement in diplomatic activity. Interestingly, his belief to act accordingly to solve the problems facing the UN at the moment is beyond any doubt and debate.

The development of the softer tendency and behaviour in recent days largely owes itself to the increased awareness of humanitarian consideration. Certainly, this trend would reign supreme and stand above the narrow nationalistic feelings and ethnic divisiveness that still unfortunately torture humans in various underdeveloped regions of this planet. Social consciousness has to grow on a global scale to eliminate anything that frets the human society. Today, human concern is omnipresent in every aspect of global activity. Diplomacy and its relevant concerns are not outside its circumference. In reality, diplomacy is a "human intensive" activity. It is conducted largely through personal communications and individual actions, evaluations and decisions as well as concomitant activity in the course of carrying on diplomatic duties and functions.The requirement of diplomacy for spontaneous human involvement is usually presented as one of the key conditions for the diplomatic success of wider implication and greater dimension. Still the core need of diplomacy is closer human interactions as well as human touch. This, in turn, necessitates more human communications and greater human contacts that greatly depend on skills and abilities learnt and acquired by diplomats in question. The need to measure and examine these qualities should never be sidelined under any circumstance. Importantly, the overriding need to understand intentionality is of utmost significance, whether it be in modern diplomacy or post modern diplomacy. The human component in diplomatic dealings and concerns would never diminish even if one were to rely on the recent tools of information technology. The correct intentionality can be properly judged only if there is sufficient human touch and interaction. No other possibility appears before us than human contact and connectivity.Most recently, diplomacy on the one side is being conducted openly and, so to say, in a transparent way, and is becoming more public oriented. On the other, it requires a human approach to gain success of any consideration despite the predominance being taken away by the rapid development of information technology designed and specifically meant for it. Every nation desiring to send abroad appropriate ambassadors and envoys takes into serious consideration these highly needed qualities.

Virtual diplomacyWhile considered the emerging global environment, the Nepalese government needs to be highly selective in assigning ambassadors and envoys keeping in view the qualities and capabilities required of them in the recently developed context of diplomatic behaviour and practices if any perceptible success is to be expected from them. If not, it would be far better to conduct diplomacy for carrying out any sort of bilateral and international relations and related affairs through the use of e-diplomacy and/or virtual diplomacy through cyberspace. The Foreign Ministry, as the principal agent of the government responsible for conducting Nepali diplomacy, needs to make a definite choice between human intensive diplomacy and an electronics driven one. For the former, the country needs people enriched with well-rounded diplomatic skills and knowledge, whereas for the latter ,diploproject equipped with diploportals should be on hand to see it materialise. Could the authorities at the helm take it as their circumstance-led decision? This must remain very high on the agenda.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 26, 2007

Foreign aid: Can it work for new Nepal?

Bishwambher Pyakuryal

Following the implementation of Foreign Aid Policy, 2002, grants have exceeded loans, projects have been prioritised, Poverty Reduction Fund has been established and Nepal has been receiving Poverty Reduction Support Credit. Similarly, aid has started to flow according to government priorities, though it is questionable if these are government’s independent priorities.The quality of aid has improved to some extent, especially after promulgation of the act. However, there are serious problems with management of such aid, including lack of proper recording, impractical conditionality and lack of transparency. A recent aid effectiveness study conducted by B P Bhattarai shows that both bilateral and multilateral aid can be effective in the long run. However, relationship between aid and per capita GDP has been found to be negative in both aggregate and disaggregated forms in the short-run, implying that the country suffers from lack of absorptive capacity and high aid volatility. This study can be complemented with other findings from the ADB, which show that while macro-policy environment and quality of governance have a direct bearing on poverty reduction, aid effectiveness is not critically contingent on them.Effectiveness rather differs under different environments, with differing quality of governance. On an average, aid is effective when it is moderate in volume. It becomes ineffective when its size exceeds the absorptive capacity of the target country. A cross-country empirical analysis by the World Bank conducted under Stephen Knack reveals that a high level of aid erodes institutional quality, increases rent-seeking and corruption, and therefore, has an adverse impact on growth.

It is recognised that aid helps economic growth in developing countries with sound policies and high quality public institutions. The problem lies with the compatibility of policy choice under different structural settings in conflict-prone countries like Nepal. Linking internationally practiced macroeconomic policies in assistance strategies without restructuring the institutional framework has backfired on development missions in Nepal.In fact, aid rarely manages to get things done which the countries could do themselves. Even with incredibly high aid inflows, poor countries are just as poor now as they were a decade ago. In most cases, aid has only fostered corruption and irresponsible policy-making. This is indeed the case with Nepal.

In Nepal, foreign assistance has not contributed to growth, especially with regard to its ability to supplement savings, foreign exchange and government revenues. The country’s failure to reduce aid and foreign borrowing by closing resource gaps has also not facilitated economic policy autonomy. The new government faces the challenge of reducing debt burden and increasing revenue by properly managing resource allocation under the proposed federal structure. Analysis of fiscal impact under a federal state should be our priority. Attention should go towards making aid money accessible to the poor, providing safe drinking water to villagers and guaranteeing poor children primary education.As external assistance has not been able to make a significant contribution to Nepal’s integration process, advocates of liberalisation have been disappointed. With billions of outstanding debt under the reform programme, Nepal has made a poor showing in public finance, price and supply situation, money and banking, international trade, transport and communications, agriculture and tourism, and social services. There is a big question mark on enhancing the competitive edge of Nepal’s development projects.A crucial determinant of competitiveness is productivity of key inputs. It is the key to improving national economic well-being by attracting domestic and foreign investors to the local economy. Nepal’s competitive advantage in lower wages is offset by low labour productivity. Out of 200 countries, the majority of Nepal’s indices in one of the top priority sectors, viz tourism, fall way behind other countries.

