Madhesis have a right to declare independence

Former Minister of Science and Technology Mahanta Thakur left the interim government to form a new party. He began his career in politics as a student leader in the early 1970s. He contested the general elections from Siraha. After having been a member of the Nepali Congress for more than 37 years, Thakur left the NC at a time when the party needed him most. Thakur does not believe the government can hold the CA polls in mid-April because of the deteriorating law and order situation in the tarai. Thakur spoke with Puran P Bista and Kamal Raj Sigdel of The Kathmandu Post on the future political course of his party and his demand for greater autonomy with a provision for self-determination.

Excerpts:

Q: You have formed a new party right after the SPA agreed to hold the CA elections by mid-April. Is your new party prepared and in a mood to participate in the polls?
Mahanta Thakur: We are not against the government's plan to hold the CA elections by mid-April. But the people in the tarai want to see their issues settled first. Elections are a constitutional process to express your views in a peaceful manner; but having said that, the current situation in the tarai is not conducive to holding elections. Peace and security are prerequisites for holding the polls.

Q: You have also expressed dissatisfaction with the 23-point agreement struck recently by the SPA. Is this a prelude to your boycotting the CA elections possibly to be held in mid-April?
Thakur: We have not protested against the agreement. There is a burning problem in the tarai right now, but the SPA is ignoring it and going ahead with its own agenda with a one-track mind. This has created enough room for suspicion. All the major political parties are well cognizant of the problems in the tarai and what's going on there. There is state-sponsored terrorism. Incidences of extortion and abduction are daily affairs. Violence has increased. In such a situation, I think the general people of the tarai don't want the election to be held. First, there should be peace, the violence must stop, and the issues settled.

Q: You mean you do not believe the CA polls will be held in mid-April as the SPA is preparing to announce.
Thakur: That's what the people of Madhes have been saying. We are planning to visit the tarai and tour all the districts. And we will decide accordingly. We will collect information about the problem in the tarai by sitting down face-to-face with the local people. If the government and others cooperate with us and peace is restored, we can hold the elections.

Q: You have named your party Tarai-Madhes Loktantrik Party. How do you define tarai and Madhes? Who are the Madhesis according your definition?
Thakur: This is just an illusion. Both terms are being used interchangeably. There is no difference in their meanings. And there is no politics hidden behind that.

Q: When you define Madhes and Madhesis, do you include all the people of different origins and castes presently living in the tarai?
Thakur: We have always talked about the tarai and the hills in a holistic manner. We are talking about the 49 percent of the national population living in the tarai. We have raised overall issues. We have not talked about a certain caste, origin or religion.

Q: You mean you are raising a regional issue as opposed to a racial one.
Thakur: Yes. We have raised the issues of a geographical area, not of a certain caste or a certain party.

Q: Is this reflected in the way your party has been formed, for instance, in its membership?
Thakur: They will be incorporated in the organization in due course.

Q: You have been a devoted Nepali Congress leader since you joined politics. But you resigned abruptly and formed a new party. There are a number of parties with different ideologies already operating in the tarai. Can you, as an ex-NC leader, take them into confidence?
Thakur: All the parties are trying their best and want to solve the problems of Madhes and Madhesis. Since we all have a common goal, we have come together. Now we all agree that this problem should be solved peacefully. This is in the interests of the nation and the people.

Q: There are different parties in Madhes; some armed, some unarmed. How would you characterize them?
Thakur: Our party has stated clearly that all the political groups fighting for the Madhesi cause should come together. We are making efforts towards that end. If we advance together, there will be less problems for the people, they will get relief, also less effort will be required. We have publicly appealed to everybody to unite for the cause. As part of our campaign, we held consultations with the tarai parties before we established our party. We will have formal talks with them now that we have formed a party. Then we will go ahead with some coordinated programs. They have agreed informally that we need to act together.

And as for those who are operating underground, we have not yet talked to them face-to-face. But they have expressed their appreciation and welcomed our initiative through different media in the tarai. They have congratulated us. We have taken it positively. We will meet them and request them to join our peaceful movement.

