Colours To Cure?

P. Gopakumar

THE use of colour as a therapy is nothing new to the modern world. However, its application and awareness are limited. The common belief is that it is the psychiatrists who use colours largely for a cure. Let's take a peep into how colours and light offer a cure.

Negative force

Light is the mask of the creator. All life on earth depends on light from the sun, a source of life and energy. Colour is nothing more than the different qualities of light. Light is the masculine or positive force in nature; colour is the feminine of negative force.

When we take away the motion of light or colour, we have no awareness of the appearance of matter. We receive all knowledge of the universe through these electro-magnetic radiations. White light contains the energies of all elements and chemicals found in the sun. The white light of the sun is absorbed from the atmosphere by the physical body and is split into component colour energies, which in turn flow to different parts of the body so that we can see them. Light is a force which stimulates growth. Every living thing depends upon it to build and maintain its form. Light brings about chemical changes in nature. By changing the qualities of light, we can also bring about chemical changes in the body. Therefore, light, whose source is solar energy, is one of nature's healing forces.

In 1665, Sir Isaac Newton focused sunlight through a prism and found the presence of the seven basic colours. The human body is also a prism that reflects this white light. Colour therapy is the science of the use of different colours to change or maintain vibrations of the body to the frequency, which signifies good health and harmony. Healing by means of colours was the first type of therapy used by humans. It is nature's own method of keeping the body in balance with the rhythms of life. Colour expresses the way we think. Our emotions and actions affect the electro-magnetic field, which surrounds us and is reflected in our aura. Colour can help restore health when a blockage or imbalance of this energy has resulted in disease.

The use of colour can help to restore vitality to the etheric body through the projection of specific colour rays, which are then absorbed by the chakra centres. The pituitary gland transforms these colours into revitalising energies to rebuild the centres that are lacking energy. Colour healing shows us how to make light work for us. The use of colour is one of the many natural tools available to help us walk in balance with the universe. Life is colour, and each organ has specific colour. Each colour has intelligence, and works selectively. Colour is vibratory energy that can activate a particular organ, gland and system in the body. The application of the correct frequency on the electro-magnetic force field will change the altered function of the body and help return it to its original patterns. It is this energy which is the result of applying colour that is important in the healing process. This method of healing will create harmony and balance in the mind and in the body. Colour therapy is very effective because it helps to maintain this balance.

Colour healing is not only a physical but also a spiritual force, and, thus, forms a link between our physical bodies and the finer forces, or vibration, of the higher levels of consciousness, or spiritual growth. Colour is the bridge between our inner and outer bodies. The vibrations of colour are energy of the life force itself and are here to aid us in our growth and progress towards the oneness, which is our ultimate purpose. The more intimate our colour experiences become, the more attuned we will become with the universe.We have a quota of ultra-violet light most of us do not fulfil because so many modern products cut out that portion of the spectrum and because we do not spend enough time out of doors. We can increase our exposure to the full spectrum of light by simply being out in the sun more. Light automatically replaces darkness.

Warm colours increase activity and circulation and stimulate function. Red, orange and yellow are warm colours. A cool colour decreases activity and circulation. It will retard the function. A toning colour helps to promote the function. Blue, indigo and violet are the cool colours. Green colour is the toning colour, which has a self-regulating feature. Blue, indigo and violet are acid rays. Red, orange and yellow are alkaline rays. Green is in the category of a neutral ray.

Balancing actions

Colour represents chemical potencies in higher octaves of vibration. There is a particular colour that will stimulate each of the organ systems in the body. By knowing the action of the different colours upon the different organ systems, the application of the correct colour will help to balance the actions of any system that has gone out of balance in its function or condition.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

Communist Parties In Nepal : A Different Breed Altogether

Ritu Raj Subedi

A section of the people, especially of the right leaning, strongly believe that the communist forces will dictate terms to the democratic parties and rule the country after sidelining the king and pro-palace elements. They have blown up the 'scarecrow' of communism out of proportion in a way that it sometimes sways those who are standing at the borderline between the monarchy and republicanism. Citing the overwhelming number of Left supporters across the country, they warn the democrats that the communists are riding on the back of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala only to subdue him and his followers in the long run.

Pro-democracy elements

It is true that the communists have outnumbered the people of their rival camps, going by the ballot papers cast in the general elections in 2048 BS. However, Nepalese communists are not orthodox Marxists and cannot be totalitarian even if they reach power. Unlike those communist parties that captured power and established one-party dictatorship through class struggle and violent means of revolution as in the former Soviet Union, China and other parts of the world, Nepal's communist parties bear a different historical background.

