Separatism in South Asia: Lessons for Nepal

Mahendra Lawoti

As Nepal debates the model of federalism it should adopt, it will be fruitful to review experiences from elsewhere. Not only should we study the various forms of federalism but also we should analyse violent conflicts associated with autonomy and separatist movements, breakup of countries as well as management of autonomy and separatist movements. South Asia is an excellent region to study for this purpose, not only because other countries are similar to Nepal socio-economically and culturally, but also because the region has seen all the abovementioned cases played out.

The Sri Lankan Tamils demanded an autonomous region after the Sinhalese majoritarian governments formulated policies that discriminated against them right after independence. The minority Tamils could not influence policy-making process. In the 60s and 70s, the government signed autonomy accords with the Tamils but did not implement them. Rejection of federalism alienated Tamils further, fuelling the separatist movement. The Tamils began to support the radical ‘boys,’ the Tamil Tigers, after the growth in perception that moderate Tamil parties were unable to deliver autonomy. The irony about the Sri Lankan conflict is that the rejection of federalism fuelled it but today federalism may not be sufficient to settle it.

The concept of Pakistan emerged with the rejection of demand for federalism. During the Indian independence movement, the Muslim League demanded religious federalism. They perceived that without autonomy to Muslims, Hindu values and norms would be imposed on them. The Indian National Congress rejected the demand. In response, the ML proposed a separate State of Pakistan. When the Congress finally agreed to federalism along religious line, it was too little too late.

The independence of Bangladesh too is associated with rejection of demands for autonomy. Pakistan flirted with federalism by granting Bangladesh federal powers, nonetheless power remained centralised in West Pakistan. The Bengalis of East Pakistan demanded greater autonomy. Led by the Awami League leader Mujib, they came up with the famous six-point demands. West Pakistan rejected the demands and imprisoned Mujib. It sparked the independence movement, which Pakistan attempted to suppress. Bangladesh became independent after India intervened on behalf of East Pakistan. The lesson from Bangladesh is that centralised federalism and suppression of autonomy movements can backfire.

Post-independence India managed many of its conflicts by adopting linguistic and ethnic federalism. Nehru divided India along administrative federal units. Linguistic groups opposed it and launched a movement for linguistic federalism. With the bitter memory of partition still afresh, Nehru conceded to the demands and re-divided India on linguistic lines in the 50s. It not only settled the conflict but also eroded the base for the separatist movement in Tamil Nadu. People see no reason to engage in separatist movements, which are costly, if they are granted autonomy and right to self-government. Separatist movements get support when autonomy is denied.

India addressed the separatist Punjab movement by granting more autonomy. Likewise, many separatist and autonomy movements in the North East were addressed by granting autonomy along ethnic lines. Of course all problems of the North East are not settled and some critics in Nepal point this as an inadequacy of ethnic federalism. They are off the mark. Could the violent separatist movements of the Mizos, Manipuris have been managed without regional autonomy? The shortcoming in India, if any, was that the centre used the power of the Upper House to create new regions only after long violent movements. A peaceful way to grant autonomy would have settled the problems, at a lesser cost.Though India has successfully managed many conflicts, the Kashmir problem has grown. While India granted more autonomy in other parts of the country, the centre took back substantive autonomy granted to J&K. This also supports the thesis that autonomy can mitigate conflicts while taking it away can create big problems.The lessons for Nepal are clear. When ethnic and linguistic federalism were denied, it led to violent conflicts, separatist movements, and even formation of new states. When demands for autonomy were met, on the other hand, many violent conflicts were settled and separatist movement died down. It is also clear that ethnic/linguistic autonomy, if granted in early phase of the movements, can help douse separatist movements. However, settlement is much harder once the movements gain momentum. And repression only fuels the movements. Autonomy movements are gaining momentum in Nepal. Their trajectories will depend on the response of the state still controlled by a dominant group.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 9, 2007

Maoists Transfer Nepalese Money from India to Switzerland

Halshi Bash

I am a Swiss national and practice Buddhism. I have been to Lumbini, Nepal, the birth place of Siddharta Gautama and other places like Kathmandu, Pokhara, Lukla, Gorkha and several Himalayan regions, many times. I love Nepal the way Nepalese do.
The reason I have so much affection towards Nepal may be because my professor and mentor, the late Tony Hagen, renowned economist and very popular with Nepalese people, loveed Nepal more than his own country, Switzerland. He never tired of talking about Nepal.

Though I am a native of Zurich, the German speaking city of Switzerland, I am currently residing in Rue de Rhone (Rhone lane or avenue) of Geneva, the French speaking part of the Swiss confederation. I have been here three years because of my employment contract with the Swiss Bank, "Credit Suisse". All of Switzerland's major banks are located within walking distance.
It is the reason most of the employees of different banks come to a very popular eatery, "cafe de Geneve" to have their breakfast and lunch. At these times, we always try to outsmart our colleagues and friends of different banks by initiating a very hot or new item of talk. Swiss tradition is that whoever has a new or very hot topic is considered to be a smarter than the others. But the topic should be genuine and authentic. Anyone can lose his or her image for a whole lifetime if he or she tells an unreliable story. So, the Swiss people have a habit of speaking based on authenticity.

Very recently, we were all outsmarted by our friends at another bank. I was particularly shocked because the topic was related to Nepal, my dream country and by faith my mother country because Buddhism was born in Nepal.
The very hot item of talk was so shocking that if the people of Nepal listened to it, they would have a million watt electric shock. The leaders of the Maoist Party including ministers of the present Nepal Government, namely, Prachanda (Pushpa K. Dahal), Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, Krishna Mahara, Hishila Yami and others were here to transfer a huge amount of money from Indian Banks to major Swiss Banks. The amount of that money is even more shocking because it is in the hundreds of million Euros. If the people of Nepal ask the Swiss Government, it can influence the Swiss Banks for the disclosure of the amounts and the account holders.

For my part, as a person having deep affection towards Nepal, I will do my best to find things in details but the Nepali people should understand my limitations as an Assistant Manager. The Nepali people should ask the Swiss Government to freeze the money as soon as possible otherwise the Swiss politicians could be bribed by the Banks to keep the Bank's secrecy.
It has also been said that some European Union members are helping the Maoists to transfer money to Swiss Banks. Why are the capitalist western countries helping extremist radical Maoists is beyond my understanding which could be a good subject of research for the people of Nepal.

