Madhes unity

Last week saw an unprecedented consolidation of forces in Madhes. First, it was the declaration of unification by three armed rebel groups—the two factions of Jwala Singh and Bisphot Singh of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha and the Tarai Tigers. Then came the announcement of the establishment of the Madhes Liberation Front formed by the merger of the Rajendra Mahato faction of the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandi Devi) and Upendra Mahato's Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF). A ground-breaking development took place on Monday with the announcement of a new political front in the tarai. Mahanta Thakur, a senior Madhesi leader of the Nepali Congress, resigned his ministerial position and parliamentary membership to lead the front. One lawmaker each from the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandi Devi), CPN-UML and RPP quit their parties to join hands with Thakur. Many more senior Madhesi leaders from other political fronts are expected to jump on the bandwagon.

The obvious questions are this: How did such a sudden consolidation of forces happen in the tarai? What will its ramifications be? The consolidation of power will definitely augment their influence in the tarai. However, the formation of a front of armed groups is definitely not going to help the taraibasis. It will only make things worse for them. In fact, the political leaders, who were until now associated with different parties, were compelled to do something in order to offset the ever-increasing threat and influence of gun-slinging bands in the tarai. They who have been demanding autonomy and vowing to attain their goals through a peaceful movement will hopefully help the government improve the pathetic law and order situation in the tarai. We hope that both the Tarai Liberation Front and the new front announced by Thakur and others will at least make the tarai livable for people from all regions and castes. However, if these groups get tempted to establish working relations with any armed group, then the tarai situation will turn from bad to worse.

The emergence of new groups is also revenge of the Madhesi leaders against the parties they were associated with. Had the seven-party government acted promptly and addressed the law and order situation and other valid demands, the leaders would not have been forced to form new political fronts. The formation of these new fronts will probably also convince the Maoists that the Madhesi movement was not waged by the NC and the UML just to minimize their influence in the tarai. However, it is yet to be seen if the Maoists can stop their Madhesi leaders from joining one or the other front. The Post believes that the armed groups should be dealt with sternly by the government, but the unarmed and peaceful groups should be allowed to grow as political parties. We hope the peaceful political groups will dissociate themselves from anti-social elements and de-escalate the ethnic acrimony in the tarai.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, December 12, 2007

Nepal is heading for regional polarisation

Paul Soren

The continuing crisis in the Tarai region in Nepal remains a serious challenge for the present interim government and has only been aggravated by recent events when a group of legislators from the Tarai, resigned from the parliament on December 10. This led to further political impasse and uncertainty towards holding of the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. The senior Nepali Congress leader and Minister for Science and Technology in the present government, Mahant Thakur, considered to be a very close aide of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, along with three other influential Tarai leaders, Hridayesh Tripathi formerly with (Nepal Sadbhawana Party-Anandi Devi), Mahendra Yadav of (Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist) (CPN-UML) and Ram Chandra Raya of Rastriya Prajatantra Party resigned from the parliament alleging that the government and parties are insensitive and indifferent towards resolving the problems of the Tarai region.

They accused the government of not fulfilling past commitments given to the Madhesi parliamentarians. After resigning, these leaders also announced the formation of a new political outfit in the Tarai. The party would start a fresh round of peaceful agitations to pressure the government to fulfill their demands. Subsequently, five political leaders from Tarai; Sarbendra Nath Sukla of Rastriya Janashakti Party, Anish Ansari, Ram Chandra Kushwaha and Brishesh Chandra Lal of NC and Srikrishna Yadav of UML, followed by resigning from their respective party positions, and accused their parent parties of indifference towards Tarai issues. Moreover, reports suggest that many more leaders and party members from Tarai, holding positions in different parties, are planning to quit their parent parties and join hands to form a new political outfit.

The Tarai problem has its genesis in history where the Madhesis have felt alienated and discriminated in political, social, cultural and economic affairs and have continually been searching for an identity. The Madhesis have become more conscious of their rights post Jana Aandolan II and over time several new political outfits and some underground armed groups have emerged. Though initially the agitations, demanding for federal system with regional autonomy, amendment in interim legislature, rights to self-determination and proportional representation in the CA polls, were peaceful but later became violent. They also seek a legislature that would legislate on behalf of the Madhesis. After initial hesitation, the Madhesi movement gathered strength in unity while the government’s apathy and the political vacuum created in the Tarai, helped. The call to form a new political outfit representing the sentiments of the Tarai could polarise the polity.