Q: Judging by the fact that Upendra Yadav of the MPRF and several others did not attend your party's inauguration, it appears that your party will also become just another in the procession of parties that have emerged in the tarai. In such a situation, how will you be able to add new dynamism to the Madhesi movement?

Thakur: We will have formal talks with them to finalize matters.

Q: Do you think that the armed groups operating in the tarai will join open politics if the demands that you and other unarmed political groups have been raising are fulfilled?

Thakur: They are in politics even now. They are different only in their approach. Since they are raising political issues, we must say it is politics. It's only the way they are doing it that is different.

Q: Different parties in the tarai have been raising different demands. You have come up with your own. So what are your party's demands?
Thakur: We want complete autonomy. The local people should be involved in running the local administration. This is not happening at present. Everything is run by the center. The Madhesis do not see their reflection in the faces that are sent there to handle the local administration. For this reason, the people in the tarai do not feel ownership of the administration. They are not in a position which allows them to say, “This is our government, and it serves us.” What is lacking is participation and autonomy.

Q: Do you think all these demands should be fulfilled before the CA polls? How practical would it be in that case?
Thakur: The people of the tarai think that it would be better if these issues are settled before the CA polls. But I think the CA is also a valid process to get our demands fulfilled. A part of our problem will be solved if the election reflects our sizeable representation. I take the CA polls as an opportunity too.

Q: The recent 23-point agreement states that the CA will contain 601 members and that the tarai will be well represented. Don't you think that this new development ensures what you are demanding in advance?
Thakur: There have been discrepancies in what is said and written. But I said that the CA was also an opportunity. It is not that we can solve all the problems at once. We can also solve some of the problems by using that legitimate process. We think this is a legitimate process and we must accept it. Why should we avoid it? But there is no such situation in the tarai for holding the elections.

Q: What are the conditions that can bring you to the CA?
Thakur: People have been clamoring that we do not believe the government can hold the elections peacefully and that their demands will be fulfilled. So our demands, such as autonomous government and Madhesi participation in the local administration, should be fulfilled. And there is truth in our demands. Every time tarai issues are raised, they get sidelined. Though the government has made some commitments, nothing has been implemented in practice to this date. The posts of CDO, police chief and various administrative officials are still occupied by a single elite community. So the people are not convinced that the government will ensure equality and bring immediate changes in our administrative and judiciary systems.

Q: Would it be possible to reform overnight the entire system that was established by the Rana oligarchy and cultivated by the Panchayat system? How should the government revamp the whole system before the CA polls?
Thakur: The government should demonstrate its commitment by acts that will convince the people that their demands will ultimately be fulfilled. The people should be assured that there will be no more extortion. For example, the police come to innocent people's houses at night and intimidate them for no reason. They are subjecting the people to extortion. They take away people's guns even if they have a license.

Q: Don't you think that the CA is the right mechanism to solve all the problems?
Thakur: The CA is an issue that is raised time and again strategically. We were not the ones who postponed the CA polls. Neither can we do that. Now all the arrows are directed at Madhes. The seven political parties quarrel among themselves and the blame is placed on us.

Q: It is said that the NC has sent you to the tarai with this new party to undermine other parties such as the Maoists that have taken hold there.
Thakur: There is not a grain of truth in that.

Q: But how could you have left the NC? You have been a NC leader your whole life.
Thakur: I have left the NC. We have formed a new party.

Q: Like all the other armed and unarmed groups in the tarai, your party has also demanded the right to self-determination. What is this “right to self-determination” in plain language?
Thakur: Regardless of whether you write it down or not, it is there. But once stated, it becomes a legitimate right of the people. If the government continues to suppress the tarai, then it is the people's right to warn it that they have a right to self-determination. Till now we have been talking about living together. But if you suppress us any longer, we have a right to declare independence and live separately.

Q: Since everybody has agreed on establishing a federal republic, Madhes too will have its own provincial government. So who will be there to continue “suppressing” you in a federal system? Won't it make your demand for “right to self-determination” redundant?

