Nepal: First successful revolution of the century

Theo Russell

COMRADE C P Gujral, International Secretary of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), addressed a highly successful meeting in London last week organised by the Britain South Asian Solidarity Forum.Gujral gave a detailed analysis of the CPN(M)’s strategy as Nepal enters a decisive phase. The enemy, he said, was no longer the monarchy, but “US imperialism”.“Actually we are now fighting US imperialism. The fight against the monarchy is almost finished. Even if we achieve the Nepalese revolution, imperialism will not allow it to be sustained.”“Following last year’s mass uprising, an agreement was reached by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA), which included the UML (Communist Party of Nepal/United Marxist-Leninist), and the CPN(M), for an interim parliament and government to prepare elections for a new constituent assembly.“The US was opposed to this process as it contradicted the interests of US imperialism. When it was agreed that the CPN(M) would enter the interim parliament with 82 members, the US threatened to stop all assistance to Nepal.

“When the CPN(M) entered the interim government the US threatened to ask its allies to impose economic sanctions on Nepal. But the United States’ policy met with total failure.”Elections for a new parliament were set for June this year, but were postponed by the Election Commission for technical reasons, and since then they have been postponed again twice.Meanwhile arms and money have flowed into the southern Terrai region to promote ethnic conflict and violence.Gujral said the US had prepared two “ambushes” against the CPN(M). “The first was for the CPN(M) to lose the elections, and if it didn’t accept this, they, and any mass movement supporting them, would be declared as ‘terrorists’.

“The second was that if the CPN(M) won the elections, the US had prepared contras – the Terrais – and would claim that the elections were rigged by the CPN(M) and that these forces were fighting for ‘democracy’.“The CPN(M) saw these two threats to be trapped and killed, but the CPN(M) was also working out how to win the revolution.”In August the CPN(M) leadership adopted a strategy of a mass mobilisation, recognising a “serious mistake” was made in agreeing that only a new government could declare a republic, “when it should have been declared before the elections.”The Maoists “made a clear demand for a republic backed by a mass movement and decided to withdraw from the government and to refuse to participate in or allow the elections.”In September a CPN(M) motion to the interim parliament to declare a republic was carried with the UML’s support.“The CPN(M) is now saying they will oust the Nepali Congress from the government via a mass movement, and a new government should be formed,” Gujral said. “This would make the US very angry as it opposes any CPN(M) participation in the government.“The CPN(M) knows that if it becomes the head of the government the US will not tolerate this. Thus the CPN(M) has asked the UML to take power.

“US imperialism and Indian expansionism are opposed to this strategy, and would not tolerate a revolutionary government. So the next stage will definitely be very difficult.“The US is not interested in Nepal’s resources or in economic control, but is afraid of the worldwide impact of the revolution in Nepal. People are looking to the Nepali revolution, because it would set a precedent for revolution for the oppressed, exploited and struggling people of the world.“There is also a growing Maoist movement in India, and the Indian ruling class is very afraid of the success of the Nepali revolution and is ready to take any action.“So the situation is heading towards a climax. It is very difficult to predict what will happen in the next weeks or months. It is a life or death struggle we are working out in Nepal, and the situation is very serious, so at this time we think international support is very important.“We are preparing our people for the worst eventuality of foreign intervention.”

Gujral said Britain is supporting the peace process and there was an apparent diversion between British and US policy, and reported important developments in the CPN(M)’s relations with China.“The CPN(M) has established relations with China, and the Chinese embassy in Kathmandu has issued a statement saying that China would not tolerate any interference in Nepal, including by India.”This announcement followed “rigorous discussions” between a senior official of the Communist Party of China’s international department, Professor Wang. In an interview Wang said that if the US or India attempted to intervene in various ways in Nepal, China would not tolerate such actions if a certain limit was exceeded.Gujral concluded by saying: “We are confident that we will eventually see the success of the revolution in Nepal, the first successful people’s revolution of the 21st century.”

Source: London Communist, November 22, 2007

Maoist use of ethnic groups complicates Nepal's peace

Nov 21, 2007, 11:11 GMT

Kathmandu - The end of 11 years of a Maoist insurgency in Nepal has given rise to growing violence blamed on ethnic groups demanding a greater say in the country's political and economic decisions, often resulting in political losses for the former rebels.

Until recently, the ethnic groups had largely remained silent, but the Maoist insurgency brought them to the forefront.
'The Maoists systematically used ethnic groups that were largely ignored by the ruling elites by offering them a share of governance in areas they controlled during the insurgency,' said political analyst Sudhir Sharma, who closely followed the Maoist conflict. 'In exchange, the ethnic groups provided the rebels with manpower to fight government forces.'
But with the Maoists being bogged down in political intricacies in Kathmandu since they signed a peace agreement a year ago with the government, ethnic groups have gone ahead to pursue their own interests, aided by a lax security system across the country, Sharma said.