A few months ago, a prominent leader from NSP-A (a Tarai political outfit), Rajendra Mahato and Upendra Yadav, Chairman of the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum , have already announced the launch of a joint front called Samyukta Madhesi Morcha which announced a joint agitation from end of December. A new and stronger political force in the region can be expected to give a new life to the agitation for a federal set up in the country. A sustained movement will put pressure on Kathmandu to try to solve the problem. Any delay in this would encourage underground armed groups in Tarai and the newly formed Madhes Rakshya Bahini the youth wing of the SMM to resort to violence with its usual consequences in an already unstable situation. Since most of the industries in Tarai have already shut down any further turmoil will force the remaining industries to also close down. More importantly, this will also affect the already shaky peace process and delay the holding of CA polls.

Source: Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, December 12, 2007

Koirala willing to declare Nepal a republic: report

The paralysis gripping Nepal's fragile peace process for nearly three months could be easing with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala finally agreeing to abolish the kingdom's two-century-old institution of monarchy and declare Nepal a republic, according to the Maoists.

Koirala and his Nepali Congress party - so far the major opponents of the Maoist demand that King Gyanendra be sacked immediately through a parliamentary decree - have shown signs of relenting, with the prime minister partially agreeing to the proposal of a republic, the Janadisha daily, the Maoist mouthpiece, reported on Wednesday. After several rounds of parleys, Koirala is now ready to amend the constitution that, though stripping the king of all powers and privileges, left the crown in a state of suspension, decreeing that an election would decide its fate.

Now, however, Koirala is ready to revise the constitution and abolish the crown before the election, as demanded by the Maoists. The rebels had asked the parliament to effect the change, alleging that a free and fair election would not be possible as long as the king remained. Although the majority of legislators supported their demand, the rebels were not able to push it through because they needed two-thirds majority, which eluded them because the Nepali Congress, the biggest party in the house, opposed them. Koirala's capitulation comes with a condition, the Maoist daily said. He is proposing that though Nepal would be declared a republic, the king should not be evicted from his palace immediately. The implementation would start only after the election.

This, incidentally, is also part of the peace formula suggested by former US president Jimmy Carter who visited Nepal last month to bring the warring sides together. It would also get the support of the international community that has been urging the government to hold the election and let it decide the king's fate. However, the daily also said that Maoist chief Prachanda is pushing for the immediate implementation of a republic. While the deadlock on monarchy could be inching towards a consensus, the two parties still remain divided over a second Maoist demand. The rebels also want a fully proportional electoral system, which is likely to improve their electoral chances.

While Koirala was opposing it at first, now he is ready to accept a 40 to 60 compromise in which 60 per cent of the seats would be elected as per the Maoist demand and the rest on the first past the post system, the report said. Earlier, Prachanda had indicated that if the demand for a republic were to be conceded, his party would be flexible about the second. Koirala's thaw was partly due to the growing pressure at home and abroad to reach an understanding with the Maoists and hold the twice-deferred election by April.

A new impetus came after his trusted Minister for Science, Technology and Environment Mohanta Thakur resigned on Tuesday along with three MPs from the Terai plains to form a regional party and push for autonomy in the restive plains. Both the Nepali Congress and the Maoists are concerned at the move, realising their control in the plains is diminishing. Any further delay to hold the polls could spell disaster for them in the Terai, which is emerging as the new x-factor in Nepal's politics.

Source: Hindustan Times, December 12, 2007

PLA and NA Question Of Integration

Shyam Bhandari

Addressing the seventh anniversary of the armed wing of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), the People's Liberation Army (PLA), in Chitwan recently, Maoist Chairman Prachanda is reported to have ruled out any possibility of the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections unless the peace process moved ahead properly. Nothing new! The Maoists have made the CA polls a bargaining chip before, and it seems they will go on making it just until their hidden agenda is met.

For now, the Maoists do not seem to be quite keen to set a new deadline for the CA polls in a hurry. Their insistence on the government first agreeing to adopt the proportional representation system of election and abolition of monarchy outright have come in the way of the elections being scheduled the last time around. Going by Prachanda's declaration in Chitwan, it's anyone's guess that new thorns are sprouting even if the existing ones get cleared somehow.

New thorns

There is every indication that the Maoists will come up with a new set of demands if the present ones are met. Needless to say, their oft-repeated allusion to the integration of the PLA with the Nepal Army (NA) is the new thorn that is emerging in the paths of the ever-elusive CA polls. As far as the Maoists are concerned, it is commendable that a force that was married to bloodshed has come as far as it has in its new role as a peaceful, though not overtly genuine, participant of a political process. However, neither the Government of Nepal nor the Maoists have been fully implementing the commitments they inked in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of last year.