They were born in the course of fighting dictatorships - be it the Rana oligarchy or the partyless Panchayat system. In Europe and elsewhere, democracy was reinstated when one-party communist rule collapsed, but in Nepal, the popularity of communism grew dramatically when the dictatorship of the king broke down. Nepalese communists have been an integral part of the country's democratic movements since their inception.Here I want to present one contrasting example related to my own experience about communism. During my stay in Seoul some months ago, I met some journalists from Eastern Europe, once satellite states of the former USSR. We were participants of the same programme. When I asked them to share their experiences about the Red reign, they had bitter feelings about it.

Ms. Maria, a veteran journalist and a pro-democracy fighter from Poland, appeared to be highly critical of the communist regime. She had spent decades of her life underground fighting the one-party communist rule. "What would you like to suggest the Nepalese, many of whom are under the influence of communism and likely to see a Red government?" I asked. She compared the people in communist rule to a person who has fallen down from a tall building. "How can I suggest you to jump from a building and break your hand and legs?" she said. She said that the people in Poland had no alternative other than to live a difficult life under communist rule. When I said that Nepali communists had struggled against various dictatorships to restore multi-party democracy, she couldn't believe my statement.

Maria and I represent different contexts. In her country, communism was imposed from outside and the people had to fight against it for democracy. In my country, communists waged relentless battles against dictatorships. As communism fell like a house of playing cards in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, the jolt too reverberated in Nepal and it served as an inspiration in ushering an era of democracy. There in Poland communists were villains in people's eyes. Here in Nepal, communists were heroes in the public's eyes. What a pleasant contrast?In 1950 when late Puspalal Shrestha founded the Nepal Communist Party and called on the Nepali Congress (NC) to wage a joint struggle against Rana rule, his request went unnoticed because of the insignificant influence of the communists in Nepalese society. He continued to voice for the creation of a joint front of democrats and communists after King Mahendra hijacked democracy and established the Panchayat system. But B. P. Koirala refused to join hands with the communists only to lengthen the age of the autocratic regime.

In 1990, Ganesh Man Singh heeded the call of late Puspalal and led a peaceful revolution jointly participated in by Nepali communist parties and the NC. He became a hero of Nepali politics, as he was an acceptable figure for the two opposing political parties. Even during the April uprising last year, the communists - radical and the moderate - and democrats jointly came to the streets against the dictatorship of king Gyanendra, resulting in the restoration of lokatantra and the comprehensive peace agreement. The April movement became successful after G. P. Koirala agreed to lead a bunch of Nepali Left groups to deal a blow to the kingship, which was a departure from the policy of senior Koirala, who rather wanted to collaborate with the monarch. One of the basic trends of the Nepalese communist movement is that major communist parties have into existence as a radical outfit and gradually turned into a centrist or moderate political force. This applies to major communist parties - the CPN-UM and the Maoist. However, one might question regarding the rise of the CPN-Maoist that orchestrated a guerilla warfare against none other than the parliamentary forces in the mid-1990's to become a major player in politics.

But going by the Maoist history ever since they waged the People's War, one can find a metamorphosis in their positions. In the beginning, it called for establishing a proletarian state through a class struggle in Nepal. As the Maoist leadership realised the limitations of waging a war and Nepal's typical geo-political situation, it continued to adjust their policies and became more pragmatic in pursuing their goals. They have now accepted competitive politics with all the tenets of bourgeois democracy. They say they will eventually establish full-fledged democracy that fits Nepali soil. Unlike the NC and the UML, they have brought to the fore burning issues such as the rights of the ethnic groups, dalits, women, Madhesis and backward communities, which have been neglected till now. It is the Maoists who catapulted the idea of the constituent assembly polls in the political circle, which subsequently became the agenda of virtually all the major parties. There are good and bad aspects of the Maoist insurgency, but it would not be an exaggeration to say that the country is now following their agenda. Their desire to be a reliable democratic force should not be undermined.