Nepal is characterised by red light in infrastructure, technology, human resources, openness and social index. This is the reason why revolutionary leaders in new Nepal should carefully assess trade-offs between assets and liabilities created by external assistance.Emerging from the ‘poverty trap’ does not necessarily mean a push for larger aid. It is also no guarantee that aid will increase productivity by bridging the ‘financing gap’. An increase in foreign aid and debt relief has not eliminated poverty in Africa. As much as 39% of Africa’s capital is believed to be held by those outside the continent. This clearly shows that investment depends upon the rate of return and increased bank lending. The need of the hour is to create an environment for investment where rates of return are higher than debt.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 6, 2007

Labour Accord

Nepal and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have signed a deal to arrange and regulate exchange of workers with a view to ensuring that Nepalese labourers working in the UAE are protected and conferred with the rights that are universally granted to the workers employed outside their own countries. This is the first bilateral agreement of its kind which has been agreed upon and initialled between Nepal and the countries of the Gulf. Although a similar accord was said to have been signed with Qatar at the time of the Royal regime some one-and-a-half years ago, it is, according to the Minister of State for Labour and Transport Ramesh Datta Lekhak, the first accord that entrusts legal status to the Nepalese workers employed in any country outside Nepal. The bilateral agreement comes into effect soon, and the salient features of the deal makes the government of Nepal and the UAE accountable for safeguarding the rights of the Nepali labourers and maintaining salary standards and contracting compulsory health insurance for them. Moreover, the accord provides the Nepali workers rights and the legal status to fight against attempts to encroach upon their entitlements.

The most important part of the agreement has been that it seeks to prevent improper practices and deceptive tricks by the private manpower agencies that tend to exploit the workers by demanding exaggerated fees, while providing false information about their working conditions in the host country. According to Minister for Labour of the UAE, Dr. Ali Bin Abdulla Al Kabbi, the deal confirms the importance of the supply and recruitment of the Nepali labour force on a firm foundation in accordance with the laws and regulations in force in both the countries. The positive aspect of the agreement has been that it defines manpower as temporary workers intended to be employed for a specified period of time as per the work contracts and indicates the rights and obligations of the employees and employers. As has been mentioned by the authorities of both the countries, the accord constitutes a milestone in protecting the rights and entitlements of the Nepali workers. Since the trend of the Nepalese people going outside and working there has been consistently on the rise, Nepal should seek to agree upon and sign similar accords with other countries including Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and so on. What matters significantly is not so much the signing of the accords as their implementation in the real sense of the terms.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 5, 2007

India-Nepal Sentimental Relationship

Kamala Sarup

There are many commonalities in culture, music and other social aspects between Nepal and India. The recent musicians showed that there are no boundaries between India and Nepal and they shared almost everything. It is a traditional musical instrument common to both Nepal and India and has grown in each of the countries both independently and through constant interactions. The commonalities of culture are always major assets to bring people of Nepal and India together. One cannot ignore these commonalities of culture".(Source:Spotlight)
Nepal and India have intimate relationship. India and Nepal are close and friendly neighbors. Relations between Nepal and India have been traditionally close. Our relationship is unique.
How do we look at ethnic diversity in India and in Nepal? What do we suggest to implement various programs effectively for the people?

A Nepali Scholar said recently to me"Talking about India first, there is no other nation-state on the planet that is as diverse as India. Nepali statesmen, thinkers and political party activists must take lessons from India's success in this regard. In about 60 years of independence Indian leaders have created institutions and means to come up with a progressively integrated nation. The federated state structure and recognition of regional languages, secular constitution, massive educational investment, affirmative action, separation of powers and independent bureaucracy, economic liberalization and other such bold initiatives have given theIndian state legitimacy and resiliency through turbulent times". He said
"The media works in tandem with non-governmental organisations and intelligentsia, and they together form civil society in a conflict situation. Further, reality is often mediated through the media. It is only based on the information provided by the media, people make a choice. If people do not get enough information, their choice will not be an informed one. So the rights of journalists are important to fearlessly report events of diverse nature. For instance, at least seven journalists have been reported missing during the emergency period in Nepal a year ago. Media should continue its efforts towards a just resolution to the conflict. It should highlight efforts towards peace and downplay events that escalate conflict. One may call this as advocacy journalism. But that is how journalism has to function in a conflict situation.

Ethnic diversity should be appreciated. At times, in the name of unity, uniformity is promoted. The concept of unity in diversity should gain ground in both the countries. Nepalese population may be broadly classified into three major ethnic groups in terms of their origin: Indo-Nepalese, Tibeto-Nepalese and indigenous Nepalese. More than 75 percent of the population is Indo-Nepalese. In India, the emergence of coalition governments at the centre is a reflection of the aspirations of different linguistic and social groups. Thus now the central government in India has council of ministers from diverse caste, ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. Polity should have heterogeneity because, after all, it has to cater to a heterogeneous population. Probably, Maoist insurgency in Nepal would decline if aspirations of different sections of the people were met.
There is a tendency both in India and Nepal to deny caste discrimination, or rather to take a functionalist stand of justifying the caste system in terms of the Hindu social order. Does this approach promote social harmony? Definitely, not. The first step to get rid of social discrimination is to accept the fact that there is discrimination. For instance, the position of not recognising caste as a discriminatory factor taken by India and Nepal at the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in Durban in 2001 only helps safeguard such unjust social structures". Dr. I. Arul Aram, Ph.D., said to me.

