That’s why

The three-day celebration of King Gyanendra’s birthday that concluded yesterday was hardly a smooth affair. It was not unnatural for the palace to want to celebrate the diamond jubilee, even though the King has no constitutional status or authority. Everybody has a right to celebrate his or her birthday, so the King’s right to observe his birthday is beyond dispute. If the three-day gala had been made a private and quiet affair within the palace, it would hardly have given any provocation to the political parties. It was less the dinners and teas the palace hosted than the attempt to turn the occasion into a public event in some sort of a ‘show of strength’ that riled the political parties. The programme included a procession of royalists to the palace and presentation of a letter of felicitation to the King. The contents of the scroll went against the spirit of Jana Andolan-2 and the Interim Constitution and seemed to support the King’s controversial Democracy Day message.

Both the circumstances and timing helped bring both event and intention into sharp focus. At a time when the eight parties and the general public hold deep doubts about royal attitude towards the constituent assembly (CA) elections, the manner of celebration was ill advised. Obviously, the wide perception, including that of the political parties that the palace was engaged or likely to be engaged in conspiracy against the CA polls, led to the incorporation into the Interim Constitution an amendment that empowers the Interim Legislature-Parliament to abolish the monarchy even before the polls if the palace were deemed to be involved in any ‘serious’ conspiracy against the CA elections. The diamond jubilee controversy may strengthen the contention of those who want a republic right away.

It is too late for anybody, even the palace, now to try to reverse the political course the country has taken. While every move of the palace is under public glare, it would only prove to be counterproductive for the monarchy if it were seen to be going against popular will. The best thing would be to be resigned to the upcoming verdict of the CA. The birthday celebration also brought one thing to the fore — the government, the political parties, and the diplomats based in the capital stayed away from the functions at the palace, declining invitations. In yet another significant move, the King has been relieved of his age-old cultural role of gracing the bhoto at Bhotojatra. These speak volumes. The royalists could not take out the procession amid protests, and they had to enter the palace gate individually. Low turnout marked both the functions and the parties at the palace. Sadly, clashes erupted between YCL activists and royalists at some places, and several of the royalists were beaten up. It was an overreaction on the YCL’s part and it was wrong. Physical violence must be checked. But the mindset that betrays great difficulty in accepting the changed situation and the people’s verdict poses a greater danger to the political and peace process that has been set in motion.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 9, 2007

Separatism in South Asia: Lessons for Nepal

Mahendra Lawoti

As Nepal debates the model of federalism it should adopt, it will be fruitful to review experiences from elsewhere. Not only should we study the various forms of federalism but also we should analyse violent conflicts associated with autonomy and separatist movements, breakup of countries as well as management of autonomy and separatist movements. South Asia is an excellent region to study for this purpose, not only because other countries are similar to Nepal socio-economically and culturally, but also because the region has seen all the abovementioned cases played out.

The Sri Lankan Tamils demanded an autonomous region after the Sinhalese majoritarian governments formulated policies that discriminated against them right after independence. The minority Tamils could not influence policy-making process. In the 60s and 70s, the government signed autonomy accords with the Tamils but did not implement them. Rejection of federalism alienated Tamils further, fuelling the separatist movement. The Tamils began to support the radical ‘boys,’ the Tamil Tigers, after the growth in perception that moderate Tamil parties were unable to deliver autonomy. The irony about the Sri Lankan conflict is that the rejection of federalism fuelled it but today federalism may not be sufficient to settle it.

The concept of Pakistan emerged with the rejection of demand for federalism. During the Indian independence movement, the Muslim League demanded religious federalism. They perceived that without autonomy to Muslims, Hindu values and norms would be imposed on them. The Indian National Congress rejected the demand. In response, the ML proposed a separate State of Pakistan. When the Congress finally agreed to federalism along religious line, it was too little too late.