In fact, they have turned each other's shortcomings in fulfilling the commitments into a post-conflict conflict. While the government harbours an overabundance of tacit bitterness against the Maoists for not reining in its various organs, including the YCL (Young Communist League), that are involved in making the law and order situation go haywire, the Maoists have been more vocal in their accusations. They have been availing of every possible opportunity to point accusing fingers at the government for ignoring the promises made to them. Prominent among the accusations is that of the government's apathy towards its fighters enclosed in the cantonments under the watchful eye of UNMIN. The Maoists want their fighters to be integrated into the NA with the greatest urgency. Time and again, Prachanda has underlined that the integration process was delayed due to the government's indifference and the lack of interest over the issue among the concerned parties. He has been insisting on settling the PLA issue before continuing on the journey towards the CA polls.

Why is Prachanda so keen on doing this? Is this more important than the mammoth task of writing a new constitution, more important than rewriting the very politico socio-economic foundation of a New Nepal? From the Maoist perspectives, yes! Prachanda has every reason to be wary of the PLA fallout in the event of his party not meeting what they were promised during the hard days of the 'war' or during 'recruitment' - whichever may be applicable. It is an open truth that his party recruited every possible Tom, Dick and Harry with inflated promises both during the years of active conflict and post-CPA. The result - 33,000 armed and trained indoctrinates who are constantly itching for action - is certain to weigh down on his back. It is becoming more and more evident that the real issue behind the Maoists' refusal to wake and shake themselves up for the remaining leg of the journey in the peace process is the reintegration of their fighters more than the issue of Monarchy or the representation system. That the Maoist chairman is hell bent on fulfilling the promises he made to his cadres is evident from his stance. What about the promises he and the other signatories and participants of the CPA, and later the government, made to the remaining people? These self-proclaimed people's leaders seem to have their own definition of 'people'.

Just as his party cadres are the only people in the eyes of the Maoist supremo, so it is for Girijababu, MaKuNe (Madahv Kumar Nepal) and others. What happens to the large chunk of the population that is sidelined when each of the leaders works to milk the most out of the public coffers for the benefit of a chosen few? When will these narrow-minded leaders learn to work for the benefit of the people and the nation as a whole?

Question of integration

As far as Prachanda's proclivity for the integration of his army with the NA goes, it doesn't look viable both from the military as well as the general perspective. You can't expect two forces that faced each other in the killing fields not long ago to share the same bed and breakfast, especially with both armed to the teeth. Moreover, the Maoists were themselves trumpeting, and correctly so, until a year ago saying that Nepal doesn't need an army as large as it presently maintains. How come they suddenly seem comfortable with adding another 30,000 to that already oversized lot? But then there is still the question of how we can demobilise and reintegrate the ex-combatants from the Maoist camp. There is a middle path that can both reintegrate the Maoist PLA while downsizing the NA.

What we can do is create an unarmed reconstruction and development force by incorporating the Maoists and a sizeable chunk of the NA into a Public Works Department (PWD). The work this department can do will include building roads and bridges, schools, community hospitals and other projects. It could also be mobilised for relief work during emergencies and natural disasters. The government can pay them at par with the NA soldiers, while saving a huge sum on arms and ammunition that it would need to buy for them otherwise. This would also serve as a purgatory for the Maoists that so unfeelingly destroyed the infrastructure of this country during their people's war. It would be a win-win for Prachanda for he could tell his fighters that he kept his word, while the rest of us could do with a long speech on how he trimmed the NA for the benefit of a New Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 13, 2007

Nepalese army chief seeks resumption of supply of arms

New Delhi (PTI): Nepalese army Chief Gen Rookmangud Katawal on Wednesday met senior Indian politcal leaders and is understood to have sought resumption of arms shipments from India to his country. On a two-day official visit here, Katawal met External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukurjhee, Defence Minister A K Antony and held extensive discussions with his Indian counterpart Gen Deepak Kapoor.

India had suspended arms supplies to Nepal earlier this year on the request of the new government which included the Maoist party, following the popular upsurge against the monarchy. India has supplied the Nepalese army with helicopters, light artillery guns, night vision devices and light arms and Kathmandu now wants the arms supplies and spares to be resumed with the situation in the country having stablised, army sources said.

Katawal and Kapoor, they said, discussed at length the mutual security concerns. The Nepalese army chief was also given an extensive briefing on Indian security perespective. The Nepalese Chief also met Defence Secretary Vijay Singh, Naval Chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta and Air Chief Fali Homi Major. He would meet National Security Advisor M K Narayanan and Foreign Secretary Shiv Shankar Menon tomorrow. His engagements would be rounded off with a meeting with the Prime Minister's special envoy Shyam Saran.

Source: The Hindu, December 13, 2007