Thakur: Yes, that is possible. There are examples we can draw from other countries. Suppression can continue even after a state has been granted autonomy. There are examples of states that have separated and declared independence, and also of some that have rejoined the federation.

Q: You mean self-determination similar to the Kashmiri demand?
Thakur: That is a different case.

Q: When you are talking about self-determination, does it indicate that we are heading towards disintegration?
Thakur: I don't think that guaranteeing a state all its rights can lead to disintegration. A community with such rights becomes stronger, thus there is no chance of it breaking up. When inequality exists, the chances of disintegration are greater. For instance, several independent countries came together to form the European Union. They are working together; they have a common currency and common market and share many things. Though there are instances of disagreement among them, they are working hard to stay together. The suspicion that the country could break up is only a fear.

Q: There are several castes and groups—for instance, Tharus, Limbus, Kirats, Brahmins, Chhetris and others - among whom some have been demanding their own states while others have been demanding their representation in state affairs. How do you address their concerns?
Thakur: We are raising overall issues. We have not raised a particular community's issue. Just like when the British Empire was pulling out of India, they were more worried about the problems of the suppressed community than the Indians themselves. They could not solve the problem of the suppressed community during their reign, and when it was time to leave, they worried how the Indians could solve them.

The colonial forces who were leaving India were more worried about it than the Indians themselves. That is what is happening in our country too. The government did not show any interest in solving the tarai's problems before, but now they are worrying about how Madhes can solve the problems and issues of other communities. They are focusing more on this. We are talking about the entire tarai. We are not taking about any caste or community. We are talking about 49 percent of the national population.

Q: Have you held talks with other disgruntled groups, such as Janajatis and others who are also legitimate political forces in the tarai?

Thakur: We are in the process of holding discussions with such discontented groups.

Q: Can you include them in your program?
Thakur: No, we are not raising caste specific issues [as the Janajatis have been doing]. We are talking about a geographical region. In this sense, I think all the issues have been brought together.

Source: The Kathmand Post, December 30, 2007

Maoist will have a very cordial relation with India: Dr Bhattarai

Sarat C Das speaks to Bhattarai in Katmandu to understand the Maoists’ preparations for the election, their contribution to the peace process and willingness to make India a partner in the future development of the state.

Interview with Baburam Bhattarai, Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

Nepal is rife with speculation about Baburam Bhattarai’s assuming the office of deputy prime minister in the interim government as Communist Party of Nepal (UML) agreed to the Maoist proposal for proportional electoral system.

You strongly believe in Mao Zedong and draw inspiration from “Revolutionary Internationalist Movement” and Peru’s left wing extremist guerrilla movement. What is your real ideology?

Marxism- Leninism-Maoism-Prachanda path is the guiding force of our ideology. However, when you draw a parallel with other communist movements such as Peru, we would find us different in terms of our adherence to the Prachanda path. Knowing Prachanda path would bring you closer to the historical importance of our movement.

There are many groups, both active and defunct, by a common abbreviation CPN (Communist Party of Nepal). Do you think this would confuse the identity of CPN (Maoist) during the poll?

There are various ideologies that creep into the communist movement at different points of time; hence there are splits and counter splits resulting in so many parties. However, there are two major forces — one is the reformist communist party known as CPN (Unified Marxist-Leninist) which believes in parliamentary form of democracy and other one is the revolutionist communist party known as CPN (Maoists) which believes in the revolutionary path for the development of society. Any layperson knows both parties; hence there should not be any confusion.

Do you think CPN’s (Maoist) membership with Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and the co-ordination committee of Maoist parties and organizations South Asia have paved the way for its greater international acceptability?

Marxist ideology is an international ideology. All the revolutionary movements in the world express their solidarity with us. However, they don’t have any impact on the current political movement of Nepal. We are chalking our own strategies.

You claim that Maoists People’s war always aimed at establishing a “new democracy” in Nepal through a historical revolt against federalism and imperialism. Then why are you not contributing enough to the peace process that can lead to early democracy?