The independence of Bangladesh too is associated with rejection of demands for autonomy. Pakistan flirted with federalism by granting Bangladesh federal powers, nonetheless power remained centralised in West Pakistan. The Bengalis of East Pakistan demanded greater autonomy. Led by the Awami League leader Mujib, they came up with the famous six-point demands. West Pakistan rejected the demands and imprisoned Mujib. It sparked the independence movement, which Pakistan attempted to suppress. Bangladesh became independent after India intervened on behalf of East Pakistan. The lesson from Bangladesh is that centralised federalism and suppression of autonomy movements can backfire.

Post-independence India managed many of its conflicts by adopting linguistic and ethnic federalism. Nehru divided India along administrative federal units. Linguistic groups opposed it and launched a movement for linguistic federalism. With the bitter memory of partition still afresh, Nehru conceded to the demands and re-divided India on linguistic lines in the 50s. It not only settled the conflict but also eroded the base for the separatist movement in Tamil Nadu. People see no reason to engage in separatist movements, which are costly, if they are granted autonomy and right to self-government. Separatist movements get support when autonomy is denied.

India addressed the separatist Punjab movement by granting more autonomy. Likewise, many separatist and autonomy movements in the North East were addressed by granting autonomy along ethnic lines. Of course all problems of the North East are not settled and some critics in Nepal point this as an inadequacy of ethnic federalism. They are off the mark. Could the violent separatist movements of the Mizos, Manipuris have been managed without regional autonomy? The shortcoming in India, if any, was that the centre used the power of the Upper House to create new regions only after long violent movements. A peaceful way to grant autonomy would have settled the problems, at a lesser cost.Though India has successfully managed many conflicts, the Kashmir problem has grown. While India granted more autonomy in other parts of the country, the centre took back substantive autonomy granted to J&K. This also supports the thesis that autonomy can mitigate conflicts while taking it away can create big problems.The lessons for Nepal are clear. When ethnic and linguistic federalism were denied, it led to violent conflicts, separatist movements, and even formation of new states. When demands for autonomy were met, on the other hand, many violent conflicts were settled and separatist movement died down. It is also clear that ethnic/linguistic autonomy, if granted in early phase of the movements, can help douse separatist movements. However, settlement is much harder once the movements gain momentum. And repression only fuels the movements. Autonomy movements are gaining momentum in Nepal. Their trajectories will depend on the response of the state still controlled by a dominant group.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 9, 2007

Maoists Transfer Nepalese Money from India to Switzerland

Halshi Bash

I am a Swiss national and practice Buddhism. I have been to Lumbini, Nepal, the birth place of Siddharta Gautama and other places like Kathmandu, Pokhara, Lukla, Gorkha and several Himalayan regions, many times. I love Nepal the way Nepalese do.
The reason I have so much affection towards Nepal may be because my professor and mentor, the late Tony Hagen, renowned economist and very popular with Nepalese people, loveed Nepal more than his own country, Switzerland. He never tired of talking about Nepal.

Though I am a native of Zurich, the German speaking city of Switzerland, I am currently residing in Rue de Rhone (Rhone lane or avenue) of Geneva, the French speaking part of the Swiss confederation. I have been here three years because of my employment contract with the Swiss Bank, "Credit Suisse". All of Switzerland's major banks are located within walking distance.
It is the reason most of the employees of different banks come to a very popular eatery, "cafe de Geneve" to have their breakfast and lunch. At these times, we always try to outsmart our colleagues and friends of different banks by initiating a very hot or new item of talk. Swiss tradition is that whoever has a new or very hot topic is considered to be a smarter than the others. But the topic should be genuine and authentic. Anyone can lose his or her image for a whole lifetime if he or she tells an unreliable story. So, the Swiss people have a habit of speaking based on authenticity.

Very recently, we were all outsmarted by our friends at another bank. I was particularly shocked because the topic was related to Nepal, my dream country and by faith my mother country because Buddhism was born in Nepal.
The very hot item of talk was so shocking that if the people of Nepal listened to it, they would have a million watt electric shock. The leaders of the Maoist Party including ministers of the present Nepal Government, namely, Prachanda (Pushpa K. Dahal), Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Krishna Mahara, Hishila Yami and others were here to transfer a huge amount of money from Indian Banks to major Swiss Banks. The amount of that money is even more shocking because it is in the hundreds of million Euros. If the people of Nepal ask the Swiss Government, it can influence the Swiss Banks for the disclosure of the amounts and the account holders.

