Agree On Date For CA Polls

The political parties are trying to tackle issues relating to the election to the constituent assembly. As several conflicting interpretations and positions are involved in the declaration of the date for the polls, the political stakeholders are determinedly seeking to sort them out quickly and reach an understanding with a sense of unanimity. The meeting of the eight-party leaders that is taking place should be seen as a case of seriousness demonstrated by the leaders to reach an understanding and consensus in addressing the relevant issues. As political interests vary among each other, it is natural that discussions are prolonged, and some delays are incurred for arriving at a settlement. However, the political leaders should not seek to construct new excuses to circumvent and derail the process. As insisted by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, the leaders should zero in on finalising the date for the constituent assembly polls. The decision on the polls for the constituent assembly would indeed rivet the attention of all the political stakeholders to building a strategy for demonstrating popular support in one's favour.

The task that lies ahead of the political parties is, therefore, to create a healthy framework for all shades of opinions and take the process forward so that the polls to the election assembly is not delayed. The Maoists had fought for the cause of the CA polls, and it is they who made the agenda very popular among the political and social stakeholders. Any lessening of the commitment or diminishing of interests on their part cannot be excused. As called by the prime minister, they should join hands with the other forces to finalise the date for the polls so that all confusions and concerns are allayed. It is natural for the political parties to seek a larger share in the power enhancing arrangements, but they cannot go in for creating issues out of non-issues. Since the Maoists are yet to face the test of popularity, it is incumbent upon the party to ensure fuller integration in the mainstream democratic process. They should help to accelerate the process for normalisation of the political situation in the country through election to the constituent assembly. Posts and positions are less significant when it comes to joining hands to lend a hand in the process of nation building.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 30, 2007

Nepal-France Relations : Possibilities Of Co-operation

Madhavji Shrestha

The status of Nepal-French relations at the moment is said to be normal. No new dimension in the bilateral ties is likely to emerge soon. A new government headed by Nicolas Sarkozy is on the saddle of the government after his spectacular victory in the presidential elections. The latest opinion polls predict his party will also make decisive gains in the assembly elections slated for next month. Observers of the French political scene, however, say that no new initiative will emerge in its foreign policy towards Asia, in general, and South Asia, in particular, because our region does not figure prominently in the scheme of French foreign policy since long.Nepal's dramatic political transformation last year has not been able to add any perceptible new element to the bilateral connectivity between the two countries. Nepal still remains plunged in the political impasse. One very lamentable concern is that Nepal has not been able to make a good choice for an efficient and effective ambassador to France for the last five years. Hence, the level of relationship has stayed at a low key as if no interactions are working between the two.

Global roleBut France has maintained its presence with an ambassador in Nepal without a break since the establishment of its embassy in Kathmandu. Evidently, France does not have any strategic partnership with Nepal nor are there any good linkages of political and economic concerns. Requisite components of connectivity between the two are conspicuously absent to have a good friendship. However, consistent efforts to identify appropriate areas of co-operation will help to improve the relationship and widen its scope.Experts of recent French history and politics say France aspires to be a universal country, and to achieve that, it has charted a map for a major global role. Naturally, aspiring for a greater role means having a great vision and implementing the policies in true form. Undoubtedly, France is very proud of its culture, literature and, above all, its language. It is for these reasons that France had taken the initiative a few years ago to establish in Vietnam an international organisation of 42 Francophone countries, with the appointment of former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali as its founding Secretary General. This shows how France wishes to play its role in the global arena. Undeniably, the sizeable quantum of resources and capabilities at its disposal are the pre-requisites for materialising its global role.

France as an influential nation exhibited its diplomatic prowess in maintaining stability and peace in Europe in post World War II period. Along with a democratised Germany, it has also made great contributions with its diplomatic ingenuity to establish the European Common Market, which has now grown into a politically homogenous European Union. At present, this Union is the single largest trading bloc of the world with a total GDP of about US$ 13 trillion. France stands tall in the European Union and plays a crucial role in its foreign and defense policies and, more visibly, in trade and developmental co-operation.France is endowed with enchanting landscapes in the whole of its territory bordered by the Atlantic Ocean in the west and the Mediterranean Sea in the south. It is also rich in ancient and medieval heritage, arts and music. The geographical attraction coupled with its aesthetic inheritance have made France a truly global centre of tourism. Each year, tourist arrivals from around the globe exceed its total population. Today, France enjoys a position of envy, which remains unbeatable despite severe competition from various countries of Europe and other continents. It has remained so because tourists wishing to make a trip abroad can find every object and comfort of their choice in the sprawling lands of France.

The ties between Nepal and France are one of an underdeveloped country with a highly advanced nation. The situation in the two is indeed different from every socio-economic aspect. On the political front, too, there is a high degree of difference. If Nepal is toddling with a multi-party system, France has already reached the pinnacle of democratic maturity. Under such circumstances, Nepal as a country trailing far behind in socio-economic progress needs to search for possibilities of co-operation.France is a core member of the European Union with great influence on the co-operation that the Union extends to underdeveloped countries like Nepal. An appropriate approach with the concerned authorities of France dealing with EU affairs would certainly enhance broader understanding, besides paving the way for strengthening democratic linkages with many member states of the European Union. Such efforts would, no doubt, escort the Nepali mission accredited to the European Union in Brussels to move ahead with reinforced synergy. As a result, co-operation can be expected to grow to the advantage of Nepal.