We think we have hugely contributed to this ongoing peace process and somebody who thinks it is otherwise he or she is totally wrong. Our ultimate goal is socialism and communism and we believe it can be achieved through various stages of the development of democracy. We are trying to achieve a federal democratic republic as an immediate need of the society. For this we armed the people’s war and then led them to a peaceful movement.

Maoists initial memorandum presented to then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba on Feb 4, 1996 demanded the abrogation of Mahakali treaty with India on distribution of water and electricity. Do you still stand by this?

We are keen to redefine our relation at the international level. Nepal’s current diplomatic relation with India stems from a strong British legacy in India. The unequal treaty, imposed on us in 1816 following Anglo-Nepalese war, is still continuing. Hence, we want this legacy to be done away with so that we have mutually agreeable and beneficial relationship. We want the abrogation of some of the treaties such as on distribution of water which is one of our major resources. However, it does not mean we would have an antagonistic relation with India as we understand India is our most important neighbour and it is difficult to progress without its support.

The abrogation of Mahakali treaty is a 40-point demand. Do you want all these demands to be fulfilled?

We would like to sit down and discuss and find a way out.

How do you foresee Nepal’s relation with India post-election?

We have always had a good relation. Unfortunately people of both countries have been exploited by the ruling class for their selfish interest. I think we will have a very cordial relation.

India insists that Nepal Maoists must delink themselves from Indian naxalites to pave way for a better political relation!

We only have ideological and political links with them but no military links. And we would never have military links. Various communist parties of the world have similar political links among themselves. So what is the problem!

But you have alleged military collusion with some radical naxalite groups such as ULFA!

We have come across some news claming our association with ULFA which is baseless. We don’t have any association with them and we can never have since they don’t believe in Maoism. These are various nationalistic movements in their own rights and we have nothing to do with them.

What role do you visualise for the King now?

We are for a democratic republic in which there is no role for the King even as a ceremonial head. However, his existence in the country would depend on how he cooperates with the new political system. If he chooses to live as an ordinary citizen he is welcome or else he would call trouble for himself.

You are an alumnus of India’s Jawaharlal Nehru University, which is a bastion of communism. How much has JNU influenced you in your revolt against the establishment?

JNU has had a great influence on me. I learnt my Marxism there not only in theory but also in practice.

Let us visualize the scenario post-election in April. Where do you see yourself in terms of political achievement?

The way we have supported various movements in the country such as dalits, women and janjatis, we think we will attain the majority in the election. It is based on a real assessment.
Would you predict a date for the elections?We always want elections to happen at the earliest. As of now it appears to be in April.

Do you want independent international observers to oversee the elections?

It was we who wanted independent observers from UN and elsewhere to ensure a free and fair election.

Would you want India to become a part of the international observers during elections?

People from civil societies and human rights groups in India are always welcome to become a part of independent observers.

Are you chalking out a bigger political role for your wife Comrade Parvati as the country is going into polls?

I don’t chalk out plans for her. She has her own independent contribution to the communist movement in Nepal. In fact we met during the struggle. She is capable to chalk out her career and she has contributed a lot to women liberation movement in Nepal.

Are you planning to contest in elections?

Definitely, yes. Our chairman has already indicated that all our top leaders will be in the electoral fray.

Can you give an estimate of the number of Maoist combatants, militia, cadres, hardcore followers and sympathisers?

There are 30,000 combatants and another 20,000-22,000 will soon be added to this list following verification. There are 50,000-70,000 people in our cadre and our hardcore followers and sympathisers are in millions. We have nearly 200,000 people as our followers from the trade unions of Katmandu.

Is this huge following going to translate into votes?

We are confident of emerging as the party with majority in the election. However, it is a little early to predict the exact number of votes.

According to a UN report Maoists have procured some 85 percent of weapons from Police and RNA during their struggle against monarchy. There are reports that the loot is still continuing. Is it true?

After the ceasefire there is no arm struggle.