Dr Arul further added "At times, Nepalese elites living outside the country are Kathmandu-centric and they fail to notice any of the problems of rural Nepal. India being a big neighbour, it is nothing wrong having cooperation in terms of military supplies and sharing of defence intelligence information. The Maoist insurgency in Nepal has claimed over 10,000 lives since it began in February, 1996. It now affects 73 out of 75 districts. The rebels have raised their own guerrilla force, militia and parallel government units in their strongholds. They also operate parallel people’s courts and are preparing to implement new Maoist-oriented syllabi in schools in their strongholds. This has made the Government dysfunctional in almost all Nepal". "In a developing country, the Government has a large share in development. But the Government should be committed and be devoid of corruption. Also, tendency of Nepalese governance to centralise and the lack of focus on development are sustaining Maoist insurgency. Only development can bring forth an egalitarian society and help integrate the refugees into the mainstream. Nepal is a small country and the problems cannot be big if there is a political will to solve them. Recent opinion polls in Nepal show that there is an overwhelming public support for peace".he said.

Source: Mediafreedom.com, June 24, 2007

NEPAL: ENTER CHINA, EXIT INDIA?

N.P.Upadhyaya

Kathmandu: Gone are the days of Indian hegemony in Nepal, it appears. The self-proclaimed “big-brother”-India-now will have yet another “real big brother” in Kathmandu to counter the Indian hegemony.
If one were to believe what the freshly appointed Chinese Ambassador to Nepal, Zhen Xianglin, has said to a vernacular fortnightly the other day, what appears to be for sure is that China will henceforth not tolerate any Indian hegemony and dictates imposed on this India-locked country.
Ambassador Xianglin appears to have understood the inner problems and the issues plaguing this country in details though his stay in Kathmandu has not even exceeded two months time.

However, the manner he has understood the political events currently unfolding in this country and the way he has expressed his country’s views in a firm and determined style does hint that now onwards China too would be a “player” in Nepali politics which is what Comrade Prachanda too prefers.
This means that China as a “traditional and trustworthy neighbor of Nepal” will have its own axis in Nepal that will comprise of a single country-China itself.
Judging at what the Chinese Ambassador has told to the vernacular fortnightly, what becomes abundantly clear is that China will be more interested now onwards to safeguard her own political interests in this country that are aplenty, to say the least.
The Chinese envoy assuring Nepal in a subtle manner authoritatively says that China has not yet deflected from what Marshal Chen Yi as back as in 1961 October 2 had told of Nepal.

To recall, Marshal Chen Yi during a visit to Kathmandu had said, in his own words, “China will not tolerate if there is any aggression against Nepal by any country”.
The Chinese envoy’s emphasis and reassurance to the Nepalese people that China still valued what Marshal Chen Yi said long time back must force some countries in Nepal’s neighborhood to pull their hairs.
The countries near and far dictating Nepal to do this or to do that must not have taken these fresh Chinese sentimental attachments towards Nepal in good taste.
Now what is more than clear is that China will show its presence in this country which so far remained in what has been called as a “low profile” status.
Beijing, better late than never, appears to have realized that any political disturbances in Nepal and its adjoining areas might have a profound impact upon its own under belly-Tibet autonomous region. It is perhaps these factors which prompts the Chinese envoy to suggest the Nepali establishment to sort out the political issues plaguing the Terai/Madhesh at the earliest fearing probably its impact might reach up to the bordering town of China.

However, China says, no external interference should be there while sorting out the Terai issues. This is significant in more ways than one. The message should be loud and clear to those who have been poking their nose in Nepal’s what the Ambassador says, “Internal affairs”.
The Chinese Ambassador appears more than happy with the Nepalese authorities who have assured him and his country that any anti-China activities will not be allowed to occur in the Nepali soil.
In effect, this is what China wants from Nepal and in lieu China is more than willing to contribute to the development of this country by what ever means it can. Chinese grand assurance comes once again in the form of a million dollar assurance wherein its commits itself that China will come into action the moment she concludes that Nepal’s territorial integrity and national independence were in jeopardy.
However, what is bewildering some analysts is that such similar statement both in content and nature had emanated in Kathmandu early last year when a Chinese State councilor Tang Jiaxuan-a comparatively higher authority in the Chinese state hierarchy-too had assured the then ruling regime but when it came to the crunch, the expected Chinese support was “missing”.

Look what Mr. Tang had said then, “We consistently support Nepal in its effort to safeguard sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Nepal is a sovereign country, and its internal affairs shall not be interfered with in any way by any outside forces. We believe that the Nepalese government and people have the political wisdom and capabilities to solve their own problems.
How and which factors/forces converged together and managed the ouster of the Royal regime is any body’s guess. The naked Indian interference that was visible then is not a thing that any one could presume that the Chinese authorities did not know or understand.
The Royal regime definitely had counted on Chinese support more so after the Tang’s speech made right here in Kathmandu. The Chinese silence acquired then is yet shrouded in a mystery

Should this mean that China will even now allow Indian South Block mandarins to impose their heinous dictates in an uninterrupted manner and would only come into full action or play when India infringed upon Nepal’s territorial integrity and sovereignty? At least this much becomes visible from the Chinese Ambassador’s interview. However, surprising though it may appear to some, more so to the chagrin of the Americans, the Chinese envoy sees a friend in the Maoists. He says since they have been already a part of the interim government that enjoys people’s mandate and legitimacy so nothing could be said of the Maoists. He further says that “looking the Maoists might differ from one country to the other hinting that China does not bother what the Americans see the Maoists. Hmmm….
In a subtle manner, the Chinese envoy possesses some soft corner for the Maoists for reasons unknown to analysts here. But some intelligent brains here conclude that China would keep the Maoists close to them in order to distance the India’s all pervasive political interference in this country.

To put it in another words, China would want the Maoists to act like a deterrent against the Indian hegemony in Nepal which others have failed so far.
No wonder, some top Maoists leaders have already traveled to China in order to build conducive political atmosphere in their favor.
Reports have it that Comrade Prachanda together his son-Prakash-will be visiting Beijing some where around October-November.
This is no less disturbing news for Indian authorities.
Added reports say that one Chinese professor Wang Hoi mediated the China-Maoists friendship. Prof. Wang is considered to be a brain on South Asian affairs.
Be that as it may, with China’s forceful assertion that it would have its presence felt in this country bodes well for this India-locked country for a variety of seen and unseen reasons.