France is also a country that takes great pride in its educational and cultural attainments that are of excellent standard. The one important step Nepal needs to initiate is to move ahead with an avowed purpose of establishing good contacts with the educational institutes of France. France is the only country in the world that allocates the largest share of its annual budget for cultural activities abroad. Nepal can, if approached with convincing and well charted programmes, make good progress in pushing our educational level upward.Nepal has yet to make its bureaucracy self-sustaining and functioning for the country's cause. For bureaucratic management and efficiency, France is at a highly advanced stage compared to other democratic countries of the European Union. Its effective bureaucracy showed the world how the momentum of technical and economic progress could be achieved even during the years of political instability after World War II until the advent of the fifth republic in 1958. The efficacy of the French bureaucracy is considered very high. Nepal can improve its bureaucracy by learning from France and sharing their experiences.

Co-operation in Tourism

Nepal possesses large potentials for expanding tourism and related activities, which can contribute to economic growth and create jobs. Regrettably, this sector has not made worthy achievement. France is undoubtedly an appropriate country to turn to for technical assistance as it has valued experience and technical capability. France is among the top five countries from where large numbers of tourists come to Nepal. This is one of the good points to enhance our co-operation in tourism promotion. Noticeably, a very important point, among others, is that Nepal should be receptive to attaching importance to the mutually advantageous introduction of the French language and their educational technicalities in Nepal. This will certainly contribute to the growth of the cordial relations between Nepal and France. Are we prepared to do something positive for the sake of giving a good touch to Nepal-France relations instantly?

Myopic parties

The political parties managed to sustain democracy and freedom for 12 years after the 1990 successful revolution. It has hardly been 12 months since the April uprising restored the parliament, and the political parties are already on the brink of losing democracy, freedom and sovereignty. Thanks to the myopic leadership. The political parties, especially Nepali Congress, UML and CPN (Maoist) are responsible for bringing this situation. The double standard of the parties and crisis of confidence coupled with the personal ego and ideological differences have brought this situation. If the eight political parties fail to reach an agreement in a day or two to smoothen the country's political transition, we will face serious consequence similar to Bangladesh, or the country may split into different warlord-ruled zones. The possibility of neighboring army marching into the country cannot be ruled out. The people are forced to sit over this time bomb because of the myopic attitude of our leaders.

NC committed a mistake by failing to recognize UML as a strong pillar of democracy. Prime Minister Koirala and his kitchen cabinet thought that everything would be in control by appeasing the Maoists. Unfortunately, after snatching 83 seats in the parliament, promulgating the interim constitution, and bagging lucrative ministerial berths, the Maoists are mulling to topple Koirala's government and capture the power with UML's support. The UML leadership has shown very immature behavior, throughout. It is behaving more like a bickering baby. The emergence of the Maoists has shocked UML. It has lost confidence. It is unnecessarily trying to be too radical to prevent the Maoists from snatching its cadres. The party that earned good national and international reputation as a democratic force suddenly has been fooled by the Maoist leadership and is trying to rechristen itself as a real "communist" party. Its obdurate stand on proportional election is but an example of how it forgets the basics of democracy.

The Maoists have been very smart throughout. The only caveat is, if they succeed in grapping power, the Nepalis will be worse off. They are trying to reverse the process of development, progress and democracy. Their whole idea is preposterous because they are attempting something that is impossible to attain at the current national and global realities. NC and UML are only the forces capable of changing the Maoists, but due to the duel between these two parties, the Maoists have succeeded in converting the country into chaos, violence, lawlessness, and confusion. The situation would immediately improve if Koirala extends friendship to Madhav Kumar Nepal, and takes him into confidence. If both come together, the Maoists would be easily tamed. But the problem is, NC and UML have not realized this fact and the Maoists are exploiting them.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 30, 2007

Another you

The pitiable existence of the more than one lakh Bhutanese refugees of Nepali origin now living in the seven refugee camps in eastern Tarai remains more or less the same as it was 17 years ago when, expelled by the Druk regime from their own country or fleeing torture or persecution at home, they had to enter India, their first country of asylum. Later, they entered Nepal — a number of them had been carted off to the eastern Nepal border by the Indian police and left there. On Monday and Tuesday, thousands of refugees attempted a “Long March” to Bhutan, as on several occasions in the past, and as before, their long march has been cut short by the Indian police (and troops, too, on Tuesday) especially stationed in force as the refugees tried to force their way through the barricades in the Indian side. Inside Nepal, this had been preceded by the death of two refugees in police firing in Beldangi refugee camps. The refugees’ determination to return home was also a proof that third-country resettlement was not everything for them.