In the months since the signing of the November 21 peace deal, many of the Maoist-aligned ethnic groups have fallen out with the mother party and others have been in open confrontation with it.
The resulting political losses have virtually wiped out the Maoists' influence in many areas of southern Nepal, and with half of the country's 28 million people living on the plains there, the region dominated by ethnic Madhesi communities is extremely importantly in terms of votes.
The Maoists have tried to counter the loss of their political influence by labelling the ethnic groups in southern Nepal as being nothing more than criminal groups out to terrorize the people.
Such labels have raised amusement among political analysts who pointed out that many of the ethnic groups are carrying out exactly what they were taught by the Maoists.
The southern region has seen a proliferation of armed groups, strikes, demonstrations and violence. Weeks of protests and clashes at the beginning of the year left dozens dead.
'The Maoists feel ethnic groups, especially in southern Nepal, have taken up the cause they fought for and in the process have rendered them without an agenda for the people there,' political analyst Bipin Kharel said.
In September when Maoists decided to organize a roundtable conference' to build support for their demands for immediately abolishing the monarchy and reforming the electoral system, the ethnic groups decided to stay away, resulting in the shelving of the conference.
It was an embarrassment for the Maoists, who during their insurgency championed ethnic rights.

'They are nothing but a criminal group who have hijacked our agendas for ethnic groups,' Maoist leader Prachanda told reporters earlier this year, referring to the Madhesi People's Rights Forum, which was involved in the violent protests this year.
The demands raised by the group for proportional representation in the electoral system, according to the Maoists, is something they have campaign for all along.
In April, violent clashes between cadres of the two groups resulted in the deaths of 29 Maoist activists. It was the final nail in the coffin for Maoist influence in southern and south-eastern Nepal.
Since the peace deal, demands by dozens of ethnic groups have mushroomed across the country, including demands for autonomy, a federal structure of government and the right to self-determination.
The Maoist attempts to wrestle back influence appear to have made little impact and was possibly one of the reasons why they demanded full proportional representation in elections to chose an assembly to draw up a new constitution, political analysts said.
Their gamble backfired when coalition members rejected the demands, which led to the Maoists quitting the government in September and the indefinite postponement of the elections.
'Such conflicts during the interim period is natural and is the result of years of repression of these groups,' Lok Raj Baral, a political scientist, said, 'but the government must act either to address the problem or take action to find out if the groups really do have criminal ties.'
The resolution to the ethnic conflicts is necessary to ensure Nepal's peace process remains on track. Without resolving the problems, elections, a key part of Nepal's peace process, cannot take place and that could threaten stability in the country, analysts said.

Source: News Monster, November 21, 2007

Expanding UNSC: Integral Part Of UN Reform

Hira Bahadur Thapa

For years, the issue of reform ing the United Nations has been on the agenda before the General Assembly. Not surprisingly, the same item is being debated though with greater momentum at the current 62nd session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA). Following the submission of the report of the Security Council to the UNGA in recent weeks in New York, the international community's attention has again been drawn to the item of expanding the council. NegotiationsExpanding the UN Security Council has occupied a major part of the debates in the UN headquarters since 1994. The UN membership decided back in 1993 to establish an Open Ended Working Group on the Question of Equitable Representation on an Increase on the Council's Membership. That group has been working on this matter since January 1994. Despite 14 years of on-going negotiations among the UN members, no tangible results have been achieved on the subject.It has been the practice with the world body to consume plenty of time to come to a conclusion on an issue to which is attached great importance. Reform of the United Nations is something that concerns each and every member of the international organisation. There are 192 sovereign member states in the United Nations at the moment. Therefore, reaching a consensus on a subject like this is really a formidable job requiring perseverance and flexibility from the stakeholders. Reform itself is an issue that involves a comprehensive approach. It cannot be limited to certain areas because reform is intended to bring about changes in the working of the organisation. A reformed institution or an organisation should have its capacity enhanced so as to be able to deliver better results. With this reality very much under consideration, the entire membership of the United Nations has been engaged in fruitful negotiations for more than a decade to arrive at an acceptable formula. No doubt about the fact that the world body has gained some success in putting the reform plans in place. We have seen changes in the structure of the body in streamlining the functioning of the institution. Various departments have been amalgamated sometimes while new ones have been created to cope with the present realities. The UN has been frequently accused of employing a bloated bureaucracy. The member states have time and again stressed on the professional integrity and competence of its officials and staff members. In line with the directives given by its members, the UN has strived to reform to achieve higher efficiency in managing its manpower. It has simultaneously made sincere efforts to improve its image in terms of financial dealings. The example of bringing those financial culprits to book who were found guilty in cases related to the Oil for Food Programme in Iraq illustrates the UN's endeavours to curb corruption.No issue has become more contentious than the one concerning the expansion of the UN Security Council. It is clearly evidenced by the stretched negotiations among the members of the organisation. The question of reforming the Security Council is not confined to increasing its size. It includes the subject of improving the working methods also where, perhaps, the member states have lesser grievances to be addressed. In terms of conducting an open debate on issues of multilateral concern, like the recruitment of child soldiers, the Council has made some improvement. Its emphasis on greater transparency has been recognised as a positive step towards improving its working methods. It is equally important to note that the working methods of the Security Council are always inseparable from its composition. One without the other carries no significance.Looking at the long drawn out negotiations for almost a decade and a half, one can lose patience and observe that expansion of the size of the Council is a never materialising dream. This is certainly a negative picture of the efforts put in by the UN membership. It is because it took 18 years from 1945, the time of the UN's inception, till 1963 to increase the non-permanent membership of the Security Council. Initially there were 11 members - both permanent and non-permanent - and they rose to 15, following the UN Charter Amendment. Therefore, everyone should be aware of the complexity involved in the subject. It is not going to be an easy affair as there are many aspirants not only for non-permanent seats but also for permanent ones.It is in the category of permanent members where the members find it hard to crack the hard nut. Obviously, permanent membership is always sought after as it provides exclusive veto power. By using such a veto, they are in a position to block any resolution that they find objectionable to them. There is a dilemma as to whether they should limit the size of the reshaped Council or compromise on its effectiveness. All agree that the enlarged Council needs to be small to be quick and efficient and large enough to be effective and desirable. Some of the aspiring members have stated during the recent debate on the issue of Security Council reform that the Council's effectiveness will be compromised if changes are not made in its size. They have a point as the Security Council's present composition still represents the Cold War realities. It is high time that the members narrowed their differences and worked towards creating a constructive atmosphere to raise the bar of mutual trust.Here, it would be interesting to note down the recommendations contained in a new report prepared by the facilitators for Security Council reform who were tasked by the 61st GA President. That report seeks to focus on five major points for building on the progress achieved so far on the subject. These are, namely, categories of membership, the question of veto, question of regional representation, size of the enlarged council and the working methods of the council and the relationship between it and the General Assembly. Political structureVisible progress can be made only when the members are prepared to agree on these points and, thus, pave the way for intergovernmental negotiations. Since the expansion of the council in both categories is essential to get rid of the political structure that rested on the balance of power of the 1940s, Nepal has been favouring a position that fully takes this reality into account.