No less important is the Chinese envoy’s admission that his country was ready to supply petro-products to Nepal if properly requested.
Analysts presume the Chinese political influence, in that eventuality will be, mathematically speaking, inversely proportional to that of the self-proclaimed big-brothers’ influence in Nepal.
Not a bad news. It’s time that the South Block mandarins begin pulling their hairs! However, Indians are not that fools. They have several cards under their sleeve and countless stooges working day in day out funded by the notorious RAW-Research Analysis Wing. Which card they will use to counter the fresh Chinese enthusiastic political overtures will have to be watched and how in such an eventuality, the Chinese retort back will be no less entertaining-speaking on political terms.

Source: The Telegraph Nepal, June 14, 2007

Nepal vis-a-vis Asia-Pacific security

Bhaskar Koirala

The conclusion in Singapore of the annual International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Asia Security Summit (or Shangri-La Dialogue) on June 3, which witnessed the largest ever gathering of defence and foreign ministers, plus chiefs of defence staff and others, affords an opportunity for Nepal to examine its role and prospects in the broader scheme of Asiansecurity and defence dynamics.It is a matter of regret that Nepal has diverted its attention from larger events in international politics by focusing on petty internal rivalries. The peace process is truly simple if the principle actors bear in mind that Nepal very realistically has the potential to be a fairly high-profile Asian state with the capability of exerting a modestly benign influence on the maintenance of overall peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region.

As a first step, Nepal must participate in the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore next year in order to take stock of the critical issues and to assimilate these into its foreign policy.From Asia-Pacific perspective, the most profound weakness in Nepal’s strategy has been a narrow vision focused too closely on India. What is not understood is that an absence of a more diverse Nepali foreign policy is not only detrimental to Nepal, but equally to India as well. Geography or geographic constraints do not necessarily define freedom of action for any state. Nepal must play its cards astutely and devise an appropriate policy that places Nepal within the context of Asia more broadly.In his address to the Security Summit, Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong laid out the over-arching strategic environment in Asia focusing on the state of relations between major powers and over-riding regional concerns.

One important observation made by him was that the US, China, Japan, and India “set the parameters for long-term cooperation and competition among the regional countries” in the Asia Pacific.In Nepal’s context, it is not yet clear how these four major powers’ intentions and activities are converging or diverging with respect to their particular interests. Is it undeniable that a Nepal which has spun out of control is strategically not suitable for any of the powers concerned. A mountainous terrain amenable to guerrilla warfare and a fairly substantial Muslim population are among the factors that must militate against any serious outsideintentions to destabilise this Himalayan state. Moreover, as Nepal shares long and porous borders with both India and China, the economic and political repercussions of a deeply unstable political milieu in Nepal will no doubt be widespread and even detrimental to the region.

In terms of China-Nepal relations and the latter serving as a possible conduit for China in South Asia, it is important to highlight PM Loong’s remarks that “what the Chinese are saying to their own people gives some insight into their thinking.” It appears that Nepal’s strategic interests and imperatives in more expansive relations with China will pose unnecessary challenges to Indian interests.Nepal within the context of Asia-Pacific security thus essentially means that Nepal’s foreign policy must be sufficiently ‘entangled’ with the greatest number of other states toensure equidistance, neutrality and stable security environment.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 14, 2007

INTERVIEW WITH CHINESE AMBASSDOR ZHENG XIANGLIN

Excerpts of aninterview with His Excellency Zheng Xianglin, the newly appointed Chinese Ambassador to Nepal by Sudheer Sharma, editor of Nepal magazine.

Q. Is it only coincidence that you became the first ambassador to present credentials to the Prime Minister instead of the king? Or can we take this as a sign that China is positive about the establishment of a republic in Nepal?

Zheng Xianglin: We can say that it just happened. I was appointed as the Ambassador to Nepal when we received notice from the Nepali government that Nepal had amended the constitution. According to the interim constitution, the Prime Minister of Nepal is now the acting head of the state. So, the designated foreign Ambassadors should present letter of credentials to the Prime Minister.

Q. Where is Nepal in China's foreign policy priorities?

Zheng Xianglin: China has 14 boundary-countries and Nepal is one of them. China upholds the principles of independence, peace and self-reliance. On that basis we are willing to establish friendly diplomatic relationships with all the countries in the world.

Chinese people and the government are ready to extend harmonious cooperation and coexistence with our neighbours and to enhance understanding and friendship. We would like to become good friends and good partners with our neighbours. China and Nepal has a dispute-free political relationship. Nowadays China has achieved economic development but we will never forget our friends and our neighbours. China is yet to support Nepal and we will extend our support to the best of our capacity.

Q. How are you observing Nepal's ongoing peace process? Is Nepal entering stability?

Zheng Xianglin: From last year, we have been very glad to see that the peace process in Nepal has achieved significant developments and is now moving forward step by step. I think this process will keep going on, although encountering some difficulties.
We sincerely hope that all the parties concerned in Nepal can remain united and work together to push the peace process, to make contributions to the well being of the Nepali people as well as Nepal, the whole country.

So, are you satisfied with the ongoing peace process?

Zheng Xianglin: My stay in Nepal is not quite long but I have already communicated with the chief of UNMIN Ian Martin. I also read the report presented by the Secretary General of the UN to the Security Council about the political situation of Nepal. I think that UNMIN has made some achievements in Nepal. The Chinese side also accepts the importance of UNMIN's work here. We are also planning to send a political officer to this delegation.

Q. If the conflict escalated again in Nepal, then can China play any role to resolve it?

Zheng Xianglin: We are always working for peace and reconciliation. We sincerely hope that all the parties concerned can work on the basis of unity and compromise.