Halshi BashGeneve, Switzerland (CH)

Source: News Blaze, July 7, 2007

A Much Maligned Plan

King Gyanendra's birthday celebration plan said to be organized by his adherents and conformists has drawn flak from different quarters. Soon after the envoys from the European Union disclosed that they would not attend the King's so called birthday celebration event, the political parties, professional groups and civil society organizations have come down heavily upon it. The student wings of the political parties organized protest rallies, the other day, and asked the government through a written note to ban the so called plan as this was aimed at hatching conspiracy against the election to the constituent assembly. Moreover, political party leaders speaking at a function, the other day, pressed on the government to prohibit the King from organizing the so called show in defiance of the national law and democratic values as allowing this event would amount to acquiescing into autocracy and feudalism.

The wrath demonstrated and the anger expressed against the King and his birthday celebration plan indicates that the monarchy in Nepal has been disputed as an institution . The Interim Constitution has not left any room for the King to exercise authority and seek any role. It would not be legal from his part to overstep the boundaries set by the basic law of the land. The position of the King, according to the constitution, is suspended and deactivated . As the prime minister is enjoined with power both of the head of the state and the government, the position of the monarchy is under severe scrutiny. The first meeting of the constituent assembly will discuss and decide about the fate of monarchy in Nepal, according to the Interim Constitution. What is crucial for Nepal right now is to create a congenial atmosphere for conducting the polls to the constituent assembly so that the delicate political and social issues were addressed and tackled properly . No forces in the country should seek to create controversies and disturb the situation. The King should refrain himself from nursing any ambition and abide by the law of the land as no institutions in the democratic Nepal is above the law. Any attempt to transgress the limits of the rule of law and democracy would be resisted by the people.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

Cater To Rural Areas

Following the announcement of the date for elections to the constituent assembly, debate on restructuring of the state has gathered speed and momentum. Colloquiums and symposiums have been organized to elicit opinions on issues involved on the subject and clarify how different approaches and perspectives on state restructuring relate and contradict each other. The forums organized to promote discussions on the issues relevant to state restructuring are very important because it is only through these type of interactions and dialogues that the different views clash and find way out to arrive at convergence and consensus. The subject of state restructuring is connected to the question of election to the constituent assembly . Moreover, it is a very critical subject for which the Nepalese people should have their free and meaningful participation . In order that the Nepalese people have sufficient space to contribute to discussions on the subject, forums should be created at different levels from the centre down to the local level. The making of the constitution through popularly elected the constituent assembly is premised upon the notion that the ordinary people participate in the process and endorse the provisions enshrined in the basic law of the land.

However, when it is found that many forums and discussions are concentrated in the accessible and urban areas of the country, very limited opportunities exist for ordinary people to vent and express their views and opinions. As has been emphasized time and again, the constituent assembly has been a much vaunted methodology and process for making the constitution by means of an unhindered and unchecked participation of the people. But, unless people are empowered to intervene and provide inputs in the process and substance of the constitution making popular participation and endorsement would be utterly lacking . Moreover, the question of state restructuring is a theme for which all Nepalese should exercise their agency to shape and define the elements of the new Nepali state. For this to happen and gain new thrust and dimension, it is necessary that the debates and discussion that are limited to the cities and some urban areas of the country be allowed to reach out to the rural areas of the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

Colours To Cure?

P. Gopakumar

THE use of colour as a therapy is nothing new to the modern world. However, its application and awareness are limited. The common belief is that it is the psychiatrists who use colours largely for a cure. Let's take a peep into how colours and light offer a cure.

Negative force

Light is the mask of the creator. All life on earth depends on light from the sun, a source of life and energy. Colour is nothing more than the different qualities of light. Light is the masculine or positive force in nature; colour is the feminine of negative force.

When we take away the motion of light or colour, we have no awareness of the appearance of matter. We receive all knowledge of the universe through these electro-magnetic radiations. White light contains the energies of all elements and chemicals found in the sun. The white light of the sun is absorbed from the atmosphere by the physical body and is split into component colour energies, which in turn flow to different parts of the body so that we can see them. Light is a force which stimulates growth. Every living thing depends upon it to build and maintain its form. Light brings about chemical changes in nature. By changing the qualities of light, we can also bring about chemical changes in the body. Therefore, light, whose source is solar energy, is one of nature's healing forces.

In 1665, Sir Isaac Newton focused sunlight through a prism and found the presence of the seven basic colours. The human body is also a prism that reflects this white light. Colour therapy is the science of the use of different colours to change or maintain vibrations of the body to the frequency, which signifies good health and harmony. Healing by means of colours was the first type of therapy used by humans. It is nature's own method of keeping the body in balance with the rhythms of life. Colour expresses the way we think. Our emotions and actions affect the electro-magnetic field, which surrounds us and is reflected in our aura. Colour can help restore health when a blockage or imbalance of this energy has resulted in disease.

The use of colour can help to restore vitality to the etheric body through the projection of specific colour rays, which are then absorbed by the chakra centres. The pituitary gland transforms these colours into revitalising energies to rebuild the centres that are lacking energy. Colour healing shows us how to make light work for us. The use of colour is one of the many natural tools available to help us walk in balance with the universe. Life is colour, and each organ has specific colour. Each colour has intelligence, and works selectively. Colour is vibratory energy that can activate a particular organ, gland and system in the body. The application of the correct frequency on the electro-magnetic force field will change the altered function of the body and help return it to its original patterns. It is this energy which is the result of applying colour that is important in the healing process. This method of healing will create harmony and balance in the mind and in the body. Colour therapy is very effective because it helps to maintain this balance.

Colour healing is not only a physical but also a spiritual force, and, thus, forms a link between our physical bodies and the finer forces, or vibration, of the higher levels of consciousness, or spiritual growth. Colour is the bridge between our inner and outer bodies. The vibrations of colour are energy of the life force itself and are here to aid us in our growth and progress towards the oneness, which is our ultimate purpose. The more intimate our colour experiences become, the more attuned we will become with the universe.We have a quota of ultra-violet light most of us do not fulfil because so many modern products cut out that portion of the spectrum and because we do not spend enough time out of doors. We can increase our exposure to the full spectrum of light by simply being out in the sun more. Light automatically replaces darkness.

