Confused donors

Once a conflict is over, aid agencies seem paralyzed. Instead of sending help, they send study groups. There is often a lag of years before moving from humanitarian relief to real economic development. By the time such help actually arrives, it is often too late: war has been re-ignited," said Jeffrey D Sachs, an influential economist, about post-conflict countries. His perception has become painfully familiar to Nepal. This was the message that came from the two-day Nepal Donor Consultation Meeting that concluded in Kathmandu last Friday. The government expected the aid agencies to fork out substantial amounts of money to boost the economy in the post-conflict scenario, while the donors gave the message that they were unwilling to support economic reconstruction until there was complete political stability and full democracy, from the local to the central levels.
The donors' rebuff seemed to show that they didn't realize that Nepal could not afford to wait in addressing the immediate development and economic challenges to keep the hard-earned peace. What is the use of the aid after the scenario that the donors desire emerges? When there is functional democracy and complete political stability, the government does not need to depend on aid. At that time, the confidence of the private sector will have been high, and their investments can be channeled into reenergizing the economy and creating new jobs. It is right now that the government most urgently needs the support of its development partners to fulfill the people's expectations and aspirations. On the other hand, the donors did not systematically distinguish post-conflict settings as it requires a distinctive approach. They didn't know that it should not be simply development as usual. The donors talked about helping the fragile peace process, but no concrete effort was initiated. It would have been generous and a real support for the peace process if the donors had come up with proposals and assistance to accelerate the pace of development and growth through quick-impact programs.
Look at the ground realities. The adverse economic situation, a painful consequence of the war, is obvious. Capital — physical, human and social — has been destroyed. And Nepal's ability to rebuild itself is limited by weak institutions, scarce human and financial resources and economic fragility. Under these circumstances, financial support from the international community appears to be the only chance for Nepalis, who are dazed and bereft of hope, to mend their lives. The government also has to play its part perfectly. The implementation side should be strengthened. Improving the morale of the private sector, expediting reforms to improve the business environment including the functioning of state mechanisms, greater accountability, transparency and fighting corruption are some things that the government must not overlook. With better policies, better priorities for reform and bigger and better-timed aid, it is possible to restore the post-conflict economy considerably and more rapidly.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, February 25, 2008

Need For Dialogue

The meeting of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) has outright rejected the demand of 'One Madhes: One Province' put forth by the agitating United Democratic Madeshi Front (UDMF), saying that neither the SPA nor the interim government had the authority to fulfill the demand that undermines national sovereignty and integrity. The parley between the SPA and the UDMF remained inconclusive on Friday when the latter continued to stick to its demand for 'One Madhes: One Province'' though the ruling parties agreed to meet all the other demands of the UDMF. All the SPA leaders after much discussion have reached a consensus that the government would accept all the other demands except the impractical one of 'One Madhes: One Province.' When the SPA and the government did not agree to meet one of the six demands, the UDMF leaders have threatened to continue their strike, which has already affected life across the Terai. No doubt, the present government is there only to hold the elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) so that democracy and peace could be institutionalised in the country. It lacks authority to meet any demand that jeopardises national sovereignty and integrity. When the interim constitution has already declared Nepal a federal republic, it is inappropriate to come up with a demand for a particular province. In fact, Madhes does not belong to the elite Madhesi people, who are now launching the protest and strikes. It is the land of the people who have migrated from the hills, the Tharus, the Dalits, landless squatters and backward people who have been victimised by the people of the so-called high caste people of Madhes. Moreover, the Thraus, the indigenous people of the Terai oppose the demand of the UDMF. Indeed, it is a big irony that Nepal, which was never colonised by any power after its unification, is now in the verge of disintegration due to the inappropriate demands put forth by the different ethnic groups, including the Madhesis. The government and the ruling parties should discourage people from putting such up such demands that push the country towards disintegration. In fact, the government as well as the parties both in power and outside should work in a way to hold the CA polls within the stipulated time so that the people can have a new constitution drafted by their own representatives, which will, in turn, decide the fate of all the Nepali people, not of the people of a particular area.