Q. Now, we are facing another type of conflict in the Terai. Some new armed groups have emerged there. How do you assess it, is it common during a transitional phase or is it an extraordinary case?

Zheng Xianglin: The Terai issue is an ethnic group issue, which has existed in Nepal for a long time. It is also a historical issue. It is purely an internal affair of Nepal. So I think the Nepali government as well as parties concerned should address this issue properly through dialogue. And I hope there should not be any foreign interference in this regard. This kind of internal issue, I think, exists in lots of countries (in transitional phases).

Q. It is believed that the Chinese government maintained a close relationship with the monarchy for a long period. Why?

Zheng Xianglin: It is totally a misconception. The Chinese government has always established very good relationships with the Nepali government and the Nepali (political) parties, of course, including the previous monarchy. The Communist Party of China has remained in frequent contact with many parties in Nepal. So, this is a quite normal relationship between countries and parties.

Q. How do you see the Maoists? The US has branded them as "terrorists", does China also think similarly?

Zheng Xianglin: The CPN Maoists have already joined the mainstream and now they are part of the interim government.

Q. My question is that, like the US, does your country also see them as terrorists even after they joined the government?

Zheng Xianglin: The Maoists have now become one part of the coalition government of eight political parties. It is a legal government and accepted by the Nepali people. I think the US also accepts this coalition government. And as for the terrorist label, I think different people have different assessments. American Ambassador Moriarty has told me that he also would like to shake hands with Prachanda.

Q. What is your relationship like with the Maoists?

Zheng Xianglin: No formal relationship.

Q. Have you met any Maoist leaders?

Zheng Xianglin: Except for my meeting with Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Matrika Yadav to exchange opinions on how to defeat cross-border economic crimes and with the Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara during a public function, we don't have formal interactions with other Maoist leaders. We don't have a party level formal relationship.

Q. And an informal relationship?

Zheng Xianglin: As for informal interaction, I would like to tell you that the Chinese media has interviewed Prachanda. And we also have some informal encounters in some receptions.

Q. If the Maoists led the government in future, then China may recognize them?

Zheng Xianglin: You just put this up as an assumption, so it is difficult to answer.

Q. Why does China maintain a low-profile diplomatic policy in Nepal, compared to other influential countries?

Zheng Xianglin: I think it may not be correct to put it like that, low-profile. I have been quite high-profile during my more than one month stay here. Every day, I have at least five activities. I have already met a dozen governmental officials, ministers, leaders of major political parties and most of the foreign ambassadors here.
China upholds the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries. We respect the choices of the people, made of the political structure of that country. I think foreigners have no right to make incorrect comments about that.

Q. But some foreign diplomats like the US and Indian Ambassadors are commenting on Nepal's internal affairs very openly. What do you think about that?

Zheng Xianglin: We have no comment on that. We uphold our own principles.

Q. Some people believe that the US is trying to encircle China through Nepali territory. What is your opinion?

Zheng Xianglin: Nowadays China-US relations witness a smooth and healthy development. We have also promoted relationships with other western countries from Europe as well as India. I am sure of the further development of relationships between China and western countries in the future. There will be further mutual understanding and mutual trust. Now is not the time of the cold war.
Q. We can see some "free Tibet" activities here. Is this really a threat to Chinese security?

Zheng Xianglin: The Nepali government has already made the sincere commitment that Nepalese territory will not be used by the Tibet separatist forces against China. We are a little bit worried about the activities done by the separatist forces here. We will work closely with the Nepali government to oppose this kind of separatist activities in Nepal against China. We hope that the Nepal government upholds its commitments. China cannot compromise with the Tibetan issue, because this is related to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of our country. The Nepal government has understood our sensitivities quite well.

Q. Nepal is facing a shortage of petroleum products lately and we have heard that China is ready to provide petroleum products. Is it true?

Zheng Xianglin: These days we have also witnessed long queues in front of the petrol stations not far from our embassy. China is also a big petroleum consuming country. Half of the petroleum supply of China relies on importing petroleum. But nowadays our neighbour Nepal has difficulties, including in petroleum supplies, so we will of course do something.
During the meeting with Prime Minister Koirala, we talked about the supply of petroleum from China. But about this, we still need a concrete proposal and suggestions from the Nepali side. If the Nepali side can facilitate us with a concrete proposal, the Chinese side will take that into positive consideration.

QIn 1962, Marshal Chen Yi, then Deputy Premier of China, had commented that any foreign intervention in Nepal will not be tolerable for China. Does China still follow that policy or has it shifted from that?

Zheng Xianglin: No, No! Our policy has not changed. The traditional friendship between Nepal and China has lasted for a long time even till today. I am sure that this friendship will go on in the future from generation to generation.

Q. This means the Chinese government will treat the problems of the Nepali people like they treat those of the Chinese people?

Zheng Xianglin: That's the meaning. When Nepali people face difficulties and pain, we will take that as ours; especially when Nepali people face some difficulties to uphold sovereignty and territorial integrity. Any foreign intervention in Nepal will not be tolerable for China.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 13, 2007

DIPLOMATS' CONCERN:Shocking Insecurity

SANJAYA DHAKAL

Although they have joined the government, the Maoists have not been able to rein in their overzealous activists as was demonstrated by the pelting of stones at the vehicle carrying US ambassador James Moriarty in Jhapa recently. Unfortunately for the country, the normally reticent diplomats have now issued a strong statement demanding security. Such actions by diplomats give a very negative message and damage the credibility of whole Nepal not only that of Maoists.