For my part, as a person having deep affection towards Nepal, I will do my best to find things in details but the Nepali people should understand my limitations as an Assistant Manager. The Nepali people should ask the Swiss Government to freeze the money as soon as possible otherwise the Swiss politicians could be bribed by the Banks to keep the Bank's secrecy.
It has also been said that some European Union members are helping the Maoists to transfer money to Swiss Banks. Why are the capitalist western countries helping extremist radical Maoists is beyond my understanding which could be a good subject of research for the people of Nepal.

Halshi BashGeneve, Switzerland (CH)

Source: News Blaze, July 7, 2007

A Much Maligned Plan

King Gyanendra's birthday celebration plan said to be organized by his adherents and conformists has drawn flak from different quarters. Soon after the envoys from the European Union disclosed that they would not attend the King's so called birthday celebration event, the political parties, professional groups and civil society organizations have come down heavily upon it. The student wings of the political parties organized protest rallies, the other day, and asked the government through a written note to ban the so called plan as this was aimed at hatching conspiracy against the election to the constituent assembly. Moreover, political party leaders speaking at a function, the other day, pressed on the government to prohibit the King from organizing the so called show in defiance of the national law and democratic values as allowing this event would amount to acquiescing into autocracy and feudalism.

The wrath demonstrated and the anger expressed against the King and his birthday celebration plan indicates that the monarchy in Nepal has been disputed as an institution . The Interim Constitution has not left any room for the King to exercise authority and seek any role. It would not be legal from his part to overstep the boundaries set by the basic law of the land. The position of the King, according to the constitution, is suspended and deactivated . As the prime minister is enjoined with power both of the head of the state and the government, the position of the monarchy is under severe scrutiny. The first meeting of the constituent assembly will discuss and decide about the fate of monarchy in Nepal, according to the Interim Constitution. What is crucial for Nepal right now is to create a congenial atmosphere for conducting the polls to the constituent assembly so that the delicate political and social issues were addressed and tackled properly . No forces in the country should seek to create controversies and disturb the situation. The King should refrain himself from nursing any ambition and abide by the law of the land as no institutions in the democratic Nepal is above the law. Any attempt to transgress the limits of the rule of law and democracy would be resisted by the people.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

Cater To Rural Areas

Following the announcement of the date for elections to the constituent assembly, debate on restructuring of the state has gathered speed and momentum. Colloquiums and symposiums have been organized to elicit opinions on issues involved on the subject and clarify how different approaches and perspectives on state restructuring relate and contradict each other. The forums organized to promote discussions on the issues relevant to state restructuring are very important because it is only through these type of interactions and dialogues that the different views clash and find way out to arrive at convergence and consensus. The subject of state restructuring is connected to the question of election to the constituent assembly . Moreover, it is a very critical subject for which the Nepalese people should have their free and meaningful participation . In order that the Nepalese people have sufficient space to contribute to discussions on the subject, forums should be created at different levels from the centre down to the local level. The making of the constitution through popularly elected the constituent assembly is premised upon the notion that the ordinary people participate in the process and endorse the provisions enshrined in the basic law of the land.

However, when it is found that many forums and discussions are concentrated in the accessible and urban areas of the country, very limited opportunities exist for ordinary people to vent and express their views and opinions. As has been emphasized time and again, the constituent assembly has been a much vaunted methodology and process for making the constitution by means of an unhindered and unchecked participation of the people. But, unless people are empowered to intervene and provide inputs in the process and substance of the constitution making popular participation and endorsement would be utterly lacking . Moreover, the question of state restructuring is a theme for which all Nepalese should exercise their agency to shape and define the elements of the new Nepali state. For this to happen and gain new thrust and dimension, it is necessary that the debates and discussion that are limited to the cities and some urban areas of the country be allowed to reach out to the rural areas of the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007