However, the offer to resettle 60,000-plus refugees in the US and other western countries should be taken positively, at least in one sense. At the same time, the seeming American unwillingness to pressure Thimphu to resolve the issue according to international conventions has surprised many Nepalis, as well as refugees, especially because wherever it wants the US tends to throw its weight around. This leaves some room for doubt. On its part, India has for umpteen times ruled out the possibility of using its good offices to end the refugee deadlock, terming it purely a “bilateral issue”, except once, during the world conference on the environment and development in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, when the then Indian prime minister P V Narasimha Rao had sounded positive on the idea of India helping resolve the issue.

Serious doubts exist in Nepal on this particular issue mainly for two reasons. First, New Delhi was seen to take an interest in ensuring that most Bhutanese refugees in Indian territory came into Nepal, whereas, since then, it has prevented the refugees, if need be by applying force, from going back home. Secondly, the Bhutanese government, under a 1949 bilateral treaty, is to be guided by the advice of the government of India in its external relations. Therefore, there are people who express reservations about the view that the refugee issue is a bilateral one. This, according to them, is a “heads I win, tails you lose” approach. Besides, they also look at the US position with a pinch of salt — its relative silence on the right of the Bhutanese to return home and its offer of resettling them may indeed strengthen the Drukpa rulers, who, some doubt, may then be emboldened to expel more Bhutanese of Nepali origin. The stalemate strikes one as odd because both the US and India are hailed as great democracies. The first and foremost right of any refugee is to be allowed to return home, but under the formula being promoted, this has been ignored. Options like third-country resettlement may indeed be a good opportunity for the willing.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 30, 2007

Water supply: Case for public-private partnership

Chiranjibi Nepal

I n the early 1990s, with increasing awareness of environmental degradation and widespread stress on water-related issues, the UN and the international community started to take freshwater issues seriously. In accordance with the “Dublin Principles” that emerged from the International Conference on Water and Environment in Dublin, water was recognised as an economic good (a commodity to be priced at cost of provision and value to society). Private sector participation in water services increased worldwide. But still, it only serves about five per cent of world population. At the end of the 1990s, multinationals started to revoke contracts and concessions in developing countries and are now reducing their involvement in projects that are unprofitable or risky.

Two popular models exist in the water sector: the English model of full privatisation, where ownership and management are private, and the French model (PPP model) of delegated management (lease and concession contracts), where the ownership is in public hands and the management is handled by a mix of public and private bodies. The English model is adopted mainly by England and Wales, whereas the French model has been the norm in most developed and developing countries.

Partnership between public and private sectors is a means of collaboration to coordinate and pool organisational, technical and financial resources to achieve compatible objectives. Dwindling public resources and increasing need of the citizens with regard to service delivery are the reasons for emergence of this concept. Public-private partnerships (PPPs) enable public sector to generate private funds while maintaining ownership of assets and services.Private sector’s involvement can significantly improve effectiveness and efficiency of service delivery. This came with the realisation that the government alone could not provide everything to everyone. This led it to promote private sector in areas where it is willing to cooperate for service delivery or infrastructure building. PPPs for service delivery are applicable to the most of public services such as drinking water supply, garbage collection and disposal, waste water treatment, operation of transport services, real estate development and management, education and public health.

In the context of the kind of urban services in Nepal, there is limited scope for the multinational companies (except in Water Supply Management). However, there is a high potential for local and national companies. But comprehensive national policy on public private partnership is still underdeveloped. PPP should be based on mutual prosperity and fairness and PPP policy should follow national policy for timely and cost effective development by allocating risks to the party best able to manage them and benefit from private sector’s efficiency, expertise, flexibility and innovation.But PPPs will only help if there is a good regulatory authority that can enforce policies and regulations. The issue of public-private partnership is complex, even more so in the case of municipal water supply. Hence, every law and institution that can affect PPP must be carefully examined. These include labour law, industrial enterprise act, company act, company taxation rules, environmental standards and regulatory tools, power and capacity of regulatory agencies, division of responsibilities between municipality, VDCs and Nepal government, among other related acts and policies.

The private sector seeks commitment of the political parties to PPP approach, clear definitions of scope of work, transparent tendering process, security of water supply, clear definition of responsibilities of municipalities and VDCs, an autonomous body for drinking water management and a company act for drinking water.New and effective financing mechanisms are essential for the development of water sector. New funding mechanisms should be sought that include bond financing, expanded role for urban banks in water sector, independent intermediary private sector funding through increased participation in water services with appropriate sharing of risks between contracting parties - with the banks providing guarantees for some risks as well as issue of treasury bills.

Private sector participation would be enhanced by arrangements with international agencies to protect against political risks. Availability of guarantee would be contingent upon having appropriate contractual structures for private sector participation. Private companies need to be assured return on investment, as investment in the water sector is high and irreversible. Further, there is no ‘one size fits all’ approach and the choice of a particular partnership depends on local context and feasibility. It is indispensable for governments as regulators to understand the motive of private sector for entering PPPs and have skills to manage unknown circumstances over the life of the partnership.Dr Nepal teaches Economics at TU

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 30, 2007