Source: Hindustan Times, January 3, 2007

A Chance Encounter With a Maoist Commissar

It is notable that two years ago, before the ceasefire, the Maoists did not have any presence at all in Mustang due to the Royal Nepal Army’s occupation of a high foot suspension bridge below Ghasa that serves as the only entrance to the district below 5000 meters. Now the Maoists had a large visible office in Jomsom.

Neil Horning

Text of the interview with Pawan, the Mustang district in charge follows. I think it’s still a bit boilerplate.

1. The leadership has often said that the peace process was an unprecedented experiment for Maoism. In your opinion, what are the results of this experiment and the lessons to be learned?

When king Gyanendra used the Army to take power from the elected representatives We made the 12 point agreement in order to win back power with the help of all of the citizens. As we have been voicing the demands of the people, the old agreement was insufficient to fulfill these demands in the current situation so we are trying to make another agreement on the basis of a new consensus. The theme of this consensus must be to first announce a republic in order to uplift the different oppressed ethnicities genders regions and communities so they participate fully in the upcoming Constituent Assembly elections. For that the Communities of Women and Dalits must be given specific rights to participate in the interim government. Only then can the new Constitution be made in accordance to the will of the Nepalese citizens. This is the main aspiration of the Nepali Citizen today. Our party (Maoist) is always ready for that. Although we have joined the peace process, we are still integrating the strategies of People’s War and talks so there is less possibility of failure.

2. who do you think the public blames for the delay in the elections?

Since we started our People’s War to build the future of the Nepalese citizens we have waged the whole war for constituent assembly and we have written slogans on the walls saying “long live Republic, long live Constituent Assembly.” When we were doing this the Government [under the mainstream parties] arrested and even killed those people. And now the same people are blaming us for the delay. Shall we not remember that? Before the 19 day People’s uprising who was making the demands for Constituent Assembly and Republic? With this in mind, how can there be any confusion? Our 13,000 Martyrs sacrificed for Constituent Assembly and Republic so how can our party be against them? Therefore, those who were against them are the ones who are against Republic and Constituent Assembly.

3. What political development has most surprised you over the last year and a half?

Over the last year and a half we have concluded a huge ideological war. After the 12-point agreement we were able to isolate Gyanendra from the power of the Royal Army. Then we had the opportunity to speak freely among the Nepalese for whom we have been fighting for the last 11 years. As there is one army in this country of the government and one of the Nepalese citizens, we are able to force the government to give equal treatment to these two armies, as well as clear the charge made against us by the American imperialists that we are terrorists they had been popularizing to the world. Even now we are still trying to free the Nepalese government from the interference of European countries, America, and Australia who are exercising their hegemony. We are trying to balance the foreign strategies so we are not in the situation to be oppressed at their will. Our Party is the only party which is integrating all oppressed regions, ethnicities, genders, languages, cultures, all women and Dalits; understanding their sentiments in order to move them on the path of their liberation.

4. How have things changed for you personally over that time?

Things have changed so much since our last meeting because time is constantly moving [progressive]. According to that, human society is moving ahead. Therefor today’s Nepal is moving further ahead that yesterdays Nepal. In the same way, human society is becoming more conscious so there is a certainty of improvement. In the past there was an armed struggle of ideas. This category of struggle is not limited only to Nepal. It has become world wide because todays world has already become a fully integrated system. Finally, our ideological struggle is not only for Nepali citizens but rather for all the oppressed citizens of the world. Therefor, to have change in the politics of Nepal means to have change in the politics of the world.

Source: Blog for a Democratic Nepal, December 28, 2007

Nepal to be federal democratic republic

3rd amendment clears deck for republic

The Interim Parliament on Friday passed a third amendment to the Interim Constitution, stating that Nepal would become a federal democratic republic after the Constituent Assembly poll. Parliament amended Article 159 of the constitution. The amendment reads: "Nepal will be a federal democratic republic." The amendment also says the decision would be enforced by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly." The amendment provides for parliament, through a two-third majority, to abolish the monarchy before the CA poll if the government is convinced that the king is conspiring against the poll.