Threat of communism

It will be a futile exercise for the conservatives or pro-palace elements to push the NC into the rightist camp by showing the threat of communism. In fact, not only the communist parties but no single political force can rule the country like a dictator given Nepal's complicate power structures, people's growing democratic awareness and its economic and political dependency on foreign powers. However, the Maoists must lessen their 'ultra-Left' or militant behaviour to take those democratic forces into confidence for its bid to establish a democratic republic in Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

UML policies

The communist parties in Nepal have a glorious history of splitting for interesting reasons. They are so sensitive that they form a splinter group on the differences of opinion about Russia, China or Peru's domestic policies. So when the UML central committee is reviewing its past policies and future strategies for 14 days, the anxiety about their integrity is not invalid, especially when the issues are as sensitive as perception about the Maoists and unity among the eight political parties during the CA elections. Powerful general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal's opinion that the Maoists should be treated as extreme leftists has been vehemently opposed by other two senior leaders Jhalanath Khanal and Bamdev Gautam. The duo is of the view that in the context when the Maoists have joined the mainstream politics they do not remain extreme left. The Post seconds Nepal's idea. Until and unless the Maoists start behaving responsibly, they should be considered as extreme left, and behaved accordingly. If we go by Khanal's and Gautam's version, we will end up losing democracy.

Maybe Khanal is right in criticizing the leadership for its incompetence in the past. However, he is contradicting himself. At one point, he is demanding that the Maoists be considered more flexible and not as extreme left. On the other, he is alleging the leadership for being too flexible to negotiate for power. Gautam has gone too extreme. So, his protest holds no water. No wonder many UML cadres consider Gautam closer to the Maoists than UML. However, Nepal is also not completely right when he says that UML should coordinate closely with all the eight parties for the CA elections. In fact, his strategy should be limited to the democratic parties only. After all, UML's main rival is the CPN (Maoist), going along would be suicidal for UML in particular and democratic polity in general.

The problem with UML has been its inability to assess its own power and influence. As such, its leaders have always been grumbling about being marginalized from the government, parliament and all. This party also seems confused about who their real cadres are: extreme leftists or liberal socialists? The fact is that this party won't lose its vote bank of around 30 percent if it continues to be left to center party. This party has the potential to protect democracy and can counter Maoist extremisms. The only problem is that it has failed to groom a new leader. If Nepal wants to be remembered as a successful general secretary of the party, he has to groom new leaders from the pool of promising young cadres. The future for UML lies in becoming a socialist party and not in going back to extreme left.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, July 8, 2007

NEPAL’S OTHER INSURGENCY

Ethnic assertion? Autonomy offensive? Liberation movement? Sankarshan Thakur travels to Kathmandu and the Tarai to get a sense of the ominous new rumblings in the neighbourhood.

An alarming, and unheralded, civil war is spiralling to intensity along the sweep of India’s open frontier with Nepal. Allowed to fester, it could torpedo the fragile peace plan taking shape in Kathmandu, unleash a cascade of refugees into Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, and present New Delhi the anathema of a un mission digging into its backyard.

The erupted eye of this storm is an anarchic movement for self-determination by the plains people of Nepal. There are parallel armed insurgencies gunning for liberation, rival political groups seeking varied degrees of autonomy, and an establishment party from the region desperate to put out the fires and regain a measure of credibility in its home borough.
Madheshi ire has long been on slow-burn for reasons of institutionalised political, economic and social discrimination at the hands of a Pahadi (hill people) hegemony that has held sway over Nepali affairs for centuries — under the Shah kings, under long spells of Rana dictatorship, under democratic interregnums as well. This January, a small incident close to the border with India became the flashpoint of a volatile upsurge that both Kathmandu and New Delhi will have to contend with.

An armed Maoist patrol clashed with activists of the Madheshi Janjagaran Forum (MJF), currently the best-known face of the Madheshi rebellion, in a small town called Lahan. Ramesh Mahato, an MJF apparatchik, was shot dead. The next day, the tempers still high, Maoists snatched Mahato’s body from MJF custody and cremated it.
The chain of violence Lahan unleashed is yet to be stilled. Pitched battles have been fought between security forces and Madheshi rights activists. Government establishments have been attacked and symbols of Pahadi dominance such as the constitution, photographs of the king and the Nepali topi publicly burnt. Slogans of a new nationalism have flowered across the region. In many pockets, nervous Pahadi residents have begun to contemplate flight to the hills — properties are being put on sale, women and children are being shifted to Kathmandu, businesses are being shut. It isn’t a Pahadi exodus yet, but it could become one. “We are grabbing their illegally captured lands and handing them to poor Madheshi workers,” claims an insurgent commander in Janakpur in eastern Madhesh, “We don’t want them here and they know it.” Told that this could lead to a backlash against Madheshis in the hills, an aide retorts, “Good, that’s what we want, Pahadis in the hills and Madheshis in Madhesh.”