Source: The Rising Nepal, November 27, 2007

Rebuilding The State

The Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction has unveiled projects to accelerate the process of rebuilding infrastructure and assets destroyed during the conflict. The post-conflict reconstruction projects to be executed in three years include a larger gamut of schemes aimed at enhancing peace and reconciliation, institutional strengthening for democracy and promoting self-help enterprises to generate jobs for those affected by the conflict. The ministry has rightly come up with a package of schemes and programmes that are directed at reconstructing the Nepali state which was severely hit by the conflict during the past 10 years. The impact of the conflict was acute and multidimensional. In the decade-long conflict, physical infrastructure worth billions of rupees, including telecommunication towers, bridges, office buildings and historic monuments, was destroyed. More consequential and far-reaching damage was done to the state institutions at different levels. The elections to the national parliament and local bodies were halted because of the conflict. The national bureaucracy was hit and its capacity to function and deliver services was severely weakened and retarded. The destruction of the local government institutions, including village development committees, municipalities and district development committees, was severe, and this impeded the process for providing services to the people. The damage done to national institutions does have a long-term impact than the destruction caused to the physical assets and infrastructure. The post-conflict reconstruction design, presented on behalf of the government, has its focus on different areas, including rebuilding the hardware and software of the Nepali state. This should be appreciated. The government should accelerate the process of reconstruction and rehabilitation by mobilising both national and international resources. Since the international community is all willing to extend support in rebuilding the Nepali state, the political parties are under an obligation to create an environment so that resources can be mobilised to repair and rehabilitate infrastructure damaged and destroyed during the conflict. The priority should, therefore, go to maintaining and strengthening political stability by providing momentum to peace building and the democratisation process in the country. It is in this respect that the political stakeholders should demonstrate their commitment and fulfil the aspirations of the people with regard to peace and democracy.

Source: The Rising Nepal, November 27, 2007

Indian cops free pro- Maoist demonstrators after 27 hrs

NEW DELHI, Nov 20 - The Haryana state police in India Tuesday afternoon freed 18 members of the Maoist affiliated Jan Adhikar Surakshya Samiti (JASS), including its chief T. P. Pathak, who were arrested on Monday night.
When the JASS activists were staging sit-ins and corner meetings in different parts of India demanding the immediate implementation of the motions passed by Nepal’s interim parliament seeking an immediate arrangement for a republic and a fully proportional representation system for CA elections, they were arrested.
When the agitators were going for dinner after the meeting, they were arrested by the police who came from Jind of Haryana, said Chairman of Delhi committee of the JASS, K P Pun.
They were under the custody of Jind district police.
“(The Indian police said) you are Nepali Maoists. Why did you hold a meeting here and what did you plan in the meeting,” Pathak Kantipur after his release after almost 27-hour detention. “They have freed us after registering our details. They have said that we could be re-arrested any time.”
Pathak added that the Indian police even confiscated their cell phone sets.
He further said that one of the Indian police officer told them that they were arrested following an order from the “higher-up” authority.
The JASS has been organising various campaigns in different parts of India to press for the enforcement of the motions in Nepal.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, November 20, 2007