Warm colours increase activity and circulation and stimulate function. Red, orange and yellow are warm colours. A cool colour decreases activity and circulation. It will retard the function. A toning colour helps to promote the function. Blue, indigo and violet are the cool colours. Green colour is the toning colour, which has a self-regulating feature. Blue, indigo and violet are acid rays. Red, orange and yellow are alkaline rays. Green is in the category of a neutral ray.

Balancing actions

Colour represents chemical potencies in higher octaves of vibration. There is a particular colour that will stimulate each of the organ systems in the body. By knowing the action of the different colours upon the different organ systems, the application of the correct colour will help to balance the actions of any system that has gone out of balance in its function or condition.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

Communist Parties In Nepal : A Different Breed Altogether

Ritu Raj Subedi

A section of the people, especially of the right leaning, strongly believe that the communist forces will dictate terms to the democratic parties and rule the country after sidelining the king and pro-palace elements. They have blown up the 'scarecrow' of communism out of proportion in a way that it sometimes sways those who are standing at the borderline between the monarchy and republicanism. Citing the overwhelming number of Left supporters across the country, they warn the democrats that the communists are riding on the back of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala only to subdue him and his followers in the long run.

Pro-democracy elements

It is true that the communists have outnumbered the people of their rival camps, going by the ballot papers cast in the general elections in 2048 BS. However, Nepalese communists are not orthodox Marxists and cannot be totalitarian even if they reach power. Unlike those communist parties that captured power and established one-party dictatorship through class struggle and violent means of revolution as in the former Soviet Union, China and other parts of the world, Nepal's communist parties bear a different historical background.

They were born in the course of fighting dictatorships - be it the Rana oligarchy or the partyless Panchayat system. In Europe and elsewhere, democracy was reinstated when one-party communist rule collapsed, but in Nepal, the popularity of communism grew dramatically when the dictatorship of the king broke down. Nepalese communists have been an integral part of the country's democratic movements since their inception.Here I want to present one contrasting example related to my own experience about communism. During my stay in Seoul some months ago, I met some journalists from Eastern Europe, once satellite states of the former USSR. We were participants of the same programme. When I asked them to share their experiences about the Red reign, they had bitter feelings about it.

Ms. Maria, a veteran journalist and a pro-democracy fighter from Poland, appeared to be highly critical of the communist regime. She had spent decades of her life underground fighting the one-party communist rule. "What would you like to suggest the Nepalese, many of whom are under the influence of communism and likely to see a Red government?" I asked. She compared the people in communist rule to a person who has fallen down from a tall building. "How can I suggest you to jump from a building and break your hand and legs?" she said. She said that the people in Poland had no alternative other than to live a difficult life under communist rule. When I said that Nepali communists had struggled against various dictatorships to restore multi-party democracy, she couldn't believe my statement.

Maria and I represent different contexts. In her country, communism was imposed from outside and the people had to fight against it for democracy. In my country, communists waged relentless battles against dictatorships. As communism fell like a house of playing cards in Eastern Europe and elsewhere, the jolt too reverberated in Nepal and it served as an inspiration in ushering an era of democracy. There in Poland communists were villains in people's eyes. Here in Nepal, communists were heroes in the public's eyes. What a pleasant contrast?In 1950 when late Puspalal Shrestha founded the Nepal Communist Party and called on the Nepali Congress (NC) to wage a joint struggle against Rana rule, his request went unnoticed because of the insignificant influence of the communists in Nepalese society. He continued to voice for the creation of a joint front of democrats and communists after King Mahendra hijacked democracy and established the Panchayat system. But B. P. Koirala refused to join hands with the communists only to lengthen the age of the autocratic regime.

In 1990, Ganesh Man Singh heeded the call of late Puspalal and led a peaceful revolution jointly participated in by Nepali communist parties and the NC. He became a hero of Nepali politics, as he was an acceptable figure for the two opposing political parties. Even during the April uprising last year, the communists - radical and the moderate - and democrats jointly came to the streets against the dictatorship of king Gyanendra, resulting in the restoration of lokatantra and the comprehensive peace agreement. The April movement became successful after G. P. Koirala agreed to lead a bunch of Nepali Left groups to deal a blow to the kingship, which was a departure from the policy of senior Koirala, who rather wanted to collaborate with the monarch. One of the basic trends of the Nepalese communist movement is that major communist parties have into existence as a radical outfit and gradually turned into a centrist or moderate political force. This applies to major communist parties - the CPN-UM and the Maoist. However, one might question regarding the rise of the CPN-Maoist that orchestrated a guerilla warfare against none other than the parliamentary forces in the mid-1990's to become a major player in politics.

But going by the Maoist history ever since they waged the People's War, one can find a metamorphosis in their positions. In the beginning, it called for establishing a proletarian state through a class struggle in Nepal. As the Maoist leadership realised the limitations of waging a war and Nepal's typical geo-political situation, it continued to adjust their policies and became more pragmatic in pursuing their goals. They have now accepted competitive politics with all the tenets of bourgeois democracy. They say they will eventually establish full-fledged democracy that fits Nepali soil. Unlike the NC and the UML, they have brought to the fore burning issues such as the rights of the ethnic groups, dalits, women, Madhesis and backward communities, which have been neglected till now. It is the Maoists who catapulted the idea of the constituent assembly polls in the political circle, which subsequently became the agenda of virtually all the major parties. There are good and bad aspects of the Maoist insurgency, but it would not be an exaggeration to say that the country is now following their agenda. Their desire to be a reliable democratic force should not be undermined.