The Maoists are peeved at the continual inclusion of their party in the terrorist list by the US Department of State despite their becoming a part of Nepal government. But, wrongfully and dangerously, they have equated that move by the US government with the individual ambassador. Ambassador Moriarty, who is wrapping up his term in Nepal in few weeks' time, has been drawing huge criticisms from the Maoists because of his candid remarks about the path Nepal is heading towards. He has always been in the forefront pointing out the dangers of Maoists' joining mainstream politics without making the strategic decision to abandon violence. This, he has been advocating not as his personal position but as that of the US government.
By pelting stones at Moriarty, therefore, the Maoists have not only hit at the individual but the representative of a sovereign country. What followed was a rare censure by the whole of diplomatic corps expressing displeasure at the lack of security. Last week, 15 diplomatic missions based in Nepal issued joint concerns about insecurity to them and have demanded safe environment for them to function. The diplomatic corps of Nepal have demanded that security and safe movement of foreign diplomats must be assured.

"The Diplomatic Corps of Nepal is deeply concerned by an upsurge in recent weeks of security incidents that have threatened foreign diplomats or otherwise impeded their work in the country. We condemn any and all attempts to harm, threaten, or interfere with foreign diplomats working in Nepal," a statement issued by Diplomatic Corps of Nepal said. In the strongly-worded statement, the diplomatic corps have termed as unacceptable the "targeting or threatening of diplomats in Nepal on their countries' official business." The statement urges all political groups and activists to respect customary norms and reject violence or intimidation. Significantly, it also reminds the government "of its role to ensure security and safety for diplomats."

The statement was issued on behalf of Embassies of the United States of America, France, Germany, India, Japan, Malaysia, Pakistan, Denmark, Israel , Australia, South Korea, Thailand, the United Kingdom, Bangladesh and Finland. Immediately, the government was compelled to respond to the diplomats' concerns. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala apologized on behalf of the government during his meeting with visiting US Assistant Secretary of State Barry Lowenkron. Home Ministry's spokesperson Baman Prasad Neupane said the government is ready to tighten security arrangements if diplomatic missions call for the same.

On the other hand, Maoist leaders are yet to take responsibility for their behavior. A senior Maoist leader Suresh Ale Magar publicly said that Nepali people had pelted stones at Moriarty because he started making rounds of army barracks to hatch conspiracy. Speaking at a program in Charikot, he accused Moriarty of visiting army barracks and conspiring against Nepali people. Ale Magar was recently denied a visa to travel to the United States to attend a program organized by the UN. As such, the concerns expressed by diplomatic community could damage the government's efforts to hold credible polls in a free, fair and peaceful environment.

Source: Spotlight, June 10, 2007

Virtual diplomacy: Can Nepal benefit from it?

Madhav Shrestha

Thanks to the Geneva-based DiploFoundation, the concept of “Virtual Embassy” has finally materialised. Run with the help of internet, the virtual embassy occupies what is dubbed “Diplomatic Quarter of Diplomacy Island in Second Life” in cyberspace. The services and facilities of the virtual embassy are especially intended for the countries with limited human resources and severe financial constraints — the countries incapable of putting enough people on the ground. Considering its diplomatic efficacy, small and weak countries with limited diplomatic outreach may opt for it. In fact, smaller countries are ideally suited for the conduct of virtual diplomacy.

Recently, the Maldives became the first country in the world to bring to use the services offered by virtual embassy developed by DiploFoundation. Although the concept of virtual embassy is still in an adumbrative state, Sweden, a highly advanced Nordic country, intends to use it. The Philippines, too, along with other countries, is likely to follow suit soon. No doubt, this latest innovation will be brought to wide use if its worth as an effective diplomatic and cost-efficient tool is proven while it is used by the first few countries that embrace it.
Nonetheless, the virtual embassy looks like it’s here to stay. For it is likely to prove highly effective in diplomatic dealings in both regional and broader international settings. Any government can use virtual embassy for representation and negotiation on bilateral and multilateral concerns should two or more countries choose to adhere to the techniques and methods developed by the DiploFoundation. Certainly, cash-starved governments which are short on good diplomats may choose this option. However, no safe predictions can be made at a time when its concept is slowly evolving. Unseen complexities and outcomes cannot be ruled out in the atmosphere of highly competitive and self-interested negotiations among nations.

Modalities of the virtual embassy will gain popularity if governments believe state secrets and intelligence services will not be compromised by its use. Viewed in this context, the concept of virtual embassy might not take off comfortably, although it might be considered convenient to handle diplomatic business bilaterally and multilaterally. Moreover, its scope and activities are likely to be limited only to non-sensitive areas for aforementioned reasons.
Virtual embassy may not prove to be of much help if it is intended to replace the “substantial groundwork” of diplomats accredited to specific countries. Indeed, that is not its purpose. The reports Net diplomats send to their governments — prepared without ground-level observation and analysis — might not prove useful. Realistically, diplomats in question will be made worthless who contribute nothing substantive. Such practice will make diplomats look like boys at the other end of the keyboard who are not very aware about the ground realities of the place he is talking about. Their stature and personality will not be held in high esteem, the way traditional diplomats are looked upon.

The most defective side of diplomacy through virtual embassy is that it completely ignores the great value of the human touch and cordial contacts able diplomats make with other diplomats, politicians, officials and important persons through real embassies. Thus it is less likely to promote understanding and cooperation between countries. The physical absence of diplomats on the spot would, in effect, create a situation of non-linkage rather than generate an atmosphere of warmth and cordiality that are so important in diplomacy. Hence the question of importance of physical presence of diplomats, be it for diplomatic business or important ceremonial occasions, should be considered seriously before deciding if virtual diplomacy should be adopted.

However, considering the financial crunch that afflicts Nepal, it is advisable that the country adopt virtual diplomacy, which was especially designed for the countries weak in both financial and manpower resources. As such, its set-up cost will be far less as compared to the huge cost involved in putting in place a real embassy in a faraway place. Hence it will be a wise option to cut down on the number of real embassies from the capital cities of the countries of lesser political, diplomatic and economic importance.