Scare has its reasons. More than a hundred people have been killed in street protests and organised intra-group massacres; last week alone, one or the other insurgent group struck daily, claiming 18 lives. West to east, Madhesh has remained paralysed, bandh-bound or curfew-ridden. Swept into the whirl of heated opportunity, political and insurgent groups have stoked the embers of Madheshi grievance into many flaring fires. A top un observer in Kathmandu says the situation could tip “overnight” into a perilous flashpoint. A senior Indian diplomat in the Kathmandu mission is more blunt about boil and its implications. “Take serious note now,” he says, calling both Nepal and his home country to attention, “Potentially things are very dangerous, you could have all of UP and Bihar battling fire tomorrow and the heat will reach Parliament. This movement has reared its head dramatically.”

Madhesh is an entity (see box) most Indians aren’t even aware of and Nepalis are only grudgingly beginning to recognise. There is good reason to be cautious about over-reading the signs of alarm, but it could be fatal to underestimate the implications of a suppressed nationalism exploding into protracted and violent strife through the belt. “Madheshi sentiment is running impatient,” warns Dhirendra Premarshi, a Madheshi radio artist, who keeps a firm finger on the Tarai pulse, “The foundations of Madheshi secession are probably being built, and they are being built by the Kathmandu Pahadis, who will not even recognise Madheshis as humans. The only problem is Madhesh has a crisis of leadership, there are too many people trying out too many different things to keep pace with the public mood.”

For many Madheshi leaders, this is a now-or-never battle. Elections for a new Constituent Assembly (ca) are scheduled for November, and Madheshi political groups see it as their last chance to grab their rightful share of power and consequent benefits. Rocked by the vehement powderflash in the plains, Prime Minister GP Koirala scrambled to grant placatory concessions in February — the promise of a federal state, more government jobs and nearly half the seats in the ca to Madhesh. But that has done little to assuage anger or aspiration. “Koirala made it sound as if he was a feudal granting us a favour,” says Vijaykant Karan, a Kathmandu-based political scientist and Madheshi activist. “And how can we be sure we will get the little he has promised? Madheshis don’t want to plead anymore, they will snatch what they think is theirs, they want to end centuries of slavery.”

The MJF’s manifesto is a scorching indictment of Kathmandu. “Madhesh is an internal colony of the ruling hill people. Madheshis have been subjected to extreme national oppression, poverty, exploitation and discrimination. They are politically, economically, socially and culturally depressed. They have been strategically forced to migrate to India. Their landholdings have been confiscated, their languages have been choked…” On the ground, anti-Pahadi feeling can find more visceral and graphic expression. “Saala log humlog ko dhoti-muji bolta hai aur apne hi jameen par daba ke rakha hai. Pahadi raj ab nahin chalega,” a Madheshi labourer in Janakpur tells us, “yahan Pahadi police aur Pahadi afsar kahe rahega, humko apna log chahiye. Yahi ladai hai.” (They refer to us as dhoti-wearers and pubic hair, they have suppressed us in our own country. Why must we live under Pahadi police and Pahadi officials? That can’t continue, that is the fight now.)

Kanak Dixit, journalist and Kathmandu intellectual both liberal and engaged, agrees the anger has basis. “Madheshis have never been made to feel part of Nepal, it is true,” he says. “The psychology of this country is a hill psychology, they always look down upon the plains, to the extent of there being an element of racism. Madheshis have had many issues with the Pahadis, although I must say everybody was surprised by the intensity of the outburst. The state will have to respond with sensitivity and a genuine desire to redress grievances, else this could spread.”