The amendment also formally transfers the position of head of state to the prime minister. A proposal by lawmakers from the three biggest ruling parties to make new arrangements for the appointment of parliament's general secretary and secretary, has been incorporated in the constitution. Speaker Subas Nembang verified the bill Friday evening, bringing the amendment into immediate enforcement.

This is the third amendment to the Interim Constitution in less than a year. The constitution promulgated on January 16, 2007 was amended for the first time in March following a month-long Madhes movement, and for a second time on June 13 after the government's failure to hold CA polls by mid-June. Altogether 270 out of the 321 existing members voted in favor of the amendment proposal tabled by the government early this week. This number mostly comprises members from the three biggest parties-Nepali Congress, CPN-UML and CPN (Maoist).

Only three members -- Pashupati Shumsher Rana and Krishna Pratap Malla of Rastriya Prajatantra Party and Pari Thapa of CPN (United) -- voted against the proposal. Four members, two each from Rastriya Janashakti Party and Sadbhavana Party, boycotted the voting. Surya Bahadur Thapa, Renu Yadav of RJP and Rajendra Mahato and Yagya Jit Shah of Sadbhawana boycotted the vote. Altogether 44 members, including former speaker Tara Nath Ranabhat of NC and KP Oli and Jhala Nath Khanal of CPN UML, were absent during the voting.

Earlier, the House rejected amendment proposals tabled by RPP, RJP, National People's Front and Sadbhavana Party. The proposals by RPP and NPF to drop the names of the seven parties from the constitution, reduce the proposed number of seats in the CA and let the first meeting of the CA decide the monarchy's fate were rejected by overwhelming majority.

Amendment draws flak

Most opposition parties and some ruling coalition members criticized the constitution amendment Bill tabled by the government for its failure to address the issues raised by Madhesi, Janajatis and other agitating groups. Former prime minister and Rastriya Janashakti Party Chairman Surya Bahadur Thapa and Rastriya Prajatantra Party Chairman Pashupati Shumsher Rana alleged that the amendment was a blatant assault on the people's right to exercise sovereign powers.

"Constituent Assembly elected through fresh a mandate of the people is the only body that can exercise the people's sovereign power," said Thapa. "If this crucial decision is taken by the seven parties then where does sovereignty rest on?" He also warned of severe consequences because of SPA's authoritarian attitude. RPP Chairman Rana also claimed that it was solely the responsibility of sovereign people who can decide whether to declare Nepal a republic state or not. Similarly, Pradeep Giri of the ruling Nepali Congress criticized his party for denying lawmakers a chance for intense discussions on the serious political issues. He said the amendment has failed to address the genuine demands put forward by Madhesi people, but lawmakers could not take up the issues.

Rajendra Mahato of Sadbhavana Party warned that parliament would be without Madhesi members if there is no change in the attitude of the ruling big parties. Likewise, Pari Thapa of CPN-United, Chitra Bahadur KC of National People's Front, Sunil Prajapati of Nepal Workers Peasants Party and Kaman Singh Lama of People's Front Nepal urged the government to ensure the CA polls by addressing the issues raised by Madhesi, Dalit, ethnic and backward communities.

Source: Kathmandu Post, December 29

Nepal's Transition To A Full Republic

Vijaya Chalise

The seven political parties have again created history by signing a new agreement which, after the amendment of the interim constitution, will make Nepal institutionally a federal democratic republic. Following the agreement, the parliament as well has expedited the interim constitution amendment process. Ultimately, after days of delayed negotiations, the seven political parties have made commitment for a federal democratic republic in the interim constitution.

23-point agreement

The 23-point agreement has stated that the decision on the republic would be implemented by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly (CA), but a two-third majority of the interim parliament will be required to implement the proposal of republic prior to the CA polls if the king creates any obstruction against the election. Therefore, the king now will not have any role in the state of affairs, and the Prime Minister will perform all works of the head of the state until the agreement on a republic gets implemented. Therefore, the agreement has set the stage for Nepal's transition to a full republic less than two years after the king was forced to cede his dictatorial powers following the Maoist's decade-long people's war along with the historic people's movement-2 jointly launched by the seven parties and the Maoists. Consequently, after the Nepali Congress agreed to declare the country a republic in the process of abolishing the monarchy - a key Maoist demand - the agreed document epitomises the seven-party alliance's commitment and desire to bring the peace process to a successful conclusion by holding the CA election.

The Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) has decided to rejoin the government. The CPN-Maoist that ended a decade-long people's war against the feudal regime had left the interim government last September demanding the declaration of Nepal a republic prior to the CA polls and implementing an all out proportional electoral system. The proclamation of a republic and the kind of electoral system to adopt had been the major points of dispute among the political parties. The Maoists had called for an immediate abolition of monarchy to ensure free and fair elections to shape the country's political future. The recent agreement has cleared the deck, and it has now assured the Constituent Assembly polls, which have been postponed twice. The parties have agreed too hold the CA elections by mid-April, 2008 and increase the number of CA members to 601, allocating approximately 42 and 58 per cent of the seats for the first-past-the-post and proportional election system respectively, with 335 to be elected under the fully proportional system, 240 through the first-past-the-post and 26 to be nominated by the cabinet. The nominees will be from among ethnic and indigenous groups who are not represented in the first-past-the post and the proportional system. Other provisions of the agreement include: the government will form commissions and committees within one month on the disappeared persons, truth and reconciliation, state restructuring, scientific land reform, and high-level monitoring of the implementation of the past agreements. The agreement for creating a high-level steering committee to ensure that the political stakeholders in the government have an equitable say and participation in running the affairs of the government within a week will obviously help eliminate the past impression over the way the government was run and conducted. Not only the Maoists but all the cabinet colleagues, except for the Congress ministers, had accused the head of the government of trying to seek monopoly over the decision-making process without taking them into confidence.

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala says the 23-point agreement inked by the seven political parties has fortified the people's faith in the parties that was gradually waning. He claimed that the declaration of Nepal as a republic had already been made by the seven parties, which would be given final shape by including it in the interim constitution through parliamentary proceedings. However, some of the Madhesi factions, Rastrya Prajatanra Party (RPP) and Janatantrik Party (RJP) give the impression of being not happy. However, lawmakers of the seven political parties have welcomed the agreement and the amendment proposal of the government brought accordingly. Maoist chairman Prachanda said the new agreement that was forged among the seven parties had opened the way for the Maoists to participate in the government and that his party would take part in the election for a meaningful Constituent Assembly.Despite the positive development on the constitutional and political fronts, the people, however, may continue to voice their doubts until the election is held after declaring the fresh date. The seven parties should obviously protect the rights of the minorities, but one cannot forget that minority rights are not about allowing minority communities a free hand to spread hateful ideologies, but are about protecting the lives, livelihood and rights guaranteed by the constitution and laws of the nation.

While the country has now embraced a federal democratic republican structure, the agitating groups, including those in the Terai, have come for talks and support the new constitution-making process if they really are against peace and the disintegration of the country. Therefore, the government and the leaders of the seven-party alliance should seriously think of protecting the rights of such agitating groups so as not to give a chance to foreign actors to play their card at disintegrating the nation.Now, the government and the seven-party alliance should be serious about constituting the promised six commissions and committees within the agreed time frame. Since the Election Commission has demanded at least 90 days after the promulgation of all the election-related laws in the in the run-up of the poll, the government should not fail to implement all the agreements on time. If the government and the seven-party alliance work sincerely as per the letter and spirit of the agreements with broader understandings, a conducive environment for a constitution election could be created. The pre-requisites for holding the election are obviously the implementation of past pacts and understandings reached between the Maoists and the government and effective enforcement of law and order across the country.

Future course

As the country is passing through a very fluid political phase and national integrity and sovereignty is at risk with the delaying CA polls, decisions taken at the moment are important in determining and setting the course of the future of the nation. Therefore, the political parties should demonstrate perseverance and sincerity to ensure that the ongoing democratisation and peace-building process bears tangible fruits.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 29, 2007