The government should be prepared to work for education and training of staff and officials needed to conduct virtual diplomacy in places considered appropriate for the purpose. If our aim is to trim down swollen budgetary expenditures, why not turn to the DiploFoundation in Geneva for necessary advice and consideration? Is the government prepared to do this? If virtual embassies can be geared towards the intended purpose, it would truly help develop Net Diplomats who will sincerely work for the welfare of the Nepali people.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 10, 2007

WILL US REVISE ITS NEPAL POLICY?

Though unstated and undeclared, the American administration appears to have concentrated its entire efforts on mainly two key points wherein it would wish the stated two points established.
Those two key points, opine analysts, rests upon the presumptions, for example, uniting the liberal and the democratic forces scattered in different political camps, and secondly to keep the communists, more so the Maoists at a comfortable distance. Undeniably, the US appears to have got the point as to what it meant by the inclusion of the Maoists into the mainstream politics of the country. The US too can’t escape the blame for having worked in “tandem” with the countries in Nepal “axis” around 2005 which in effect facilitated the Maoists entrance into the government structure.

It was a Delhi sponsored 12 point agreement which the then agitating seven party alliances signed with the Maoists right in Delhi which allowed the smooth entry of the Maoists into the country’s political scene. Needless to say, the efforts of the countries in the said axis-Delhi-Washington-London not only brought the down fall of the King’s regime but also paved the way for the Maoists to have a “bold and determined” say in the country’s politics.
Nevertheless, Ambassador Moriarty is on record to have denounced the 12 point pact saying that it was the Maoists who brought the SPA to their political sphere of influence contrary to what had been propagated by the SPA partners after the Delhi agreement.

Ambassador Moriarty, for example, though he fathomed in advanced that the SPA were inviting trouble not only for themselves but for the entire country as a whole then why he could not convince his friends in the “axis” not to encourage the Maoists and the SPA members to come together through the 12 point agreement. Analysts very well remember that during the agreement period in Delhi, Ambassador Moriarty made several declared and undeclared trips to the Indian capital and is on record to have met the notorious Indian Foreign Secretary-Shyam Saran and discussed with him over the unfolding political events then in this country.

Question thus becomes pertinent as to when this innocent Ambassador knew every thing in advance then why he could, as a representative of the lone super power, not veto the entire game being played by London and Delhi which had only a single motive: unseating of the what they used to call the “autocratic monarch”? Now that the monarch has been out of the political scene, the Maoists have certainly gained what they wanted. Clearly, the Maoists in the government structure have allowed them to impose their say in the cabinet. Add to this the Maoists new incarnation in the form of Young Communist League that has already become the synonym of terror and panic in the entire country whose reverberations could also be felt in the international media.

Clearly, the US Ambassador was ditched, cheated and deceived by his two friends in the axis. Ambassador Moriarty just wanted the King to step down. However, London and Delhi worked in tandem and very skillfully brought the Maoists into the government structure. Nevertheless, both London and Delhi must have come to their senses looking at the current political events that have unfolded of late more so after the YCL men dared to vandalize a UN car which was ferrying American Ambassador Moriarty last May 25 Friday in Damak, Jhapa district. Nonetheless, London-Delhi-Washington managed peace in this country with the Maoists entrance into the mainstream politics. However, analysts say that the peace that has heralded in this country is a “negative” one. The second attack of the growing YCL activities would be India for sure. (Read in-depth analysis) Be that as it may, now look at the chain of events.

Exactly after five days of such a YCL attack on its Kathmandu posted envoy, the US sent comparatively a high level functioning State authority to listen to the unfolding events in this country and apparently to sound the Nepal government that the US would not tolerate any more if such YCL vandalism continued in the future that targets the US authorities here.
The US Assistant Secretary Barry F. Lowenkron who just concluded his four day Nepal trip talking to press prior to his departure has said that “one can’t have ballots and bullets in a democratic process and that intimidation and violence have no roles whatsoever in the democratic process of any country”. In saying so the US dignitary sounds that the US still views the Maoists and its YCL boys as trouble makers and that the US wanted the Maoists to behave that is demanded of them in a democratic system.

In addition, the US still believes that the Maoists have not abandoned the acts of intimidation, and violence even after joining the government structure. “Nothing justifies the use of violence as a legitimate political tool”, concluded Barry. All in all, the visiting US authority must have been briefed by his embassy colleagues about the nature and the feature of the YCL boys of the Maoists. More so Ambassador Moriarty must have told Secretary Barry in private as to how he felt when he was stoned by the YCL cadres in Damak. Now that the Ambassador of the lone super power has been mentally tortured by the Maoists and their kids, how the US influences the country’s politics in the days ahead is any body’s guess. It is therefore no wonder that the ailing Prime Minister Monday described the YCL as Young Criminal League.

Perhaps this explains so many things unspoken. Perhaps Koirala’s stern warning to the Maoists is a message to the US that things must change and he will change the Maoists in the days ahead or else the ex-rebels will be taken to task. However, what is intriguing is that how Koirala will penalize the erratic Maoists? Neither he can expel the Maoists ministers from the cabinet nor he can check the increasing high handedness of the YCL outfit. For Home Minister Sitaula appears still sympathetic to the Maoists. So to expect that Koirala can tame the Maoists in a matter of days or even weeks appears a remote eventuality.

Yes! What is for sure is that Ambassador Moriarty will not settle for less. But how he proceeds with his political cards, if left any under his sleeve, to cut down the size of the Maoists will have to be watched. Nevertheless, this time he enjoys the backing of the entire diplomatic community who have very promptly denounced the YCL attacks on Ambassador Moriarty. The otherwise European Ambassadors who appeared less energetic in denouncing the Maoists not so in the distant past too have openly condemned the YCL erratic behavior. This adds to the strength of Ambassador Moriarty definitely. Will he then advise his administration to go in for a revision in the current US policy on Nepal? Who knows what is in store? However, what is for guaranteed and taken for granted is that the erratic activities of the YCL and the Maoists’ combined is surely benefiting the now silent monarch though in a subtle manner. What is going to his pockets for free is also from the dismal performances of the EPA leaders being in the parliament and in government as well. The more the leaders lose in the process would mean, by default indeed, a sort of windfall to the now sleeping monarch.
Politics is simply the art of the possible.