Threat of communism

It will be a futile exercise for the conservatives or pro-palace elements to push the NC into the rightist camp by showing the threat of communism. In fact, not only the communist parties but no single political force can rule the country like a dictator given Nepal's complicate power structures, people's growing democratic awareness and its economic and political dependency on foreign powers. However, the Maoists must lessen their 'ultra-Left' or militant behaviour to take those democratic forces into confidence for its bid to establish a democratic republic in Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 9, 2007

UML policies

The communist parties in Nepal have a glorious history of splitting for interesting reasons. They are so sensitive that they form a splinter group on the differences of opinion about Russia, China or Peru's domestic policies. So when the UML central committee is reviewing its past policies and future strategies for 14 days, the anxiety about their integrity is not invalid, especially when the issues are as sensitive as perception about the Maoists and unity among the eight political parties during the CA elections. Powerful general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal's opinion that the Maoists should be treated as extreme leftists has been vehemently opposed by other two senior leaders Jhalanath Khanal and Bamdev Gautam. The duo is of the view that in the context when the Maoists have joined the mainstream politics they do not remain extreme left. The Post seconds Nepal's idea. Until and unless the Maoists start behaving responsibly, they should be considered as extreme left, and behaved accordingly. If we go by Khanal's and Gautam's version, we will end up losing democracy.

Maybe Khanal is right in criticizing the leadership for its incompetence in the past. However, he is contradicting himself. At one point, he is demanding that the Maoists be considered more flexible and not as extreme left. On the other, he is alleging the leadership for being too flexible to negotiate for power. Gautam has gone too extreme. So, his protest holds no water. No wonder many UML cadres consider Gautam closer to the Maoists than UML. However, Nepal is also not completely right when he says that UML should coordinate closely with all the eight parties for the CA elections. In fact, his strategy should be limited to the democratic parties only. After all, UML's main rival is the CPN (Maoist), going along would be suicidal for UML in particular and democratic polity in general.

The problem with UML has been its inability to assess its own power and influence. As such, its leaders have always been grumbling about being marginalized from the government, parliament and all. This party also seems confused about who their real cadres are: extreme leftists or liberal socialists? The fact is that this party won't lose its vote bank of around 30 percent if it continues to be left to center party. This party has the potential to protect democracy and can counter Maoist extremisms. The only problem is that it has failed to groom a new leader. If Nepal wants to be remembered as a successful general secretary of the party, he has to groom new leaders from the pool of promising young cadres. The future for UML lies in becoming a socialist party and not in going back to extreme left.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, July 8, 2007

NEPAL’S OTHER INSURGENCY

Ethnic assertion? Autonomy offensive? Liberation movement? Sankarshan Thakur travels to Kathmandu and the Tarai to get a sense of the ominous new rumblings in the neighbourhood.

An alarming, and unheralded, civil war is spiralling to intensity along the sweep of India’s open frontier with Nepal. Allowed to fester, it could torpedo the fragile peace plan taking shape in Kathmandu, unleash a cascade of refugees into Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, and present New Delhi the anathema of a un mission digging into its backyard.

The erupted eye of this storm is an anarchic movement for self-determination by the plains people of Nepal. There are parallel armed insurgencies gunning for liberation, rival political groups seeking varied degrees of autonomy, and an establishment party from the region desperate to put out the fires and regain a measure of credibility in its home borough.
Madheshi ire has long been on slow-burn for reasons of institutionalised political, economic and social discrimination at the hands of a Pahadi (hill people) hegemony that has held sway over Nepali affairs for centuries — under the Shah kings, under long spells of Rana dictatorship, under democratic interregnums as well. This January, a small incident close to the border with India became the flashpoint of a volatile upsurge that both Kathmandu and New Delhi will have to contend with.

An armed Maoist patrol clashed with activists of the Madheshi Janjagaran Forum (MJF), currently the best-known face of the Madheshi rebellion, in a small town called Lahan. Ramesh Mahato, an MJF apparatchik, was shot dead. The next day, the tempers still high, Maoists snatched Mahato’s body from MJF custody and cremated it.
The chain of violence Lahan unleashed is yet to be stilled. Pitched battles have been fought between security forces and Madheshi rights activists. Government establishments have been attacked and symbols of Pahadi dominance such as the constitution, photographs of the king and the Nepali topi publicly burnt. Slogans of a new nationalism have flowered across the region. In many pockets, nervous Pahadi residents have begun to contemplate flight to the hills — properties are being put on sale, women and children are being shifted to Kathmandu, businesses are being shut. It isn’t a Pahadi exodus yet, but it could become one. “We are grabbing their illegally captured lands and handing them to poor Madheshi workers,” claims an insurgent commander in Janakpur in eastern Madhesh, “We don’t want them here and they know it.” Told that this could lead to a backlash against Madheshis in the hills, an aide retorts, “Good, that’s what we want, Pahadis in the hills and Madheshis in Madhesh.”

Scare has its reasons. More than a hundred people have been killed in street protests and organised intra-group massacres; last week alone, one or the other insurgent group struck daily, claiming 18 lives. West to east, Madhesh has remained paralysed, bandh-bound or curfew-ridden. Swept into the whirl of heated opportunity, political and insurgent groups have stoked the embers of Madheshi grievance into many flaring fires. A top un observer in Kathmandu says the situation could tip “overnight” into a perilous flashpoint. A senior Indian diplomat in the Kathmandu mission is more blunt about boil and its implications. “Take serious note now,” he says, calling both Nepal and his home country to attention, “Potentially things are very dangerous, you could have all of UP and Bihar battling fire tomorrow and the heat will reach Parliament. This movement has reared its head dramatically.”

Madhesh is an entity (see box) most Indians aren’t even aware of and Nepalis are only grudgingly beginning to recognise. There is good reason to be cautious about over-reading the signs of alarm, but it could be fatal to underestimate the implications of a suppressed nationalism exploding into protracted and violent strife through the belt. “Madheshi sentiment is running impatient,” warns Dhirendra Premarshi, a Madheshi radio artist, who keeps a firm finger on the Tarai pulse, “The foundations of Madheshi secession are probably being built, and they are being built by the Kathmandu Pahadis, who will not even recognise Madheshis as humans. The only problem is Madhesh has a crisis of leadership, there are too many people trying out too many different things to keep pace with the public mood.”