Source: The Rising Nepal, February 25, 2008

Target: Election

On Saturday, the SPA did the only right thing it could do on the demands for a single state of ‘Madhesh’ and the right to self-determination. It rejected the demands by concluding that neither it nor the government nor the interim parliament had the mandate to decide on such an issue as would impinge profoundly on national integrity. It left the decision, therefore, to the Constituent Assembly, which is slated for election only six weeks away, on April 10. Out of the six demands put forward by the United Madhesi Democratic Forum (UMDF), four could be addressed even before the election, according to SPA leaders. These two demands, they said, could not be met also because these required constitutional and legal changes just ahead of the election. The front’s demand for exemption from the requirement for inclusiveness on proportional representation from the existing 20 per cent to 30 per cent still needed agreement, it was reported.The agitating Tarai groups did not submit their closed lists of candidates under the proportional representation system yesterday too — the date had been re-set specially with a view to enlisting their particiaption in the election, as they had ignored the original day). However, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala yesterday asked the public to rest assuredthat the Tarai crisis would be resolved in a day or two. The nation would applaud any suchbreakthrough so long as it did not compromise or threaten to compromise Nepal’s vital interests, such as its sovereignty and territorial integrity, or maintained the fairness principle in the political processes and a level playing field for all political parties. By these criteria, the two demands — one single Tarai state and self-determination — are out of the question — now and in the future.Even the front’s push for greater non-inclusiveness privilege is an example of the heads-I-win-tails-you-lose approach. While it has sought ‘proportional representation of Madhesis’ in all areas of governance, the front wants itself to be exempted from this need to include others. Other communities in the Tarai seem to be slowly waking up to the dire implications of ‘one Madhes, one state’ and ‘self-determination’. For instance, the Tharus, who are among the original Tarai inhabitants, have staged protests, warning the government against yielding to these ‘separatist’ demands. Nepal has remained a unified nation for about two and a half centuries. While even those countries in Asia that became larger relatively recently through the union of separate states have not granted these rights to their provinces or states, raising these demands in Nepal has naturally raised general suspicion about the protagonists’ motives. Jana Andolan II has provided all the groups with undreamt-of rights and powers, and the approaching CA election aims to institutionalise these gains and provide more. In this context, continuing the agitation, which enters its 13th day today, appears to be directed against the CA election itself. The SPA and the government need to demonstrate that the election takes place on schedule, come what may.

Source: The Himalayan Times, February 25, 2008

Nepal at a crossroads

Joginder Singh

Nepal evokes memories of a country full of beautiful scenery, high mountains and spiritual places. Till recently, the King of Nepal was regarded as god. However, the image of King Gyanendra has taken a beating, thanks to Maoists who have bullied the seven-party alliance into submission. Moreover, neither the King nor his crown prince has done anything to win the hearts of the people. In all fairness to Maoists, they have never hidden their ambition of removing the monarchy from the centrestage of Nepali politics.
Instead of begging and appealing to the King to become a titular head, Maoists went straight for his head. If they have their way in the election scheduled for April 10, the days of the King are numbered. Maoists have been -- and they still are -- in the forefront of a movement to abolish monarchy.
Nepal, one of the few monarchies in Asia and the only Hindu kingdom, has a population of 26.3 million, which is less than the population of Mumbai and Delhi put together. However, it has an area of 147,181 sq km. In Nepal, a landlocked country, tourism is the primary source of income.
During my recent visit to Nepal, I tried to gauge the ground reality in that country. One thing which came out clearly was that people were afraid to express their opinion openly. When pressed the most they would say was that all political leaders are keen to amass wealth for themselves.
In Nepal, petrol and diesel are being sold at Rs 50 per litre; after some time, even their availability will be a problem. Due to strikes, bandhs and non-payment of previous dues to Indian suppliers for petroleum products, 10 litres a day is the petrol sold to cars and five litres to two-wheelers. There was an interesting slogan put in the market in Nepali language, "Petrol chhenna, mitti taail chhenna, paani chhenna, bijli chhenna, sarkar chhenna" (there is no petrol, no kerosene, no water, no electricity and no Government).
There are power cuts in India, but the day I reached Kathmandu the power was off between 7 pm and 12 pm. I was told that we would have electricity between midnight and 5 am, and again between 9 am and 1 pm next day. This would be followed by no electricity between 1 pm and 5 pm and the cycle would continue till further notified.
When one visits Nepal, one is back to the candle age even in the best hotels. You need candles in the bathroom, in your living room and even dressing room. Normally, it is considered stylish to have a candlelight dinner. But it is not comfortable to live for eight hours in the hotel with candles lighting your room.
Due to political uncertainty, along with lack of basic facilities like water supply and electricity, many foreign companies are treating Nepal as a punishment posting. No wonder hardly any new industry has been set up in that country; worse, even the present ones are facing difficulties in their functioning. The first annual report of the RNA Human Rights Cell, 2006, has recorded 10,725 abductions and 72 killings by Maoists during the past six months of the year. It has also recorded 65 cases of explosion, 40 cases of extortion and looting and 30 cases of threats issued by Maoists. More than 12,000 civilians, Maoists and security personnel have been killed in that country since the rebels began their 'people's war' in 1996.
India, mostly for wrong reasons, occupies the front page of Nepal's media. The kidney scam king, Amit Kumar, who was recently arrested in Nepal, hogged the limelight in that country. On his arrest, Nepal Police recovered Euro 145,00, $ 18,900 and a bank draft of Rs 936,000. He was also guilty of possessing foreign currency -- the amount recovered from him was above the ceiling prescribed under Nepal's laws. Had he been convicted, he would have got up to 10 years of imprisonment and a fine of Rs 2 lakh. But at India's request, he was deported to New Delhi.
Today, Nepal stands at a crossroads. This strife-ridden nation is all set to implement a new 'deal' worked out between the current interim Government and Maoists. One of the conditions for arriving at the understanding is to abolish Nepal's more than 200-year-old monarchy after the election to the new Constituent Assembly is held on April 10. In the election, the electorate will also decide whether Nepal will become a democratic republic or retain ceremonial monarchy.
So far Prime Minister GP Koirala is the only SPA leader who has openly expressed his support for ceremonial monarchy. But now in the interest of peace, he has agreed to its abolition after the Constituent Assembly election. Most people in Nepal, however, will be happy to see King Gyanendra go, but not the monarchy.
Maoists may sweep the election as their writ runs in rural Nepal. Most people will vote for them to avoid any reprisals. The handful supporters of retention of constitutional monarchy will not be able to stem the anti-monarchy drive of Maoists. Of course, what Nepal does with monarchy is its internal matter, but a friendly Government in our neighbourhood is in our interest.
Bordering China and India, Nepal offers a geo-political advantage to any country that is influential there. Though one does not foresee any major conflict in the near future, India feels that the military capability of China will increase if it gets a foothold there. Also, we have to be respectful of the sentiment of the people of Nepal.
Winston Churchill once observed: "The monarchy is extraordinarily useful. When Britain wins a battle it shouts, 'God save the Queen'; when it loses, it votes down the Prime Minister." Only the future will indicate whether Churchill's statement is relevant to Nepal or not.