Source: The Telegraph Nepal, June 8, 2007

Revamping Ministry Of Foreign Affairs

Dr. Trilochan Upreti

Merely changing the name of His Majesty's Government to the Government of Nepal (GON) is not sufficient to address the needs of the people. The government must strive to make its mechanism functional, action-oriented and result-oriented as per the changing times. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had asked the secretaries to recommend a road map on ways to make the existing mechanism more functional, responsible to the people and efficient. The report has already been submitted and is awaiting implementation.

Old bureaucracy

It is obvious that the present structure, policy and working culture do not meet the aspirations of the people. There have been several reports on reforming the bureaucracy in the past, but the suggestions were never implemented. The bureaucracy and its structure remain a ghost of past governments dating back to the Rana regime. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is no exception, and the present structure and its manpower are unable to cope with the challenges presently facing it.It is not possible to compare our Ministry of Foreign Affairs with similar entities from around the world, where there is continued research to make this high-profile government institution a centre of excellence. Its organisational structure remains as it was thirty years ago; the working culture is the same as during the Panchayat period, and sycophants and relatives of those in power continue to be given plum posts. There is little or no research, study, strategy and plan of action to tackle the challenges facing the nation ahead.

In the last 20 years, there have been incredible changes in international politics, international relations, international trade and business, and in the businesses of government. With these changes, such institutions were automatically revamped elsewhere, but our ministry refused to change. Neither the past government nor the ministry itself ever felt necessary to introduce reforms, make it efficient and establish it as a centre of excellence. Change is reform and evolution. But the type of changes required as well as the manpower and structure needed should be determined only after detailed study. What has obviously been felt necessary is that in order to bring more economic assistance, promote inward investment, tourism and enhance foreign employment, two divisions must be set up. Professionals, whether from within the government or hired from outside are urgently needed to lead the divisions. Without doubt, we need more investment, economic assistance, loans and technology for infrastructure development in this country. Huge investments are needed in water resources, tourism, railways, highways, education and health.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, however, doesn't have a Legal, Foreign Direct Investment Division or other necessary divisions, considered so vital to promote economic and other interests of the country. Every nation recruits highly knowledgeable professionals who work to safeguard the wider interests of the nation and its people. Expertise and legal assistance on such complex areas as negotiating skills, reaching agreements, implementing agreements, revising and signing treaties with nations are needed. For example, Nepal also faces legal challenges in the international courts and tribunals, for which expert opinion and suggestions are required. If such assignments are not handled by professionals, then the nation is bound to suffer huge economic, political and reputational loss. Matters relating to the WTO, BISMITEC, SAFTA, political relations and building treaties also require up-to-date and efficient legal service, which, unfortunately, is not felt necessary at our ministry. The area of arbitration is also a complex area, for which expert advice is frequently sought. For example, Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) lost to IMPRISLIO SPA (an Italian bidder) in the Kali Gandaki 'A' case, and the former was made to pay a huge amount to the latter. If similar cases arising from the Middle Marsyangdi hydel project and Melamchi Drinking Water Project are not handled properly, then the Nepalese government will suffer heavy pecuniary losses, besides losing its credibility before the international community. In such a scenario, it will take years to establish the government's credibility before the international community.

The Political Division is another significant sector. For a nation like us, the United Nations is both a strength and an opportunity. However, professionals with knowledge of events taking place around the globe need to be recruited. Otherwise, we are less likely to benefit from this world institution.

Inconsistent policy

Policy formulation on what should be accepted during negotiation and what should be declined must be made. Nepal is infamous for inconsistency and discontinuity of its policy and frequent departure and changes in its policy, which is detrimental to our reputation and credibility. After every change of government, or even a change of ministers, huge changes are brought about without much consideration and without studying their implications. It is high time, Nepal restructured the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and promulgated a common foreign policy in order to deliver the expected needs of the people. This job can only be done with broader and wider mentality and wider consensus among the stakeholder, not in isolation.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Chinese Co-operation

MINISTER for Information and Communications Krishna Bahadur Mahara, inaugurating the Chinese Book Fair in co-operation with the General Administration of Press and Publications of the People's Republic of China on Wednesday highlighted the role such fairs had in informing the people wanting to learn more about China. Minister Mahara was also optimistic that such activities would continue and that the Government of Nepal would always encourage them. As the people have now become powerful following the emergence of loktantra, there has been accelerated development of the social sector, and it is hoped that China would expand its co-operation to raise the living standards of the Nepalese people. Nepal has always looked upon China as a true friend and the support and cooperation that this country has received in various sectors have been immense. Since diplomatic ties between the two countries were established, the scope of co-operation has increased. However, Nepal, because of the lackluster performance of the previous regimes, could not utilise the assistance received from China to build a prosperous country. Now that the supremacy of the people has been established, it is expected that developments will take a positive turn in every sector. In this respect, To expect further meaningful co-operation and support from the northern neighbour is obvious.

Speaking on the occasion, Chinese Ambassador to Nepal Zheng Xianling said that China and Nepal enjoy a long history of bilateral co-operation and goodwill and expressed the hope that the fair would serve as an information centre for people wanting more information on China. The books on display include those in the English, Chinese and Tibetan languages. Such informative fairs ought to be organised regularly so that the people of both the countries can learn more about each other. This will be the basis of strengthened people-to-people ties. China has always been accommodative of Nepal's aspirations, and expanded economic co-operation can be expected in the days to come with China's economy growing at a phenomenal rate. What is needed is for Nepal to learn from the progress made by China so that the country can achieve faster economic growth in the coming years.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007