For many Madheshi leaders, this is a now-or-never battle. Elections for a new Constituent Assembly (ca) are scheduled for November, and Madheshi political groups see it as their last chance to grab their rightful share of power and consequent benefits. Rocked by the vehement powderflash in the plains, Prime Minister GP Koirala scrambled to grant placatory concessions in February — the promise of a federal state, more government jobs and nearly half the seats in the ca to Madhesh. But that has done little to assuage anger or aspiration. “Koirala made it sound as if he was a feudal granting us a favour,” says Vijaykant Karan, a Kathmandu-based political scientist and Madheshi activist. “And how can we be sure we will get the little he has promised? Madheshis don’t want to plead anymore, they will snatch what they think is theirs, they want to end centuries of slavery.”

The MJF’s manifesto is a scorching indictment of Kathmandu. “Madhesh is an internal colony of the ruling hill people. Madheshis have been subjected to extreme national oppression, poverty, exploitation and discrimination. They are politically, economically, socially and culturally depressed. They have been strategically forced to migrate to India. Their landholdings have been confiscated, their languages have been choked…” On the ground, anti-Pahadi feeling can find more visceral and graphic expression. “Saala log humlog ko dhoti-muji bolta hai aur apne hi jameen par daba ke rakha hai. Pahadi raj ab nahin chalega,” a Madheshi labourer in Janakpur tells us, “yahan Pahadi police aur Pahadi afsar kahe rahega, humko apna log chahiye. Yahi ladai hai.” (They refer to us as dhoti-wearers and pubic hair, they have suppressed us in our own country. Why must we live under Pahadi police and Pahadi officials? That can’t continue, that is the fight now.)

Kanak Dixit, journalist and Kathmandu intellectual both liberal and engaged, agrees the anger has basis. “Madheshis have never been made to feel part of Nepal, it is true,” he says. “The psychology of this country is a hill psychology, they always look down upon the plains, to the extent of there being an element of racism. Madheshis have had many issues with the Pahadis, although I must say everybody was surprised by the intensity of the outburst. The state will have to respond with sensitivity and a genuine desire to redress grievances, else this could spread.”

Madheshi protagonists, from the moderate MJF leader Upendra Yadav (see interview) to even mainstream actors like Ajay Chaurasia, a Nepali Congress MP, aren’t terribly sure of a transformation in the Pahadi mindset, even though they might hope and pray for it. “They are too used to being patronising,” Chaurasia says. “If they cannot learn now, there is bigger trouble coming, it is already too late.” Leaders such as him perhaps already sense the ground slipping underneath as Madheshi aspirations turn more radical and tug the goals of the movement beyond mere autonomy. And the MJF leadership, holding talks with the interim government in Kathmandu, might have good reason to sense they are losing support on the ground because they might be seen as people who jumped too quickly to compromise, or worse, as collaborators. “The issue is not what they will give or not give in the Constituent Assembly,” rails Rajan Mukti, a young underground militant who heads the operations of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Jwala) in Dhanusha district. “The issue is who are they to give? One Pahadi dies and he is officially named a martyr by the government, dozens of Madheshis die and there is not even a word on them. That is the issue, this is a battle for self-respect and in Nepal we will never get that, everybody knows.” Rival JTMM leader Jaikrishna Goit is more ruthless on moderates (see interview). “The Pahadis will manipulate and cheat them, they know it, this is nothing that can be sorted out through talks and compromise, this is a struggle for Madheshi self-determination, we are not looking for crumbs.”

For centuries, Madheshis complained about not being heard by the Pahadis. Now, many of them are refusing to communicate. The widespread sense that there lies little merit in trying to negotiate a deal with leaders in Kathmandu could become a major roadblock to solutions. Even the Maoist chief Prachanda, who first spoke of addressing Madheshi self-rule during his days in the jungles, is now seen as part of the Pahadi (and therefore anti-Madheshi) clique. It is not uncommon in Madhesh to hear Prachanda being clubbed with the bourgeois Pahadi establishment — Nepal is ruled by four Pahadi Bahuns (Brahmins, traditionally the ruling elite along with Chhetris, or Rajputs) — GP Koirala, Madhav Nepal, Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai. That rankles Maoists, but they concede they made mistakes. “We slipped up on Madhesh,” admits Anil Shreshtha, party secretary of Parsa, a central Madhesh district, “When we were negotiating our entry into the interim government, we did not talk Madhesh.” Maoists are eager to pledge corrections, but Madheshis appear to have convinced themselves their failure was not an ideological lapse, it was deliberate because somewhere they too believe in Pahadi hegemony. Much of the popular Madheshi anger today is directed at Maoists; Lahan was a symptom of it.

Most of Madhesh is a doppelganger of what lies immediately south — UP and Bihar. A pitifully impoverished and under-developed rural stretch, riven by feudalism and other forms of social oppression. It lacks for good roads, power, water, healthcare, education, administration. You could land in Simra near Raxaul upon a 20-minute air-hop from Kathmandu and feel you have arrived to the worst Bihar can showcase. What’s different in Madhesh, though, is that it has seen none of India’s affirmative processes of democracy at work — no redressal of regional aspiration, no positive discrimination for the underprivileged, no sense of a political leadership that will speak for them and get purchase. For the better part, Madheshis have been subjects, not citizens. And during the few phases of democracy, they’ve felt defrauded by the Pahadis who rule Kathmandu. “We don’t have a sense of democracy,” says Chandrakishore Jha, a Madheshi editor, based in Birgunj. “How could we? The Pahadis imposed the slogan of ek des, ek bhes, ek bhasa (one nation, one dress, one language), everything about the Madheshis got crushed. All the chaos breaking out is a result of that, and the problem is nobody is sure where we are headed.”

Jha probably typifies the confounded confusion of the Madheshi mind. All around, there is a rising clamour for self-rule, but, equally, there is the absence of clarity on critical issues. What’s to be the framework of self-rule? Independence? Autonomy within Nepal? A federal self-government that gives Madheshis the right to conduct their affairs as well as a stake in power in Kathmandu? Their aspirations have spawned a hydra of militancies — too many leaders offering too many routes to salvation. “It is a movement that evolves almost daily,” says Pradeep Giri, one of Nepal’s seniormost politicians, a Pahadi who has made his home in Madhesh, “The consciousness of the Madheshi is changing, probably it is becoming more militant. It needs a leader to channel all that, but there is vacuum. But that does not mean Kathmandu can continue taking it for granted.” For the moment, perhaps, Madheshis are merely happy they have shaken the Pahadis’ many assumptions of divine right to rule.