Madheshi protagonists, from the moderate MJF leader Upendra Yadav (see interview) to even mainstream actors like Ajay Chaurasia, a Nepali Congress MP, aren’t terribly sure of a transformation in the Pahadi mindset, even though they might hope and pray for it. “They are too used to being patronising,” Chaurasia says. “If they cannot learn now, there is bigger trouble coming, it is already too late.” Leaders such as him perhaps already sense the ground slipping underneath as Madheshi aspirations turn more radical and tug the goals of the movement beyond mere autonomy. And the MJF leadership, holding talks with the interim government in Kathmandu, might have good reason to sense they are losing support on the ground because they might be seen as people who jumped too quickly to compromise, or worse, as collaborators. “The issue is not what they will give or not give in the Constituent Assembly,” rails Rajan Mukti, a young underground militant who heads the operations of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Jwala) in Dhanusha district. “The issue is who are they to give? One Pahadi dies and he is officially named a martyr by the government, dozens of Madheshis die and there is not even a word on them. That is the issue, this is a battle for self-respect and in Nepal we will never get that, everybody knows.” Rival JTMM leader Jaikrishna Goit is more ruthless on moderates (see interview). “The Pahadis will manipulate and cheat them, they know it, this is nothing that can be sorted out through talks and compromise, this is a struggle for Madheshi self-determination, we are not looking for crumbs.”

For centuries, Madheshis complained about not being heard by the Pahadis. Now, many of them are refusing to communicate. The widespread sense that there lies little merit in trying to negotiate a deal with leaders in Kathmandu could become a major roadblock to solutions. Even the Maoist chief Prachanda, who first spoke of addressing Madheshi self-rule during his days in the jungles, is now seen as part of the Pahadi (and therefore anti-Madheshi) clique. It is not uncommon in Madhesh to hear Prachanda being clubbed with the bourgeois Pahadi establishment — Nepal is ruled by four Pahadi Bahuns (Brahmins, traditionally the ruling elite along with Chhetris, or Rajputs) — GP Koirala, Madhav Nepal, Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai. That rankles Maoists, but they concede they made mistakes. “We slipped up on Madhesh,” admits Anil Shreshtha, party secretary of Parsa, a central Madhesh district, “When we were negotiating our entry into the interim government, we did not talk Madhesh.” Maoists are eager to pledge corrections, but Madheshis appear to have convinced themselves their failure was not an ideological lapse, it was deliberate because somewhere they too believe in Pahadi hegemony. Much of the popular Madheshi anger today is directed at Maoists; Lahan was a symptom of it.

Most of Madhesh is a doppelganger of what lies immediately south — UP and Bihar. A pitifully impoverished and under-developed rural stretch, riven by feudalism and other forms of social oppression. It lacks for good roads, power, water, healthcare, education, administration. You could land in Simra near Raxaul upon a 20-minute air-hop from Kathmandu and feel you have arrived to the worst Bihar can showcase. What’s different in Madhesh, though, is that it has seen none of India’s affirmative processes of democracy at work — no redressal of regional aspiration, no positive discrimination for the underprivileged, no sense of a political leadership that will speak for them and get purchase. For the better part, Madheshis have been subjects, not citizens. And during the few phases of democracy, they’ve felt defrauded by the Pahadis who rule Kathmandu. “We don’t have a sense of democracy,” says Chandrakishore Jha, a Madheshi editor, based in Birgunj. “How could we? The Pahadis imposed the slogan of ek des, ek bhes, ek bhasa (one nation, one dress, one language), everything about the Madheshis got crushed. All the chaos breaking out is a result of that, and the problem is nobody is sure where we are headed.”

Jha probably typifies the confounded confusion of the Madheshi mind. All around, there is a rising clamour for self-rule, but, equally, there is the absence of clarity on critical issues. What’s to be the framework of self-rule? Independence? Autonomy within Nepal? A federal self-government that gives Madheshis the right to conduct their affairs as well as a stake in power in Kathmandu? Their aspirations have spawned a hydra of militancies — too many leaders offering too many routes to salvation. “It is a movement that evolves almost daily,” says Pradeep Giri, one of Nepal’s seniormost politicians, a Pahadi who has made his home in Madhesh, “The consciousness of the Madheshi is changing, probably it is becoming more militant. It needs a leader to channel all that, but there is vacuum. But that does not mean Kathmandu can continue taking it for granted.” For the moment, perhaps, Madheshis are merely happy they have shaken the Pahadis’ many assumptions of divine right to rule.

THE THEATRE
WHAT IS MADHESH?

Nepal's southern-most strip of flat land, an 885km stretch contiguous to UP, Bihar and West Bengal. Large parts are still covered with thick malarial jungles, but this strip is also home to nearly half of Nepal's 27 million population. Also known as the Tarai, Madhesh is a recent nomenclature symbolising the region's new-found will for political self-determination.

WHY IS IT ON THE BOIL?