Source: The Pioneer, February 25, 2008

Two suspicious of polls

Yubaraj Ghimire

As the countdown for the April 10 election to the constituent assembly begins, the most powerful leaders are busy distorting the main intent of the whole exercise. The election, deferred twice in the past, is meant to elect the constituent assembly that will chart out Nepal’s future constitution as well as the model of government that people will elect through another election later.
But Kathmandu’s walls are painted red with graffiti by Maoist cadres saying ‘let us elect Prachanda as the first President of the Republic of Nepal’. Prachanda, chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), himself has stated that he will be president now at 55 and remain there for another 20 years during which Nepal will transform into one of the developed countries in the world. But the hidden message is simple: that once he is in power, Nepal will usher in a one-party authoritarian rule where change of government through the ballot will be impossible. After all, the CPN-M has also made it clear that their role model is Kim Jong II of North Korea.
Pitted against Prachanda is the octogenarian G.P. Koirala, the interim prime minister who is also discharging duties of the head of state, with King Gyanendra in a state of suspension. Koirala, in fact, began behaving like a king soon after Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh called him a ‘legendary leader’ of South Asia, ignoring Koirala’s vices — mainly corruption.
When the interim constitution said the prime minister will also discharge responsibilities of the head of state, it was not meant to make him into an all-powerful dictator, but simply to get him to do jobs like accepting the credentials of ambassadors, something the king had been doing earlier. Koirala, however, went beyond that expectation. He literally curtailed the king’s right to religion even as in the individual domain and began acting like a ‘Hindu monarch’ during major Hindu festivals. He ignored the fact that Nepal’s revived parliament had made it a secular state from a Hindu kingdom, and that the head of state or government was no more expected to associate with one or the other religion. But he couldn’t resist the temptation to be like the king. In his personal life, he has avoided observing any Hindu rituals, even when his parents died long ago and his two sisters-in-law died within a year recently.
Politically also, he wants to introduce the Koirala dynasty in the politics of Nepal. He recently inducted his only daughter, Sujata Koirala, as a minister without portfolio in the cabinet. He never concealed his wish to make her prime minister — preferably when he is still alive — despite the fact that Sujata is one of the most controversial personalities in the Congress party, sometimes, a synonym of corruption. Interestingly, Koirala’s daughter has stated time and again that she is in favour of monarchy being retained in one or the other form. Her party has however, adopted a pro-republic position during its last general convention.
In a party with a monolithic leadership, Koirala has been able to give a message that like the all-powerful king, he or his daughter are above the party discipline and norm. That’s why no one from the party has so far questioned or demanded action against his daughter. There is speculation that should the April 10 election be called off like it has been twice in the past, given the prevailing law and order situation, Koirala knows that his days are over, along with that of the present coalition arrangement. As radical Maoists are sure to try to capture power through the gun once again, Sujata hopes to rally monarchist and democratic forces around her, with her father loaning his residual support base of the Congress party to her.
In fact, there is a visible amount of deceit and dishonesty both in what Koirala and Prachanda have been doing —both are taking a pro-election position, although, both know elections do not suit their ambitions. Moreover, with acute shortage of fuel and total dislocation of essential services in the country — that has triggered mass anger against the present government — Koirala knows his fate if elections are held. Prachanda has already given too many excuses to call them off by letting loose his supporters on political opponents, and by painting the campaign as a poll for a future president.

Source: The Indian Express, February 21, 2008