THE THEATRE
WHAT IS MADHESH?

Nepal's southern-most strip of flat land, an 885km stretch contiguous to UP, Bihar and West Bengal. Large parts are still covered with thick malarial jungles, but this strip is also home to nearly half of Nepal's 27 million population. Also known as the Tarai, Madhesh is a recent nomenclature symbolising the region's new-found will for political self-determination.

WHY IS IT ON THE BOIL?

Because the majority plains people of Madhesh feel chronically discriminated against by the Pahadis who have always controlled power in Kathmandu. They had to fight for decades to obtain citizenship. The main Madheshi languages — Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Tharu — are not recognised. They occupy less than 12 percent jobs in key sectors and almost none in the top bureaucracy, police or army. They have little political voice. They believe they are an internal colony of Pahadi Nepalis.

WHY SHOULD INDIA BE CONCERNED?

Greater Madheshi turmoil could unleash a huge refugee influx into UP, Bihar and parts of West Bengal. There is already an active insurgency in the region; many armed groups work out of the Indian side. Culturally and socio-economically, Madheshis mirror UP and Bihar. Besides, people maintain cross-border social and family ties. If unrest builds, India will be forced to intervene. Strategically, trouble in Madhesh could bring international agencies such as the un close on India’s borders, something New Delhi is loath to accept.

THE DRAMATIS PERSONAE
Nepal Sadbhavana Party (ANANDI)

The Tarai’s traditional party, has championed regional issues. Currently lacks for ground credibility because it is part of the interim government and is seen as having been sold out to the Pahadi political establishment. Madheshi Janjagaran ForumA civil society group brought to the fore after the violence earlier this year. Stops short of secession but seeks autonomy and is currently in talks with the interim government. Has brand-recognition across Madhesh but is still trying to build an organisational base.

Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (GOIT)

Led by former Maoist Jaikrishna Goit, the JTMM(G) is fighting an armed struggle for liberation. Stridently secessionist, cadre strength is difficult to estimate, but could run into a few thousands. Not well equipped, constantly looking for arms. Although not a stated aim, they are seeking a Pahadi exodus as a prelude to independence.

Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JWALA)

A splinter faction of the JTMM(G), it has carried out most of the violence in Madhesh. Jwala, in his 40s, is more energetic than former mentor Goit, and is fast building a cadre-base in the eastern and mid-eastern Tarai. Is committed to independence, although not as ideologically grounded as Goit. Denies allegations of running a motley criminal outfit, sees himself as a serious claimant to Madheshi leadership.

Source: Tehelka, July 7, 2007

Nepal's leaders take lessons in democracy

Prominent members of Nepal's main political parties have visited Switzerland hoping to learn about the federalist system.

The visit comes ahead of November's election in the Himalayan kingdom and is seen as part of Swiss efforts to support Nepal's transition to democracy. "Both sides agreed that the exchange has been positive and helped boost cooperation," a foreign ministry statement said on Friday.
During the five-day visit the Nepalese delegation met experts and representatives from the Swiss authorities as well as the Geneva-based United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Louise Arbour.

The foreign ministry said Switzerland hoped to contribute to a solution of fundamental issues, which include a possible federal structure of the country and the different political convictions of the key players. The Swiss authorities have been involved in human rights initiatives and have been providing humanitarian aid to Nepal for more than 40 years.

Prachanda

The delegation from Nepal included the former Maoist rebel leader, Kamal Dahal – known as Prachanda. He told a news conference in Bern that the visit could give new impetus to the peace process in Nepal and create a positive atmosphere between the various political players. Prachanda, a controversial figure who led Nepal's Maoist movement during the civil war, said it was not possible to take over Switzerland's political system without adapting it to the situation in Nepal. "But the Swiss experience can help us establish a new society," he said. A delegation of Nepalese politicians and representatives of the civil society stayed in Switzerland in January.
Some Swiss media slammed the authorities for inviting Prachanda, but the foreign ministry rejected the criticism.

"It was not an invitation to Mr Prachanda in particular. It is not up to us to decide on who takes part in the peace process," foreign ministry spokesman Lars Knuchel told the Basler Zeitung newspaper. But Günther Bächler, a Swiss advisor for peace building in Nepal, welcomed Prachanda's visit to Switzerland. He said there were attempts to shut the Maoists out of the peace process. Several uprisings by an ethnic group in southern Nepal also hampered progress.

Elections

During the decade-long civil war at least 13,000 people were killed, including many civilians, and hundreds of thousands were forced to leave their homes. Prachanda, the leader of Nepal's Communist Party, said in 2001 his goal was to do away with the monarchy and the parliamentary system. However, last year a seven-party alliance and the Maoist rebels signed a peace accord paving the way for an interim government and a constitutional assembly which will decide on the fate of the monarchy. Elections for the assembly, scheduled for November, are seen as the culmination of the peace process.

Source: Swissinfo, July 6, 2007

King's Birthday Fiasco

King Gyanendra is the luckiest king of Shah dynasty to have lived for sixty years. Since King Prithvi Narayan Shah, no king has lived so long (and you thought Nepal's low life expectancy is due to poverty only?) Whether or not King Gyanendra will remain as the king is still in the hands of Constituent Assembly, but even as a general citizen he enjoys the right to celebrate his diamond-jubilee birthday and throw a party as per his wish. When the news about the king throwing party for over thousand people at a hotel in the capital spread like a wildfire, not many raised their brows. However, when all the "who's who of the society" started receiving invitations, some on behalf of Queen Aishwarya and some on behalf of Crown Prince Paras, the people got alarmed. The birthday party was suddenly considered as a royal ploy to taste the political clout of the king. Hence, rejection.

Diplomatic corps have proved their talent to sniff the political connotation of the king's invitation. The European ambassadors expressed their opinion collectively through British Ambassador Dr Andrew Hall that at this particular time their participation does not "send a helpful signal". Outgoing US ambassador James F Moriarty said his attendance "would not serve any useful purpose". Similarly, Indian ambassador Shiv Shankar Mukherjee had plain "not going" message to the king. These statements send a very powerful message in favor of Nepal's democracy and the Nepali people. The democratic world deserves a standing ovation from all those who embrace plural values and foster democracy. It is now almost certain that except for some exceptions, all other diplomatic missions will be busy sending RSVP to the royal palace.