Because the majority plains people of Madhesh feel chronically discriminated against by the Pahadis who have always controlled power in Kathmandu. They had to fight for decades to obtain citizenship. The main Madheshi languages — Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Tharu — are not recognised. They occupy less than 12 percent jobs in key sectors and almost none in the top bureaucracy, police or army. They have little political voice. They believe they are an internal colony of Pahadi Nepalis.

WHY SHOULD INDIA BE CONCERNED?

Greater Madheshi turmoil could unleash a huge refugee influx into UP, Bihar and parts of West Bengal. There is already an active insurgency in the region; many armed groups work out of the Indian side. Culturally and socio-economically, Madheshis mirror UP and Bihar. Besides, people maintain cross-border social and family ties. If unrest builds, India will be forced to intervene. Strategically, trouble in Madhesh could bring international agencies such as the un close on India’s borders, something New Delhi is loath to accept.

THE DRAMATIS PERSONAE
Nepal Sadbhavana Party (ANANDI)

The Tarai’s traditional party, has championed regional issues. Currently lacks for ground credibility because it is part of the interim government and is seen as having been sold out to the Pahadi political establishment. Madheshi Janjagaran ForumA civil society group brought to the fore after the violence earlier this year. Stops short of secession but seeks autonomy and is currently in talks with the interim government. Has brand-recognition across Madhesh but is still trying to build an organisational base.

Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (GOIT)

Led by former Maoist Jaikrishna Goit, the JTMM(G) is fighting an armed struggle for liberation. Stridently secessionist, cadre strength is difficult to estimate, but could run into a few thousands. Not well equipped, constantly looking for arms. Although not a stated aim, they are seeking a Pahadi exodus as a prelude to independence.

Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JWALA)

A splinter faction of the JTMM(G), it has carried out most of the violence in Madhesh. Jwala, in his 40s, is more energetic than former mentor Goit, and is fast building a cadre-base in the eastern and mid-eastern Tarai. Is committed to independence, although not as ideologically grounded as Goit. Denies allegations of running a motley criminal outfit, sees himself as a serious claimant to Madheshi leadership.

Source: Tehelka, July 7, 2007

Nepal's leaders take lessons in democracy

Prominent members of Nepal's main political parties have visited Switzerland hoping to learn about the federalist system.

The visit comes ahead of November's election in the Himalayan kingdom and is seen as part of Swiss efforts to support Nepal's transition to democracy. "Both sides agreed that the exchange has been positive and helped boost cooperation," a foreign ministry statement said on Friday.
During the five-day visit the Nepalese delegation met experts and representatives from the Swiss authorities as well as the Geneva-based United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour.

The foreign ministry said Switzerland hoped to contribute to a solution of fundamental issues, which include a possible federal structure of the country and the different political convictions of the key players. The Swiss authorities have been involved in human rights initiatives and have been providing humanitarian aid to Nepal for more than 40 years.

Prachanda

The delegation from Nepal included the former Maoist rebel leader, Kamal Dahal – known as Prachanda. He told a news conference in Bern that the visit could give new impetus to the peace process in Nepal and create a positive atmosphere between the various political players. Prachanda, a controversial figure who led Nepal's Maoist movement during the civil war, said it was not possible to take over Switzerland's political system without adapting it to the situation in Nepal. "But the Swiss experience can help us establish a new society," he said. A delegation of Nepalese politicians and representatives of the civil society stayed in Switzerland in January.
Some Swiss media slammed the authorities for inviting Prachanda, but the foreign ministry rejected the criticism.

"It was not an invitation to Mr Prachanda in particular. It is not up to us to decide on who takes part in the peace process," foreign ministry spokesman Lars Knuchel told the Basler Zeitung newspaper. But Günther Bächler, a Swiss advisor for peace building in Nepal, welcomed Prachanda's visit to Switzerland. He said there were attempts to shut the Maoists out of the peace process. Several uprisings by an ethnic group in southern Nepal also hampered progress.

Elections

During the decade-long civil war at least 13,000 people were killed, including many civilians, and hundreds of thousands were forced to leave their homes. Prachanda, the leader of Nepal's Communist Party, said in 2001 his goal was to do away with the monarchy and the parliamentary system. However, last year a seven-party alliance and the Maoist rebels signed a peace accord paving the way for an interim government and a constitutional assembly which will decide on the fate of the monarchy. Elections for the assembly, scheduled for November, are seen as the culmination of the peace process.

Source: Swissinfo, July 6, 2007