The message is loud and clear. The king's resurgence is not possible in Nepal. Neither political party nor foreign forces nor the general public is ready to accept the king who imposed autocratic rule for over a year before bowing out to the pressure of people's movement on April 24th, 2006. The birthday party also exposed king's henchmen Swami Prapannacharya, Dr Durga Pokharel and others who have shamelessly drafted a citation terming King Gyanendra as the one who awarded democracy to this country, and as the only source of national integrity and stability. People certainly feel pity on such apologists. It is also an opportunity for the parties in the government to prove their stance on monarchy. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has rightfully and tacitly urged the king to quit, respecting the people's demand. He has also urged all the feudal fiats to support the constituent assembly election that would draft the constitution for a new Nepal. So, it is almost certain that the king's birthday party is going to be a fiasco.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, July 6, 2007

Essential Priorities

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala presented the policy and program of the government for the forthcoming financial year in the interim Parliament, the other day. In the presentation made in the national legislature, Prime Minister Koirala accorded priority to improve law and order situation for holding elections to the Constituent Assembly scheduled for November 22. Prime Minister Koirala who heads the multiparty coalition government in which the Maoists are also represented reiterated that the top priority for country at the moment is the polls for constituent assembly which is expected to herald a new era of democracy and peace in the nation. Accordingly, the policy and program of the government announced by the prime minister has committed to set up a state restructuring commission by giving mandate to recommend modus operandi of reconstituting the governance mechanism and territory of the state. This would be an important commission as told by the prime minister, and its suggestions should facilitate the process for building a new constitution in the country.

Since the country has already braced for a federal polity, it is not yet clear on what type of provision with respect to federalism should be incorporated in the new basic law of the land to satisfy the aspirations of the people from different geographic, linguistic and ethnic zones. Moreover, in line with national need and priority, the government has committed to form a task force to recommend measures for ensuring proportional share of different marginal and excluded communities in the apparatuses of the state. This commitment of the government goes in line with the principle of inclusive democracy. What should be noted in this context has been the government resolve to rebuild and reconstitute the local bodies through consensual approach as, in the absence of representative and competent local government institutions, it is difficult for local democracy to foster. The government policy is progressive and, thus, aims at addressing the problems faced by the people from different walks of life. The announcement to raise the salary of the civil servants, focus on rural electrification, priority to commercialization of the farm sector, raising of the industrial security force and restructuring of the health sector are some of the social development measures that can go a long way in enhancing development of the country. However, provided that the implementation and monitoring drive is not revamped and toned up, the intended objectives enshrined in the policy and program of the government can not be translated into reality. In addition to strengthening mechanism for law and order, the democratic government should set sight on making the implementation mechanism better and stronger.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 6, 2007

CA Polls: Definite Direction

FOR the first time since the formation of the interim government, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala unveiled the annual policies and programmes of the government on Wednesday. It was expected as the budget is to be presented in a few days. Now the legislature parliament will hold discussions on it in the coming days.

FocusThe focus was basically on holding the constituent assembly (CA) election on November 22. It will be a landmark for the people and the country. Even Prime Minister Koirala has said that the day will herald a new era. Obviously, the expectations of the people are very high. But the preparations are yet to gather speed for the polls.There are many problems that have to be solved, though. A major issue is bolstering the law and order situation in the country. There are many agitating groups, some of which are involved in violence. On this score, the government has shown some seriousness, and attempts are being made to step up security measures. In this connection, the government is mulling over a new security policy, taking into consideration the situation in the country.Meanwhile, talks are being held with the various agitating groups, and it is hoped that an amicable solution will be reached as per their demands. This must be taken up seriously because without solving the simmering problems, the CA polls cannot be held in a peaceful atmosphere.

For this, the political parties, too, should extend their hands to the government. If they do so, the government will be facilitated in taking the necessary steps to maintain law and order. After a chill for some time, the eight political parties are working together, and there has been increased understanding among them. This solidarity and unity must be maintained till the polls. Though they may be contestants in the polls, the unity ought to be maintained so that the gains made so far does not go to waste.The appointment of envoys is still in a limbo as they were recommended by the earlier government. The main objection has come from the CPN (Maoist). They say that the recommendations were made without consulting them. On this matter, Maoist chief Prachanda had talked to Prime Minister Koirala, and it was agreed that the issue would be resolved soon.

As Premier Koirala mentioned in the government's policies and programmes, the culture of consensus and collaboration for resolving the differences through dialogue and negotiation has become a present day reality. And the country is going in this direction though at times stalemates have arisen.It is based on this that the country has come so far, starting with the agreement of the seven parties and the Maoists. The interim government and the legislature parliament are the result of the collaborative effort of the eight parties. This must not be allowed to break down on trivial pretexts.Whatever is taking place in the country is with the approval of the eight parties. Hence, blaming one or the other leader is not appropriate. Moreover, there are matters that have to be discussed behind closed doors. However, transparency must be maintained regarding the administration of the country. AwarenessNow all confusions regarding the CA polls are over with the announcement of the date. It is the duty of all the political parties to go to all parts of the country to make the people aware of the importance of the CA elections. This is important considering the fact that many people are still unaware as to why a constituent assembly election is necessary for the creation of a better Nepal. The rural parts are where the majority of the population lives and have a greater say in the political setting.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 6, 2007

Times to come

The Interim Government (IG) on Wednesday unveiled its annual policies and programmes in the Interim Legislature-Parliament, making elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) its focal point. Indeed, while other aspects declared in the document are important because they have an important bearing on various sections of society, the public interest in the CA polls, the core demand of Jana Andolan-2, is supreme, as it will affect the entire country politically, economically, socially and in other ways. The CA will lay the future basis for a new Nepal and is expected to institutionalise peace, democracy, justice and inclusiveness. Given its limits, the government cannot be expected to do a lot during the interim period. If it can manage the transition smoothly without putting unnecessary burdens on the people, maintain law and order, and provide some positive signs that indicate that the country is moving in the right direction, the policy statements should be seen in a favourable light.

Presenting the government’s policies and programmes, the Prime Minister said the document revolves round the November 22 CA polls and the national budget would have the same focus. He also said a supplementary budget would be unveiled after the CA polls. Koirala, alluding to the monarchy and stressing the importance of the CA elections, said that the vestiges of the old order would be swept away after the November 22 polls, which he said would herald a new era and the country would then turn over a new leaf. He declared, “This is the last battle. Let the remnants of the old order take to their heels and go wherever they want”. Koirala spoke of another revolution (change) after the CA elections — social and economic reforms. The Prime Minister’s statements concerning the monarchy, recorded in the sovereign parliament, assume added significance and hint at the shape of things to come. There are a number of signs that go to strengthen the Prime Minister’s assessment. The latest comes from the decision of important Kathmandu-based ambassadors to stay away from the King’s birthday reception.

As for the annual policies and programmes, it should be considered as the compromise document of the political parties represented in the interim government. Each may have its reservations. For instance, the CPN-Maoist has announced ‘critical support’ to it. Indeed, as Koirala said, the policy document and the budget may not satisfy everybody, though effort has been made to ‘touch all’. His message was that the Nepalis should have some more patience and make the CA polls their singular agenda. On this will depend whether the country will move into the bright or the dark future because the CA elections will mark the successful conclusion of the 10-year Maoist insurgency and the 19-day Jana Andolan-2 based on the 12-point agreement between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance. The alternative is fraught with serious dangers to democracy, peace, and prosperity, and above all, to the country’s very existence as an independent entity.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 6, 2007

Foreign aid: Can it work for new Nepal?

Bishwambher Pyakuryal

Following the implementation of Foreign Aid Policy, 2002, grants have exceeded loans, projects have been prioritised, Poverty Reduction Fund has been established and Nepal has been receiving Poverty Reduction Support Credit. Similarly, aid has started to flow according to government priorities, though it is questionable if these are government’s independent priorities.The quality of aid has improved to some extent, especially after promulgation of the act. However, there are serious problems with management of such aid, including lack of proper recording, impractical conditionality and lack of transparency. A recent aid effectiveness study conducted by B P Bhattarai shows that both bilateral and multilateral aid can be effective in the long run. However, relationship between aid and per capita GDP has been found to be negative in both aggregate and disaggregated forms in the short-run, implying that the country suffers from lack of absorptive capacity and high aid volatility. This study can be complemented with other findings from the ADB, which show that while macro-policy environment and quality of governance have a direct bearing on poverty reduction, aid effectiveness is not critically contingent on them.Effectiveness rather differs under different environments, with differing quality of governance. On an average, aid is effective when it is moderate in volume. It becomes ineffective when its size exceeds the absorptive capacity of the target country. A cross-country empirical analysis by the World Bank conducted under Stephen Knack reveals that a high level of aid erodes institutional quality, increases rent-seeking and corruption, and therefore, has an adverse impact on growth.

It is recognised that aid helps economic growth in developing countries with sound policies and high quality public institutions. The problem lies with the compatibility of policy choice under different structural settings in conflict-prone countries like Nepal. Linking internationally practiced macroeconomic policies in assistance strategies without restructuring the institutional framework has backfired on development missions in Nepal.In fact, aid rarely manages to get things done which the countries could do themselves. Even with incredibly high aid inflows, poor countries are just as poor now as they were a decade ago. In most cases, aid has only fostered corruption and irresponsible policy-making. This is indeed the case with Nepal.

In Nepal, foreign assistance has not contributed to growth, especially with regard to its ability to supplement savings, foreign exchange and government revenues. The country’s failure to reduce aid and foreign borrowing by closing resource gaps has also not facilitated economic policy autonomy. The new government faces the challenge of reducing debt burden and increasing revenue by properly managing resource allocation under the proposed federal structure. Analysis of fiscal impact under a federal state should be our priority. Attention should go towards making aid money accessible to the poor, providing safe drinking water to villagers and guaranteeing poor children primary education.As external assistance has not been able to make a significant contribution to Nepal’s integration process, advocates of liberalisation have been disappointed. With billions of outstanding debt under the reform programme, Nepal has made a poor showing in public finance, price and supply situation, money and banking, international trade, transport and communications, agriculture and tourism, and social services. There is a big question mark on enhancing the competitive edge of Nepal’s development projects.A crucial determinant of competitiveness is productivity of key inputs. It is the key to improving national economic well-being by attracting domestic and foreign investors to the local economy. Nepal’s competitive advantage in lower wages is offset by low labour productivity. Out of 200 countries, the majority of Nepal’s indices in one of the top priority sectors, viz tourism, fall way behind other countries.

Nepal is characterised by red light in infrastructure, technology, human resources, openness and social index. This is the reason why revolutionary leaders in new Nepal should carefully assess trade-offs between assets and liabilities created by external assistance.Emerging from the ‘poverty trap’ does not necessarily mean a push for larger aid. It is also no guarantee that aid will increase productivity by bridging the ‘financing gap’. An increase in foreign aid and debt relief has not eliminated poverty in Africa. As much as 39% of Africa’s capital is believed to be held by those outside the continent. This clearly shows that investment depends upon the rate of return and increased bank lending. The need of the hour is to create an environment for investment where rates of return are higher than debt.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 6, 2007

Full Text of Annual Policies and Programmes for the Fiscal Year 2007/2008

The Rt. Honourable Speaker,1. I am pleased to have this opportunity to present the Policies and Programmes of the Government of Nepal for the Fiscal Year 2007/2008 to this august Legislature-Parliament in the capacity of the Prime Minister of the Coalition Government of the eight political parties.

2. Having accomplished such historic tasks as the brining to an end of over a decade long armed conflict, promulgating the Interim Constitution on the basis of negotiations and consensus and forming an Interim Government, today we are forging ahead for the election to the Constituent Assembly. On this occasion, first of all, I would like to offer my heartfelt tributes to all those martyrs, known and unknown, who attained martyrdom in the course of establishing Loktantra (democracy). Likewise, I wish speedy recovery to all those distinguished individuals who, having sustained injuries in this connection, are now recuperating.

3. I would also like to express the commitment that, while remaining active for the preservation of national independence, unity, integrity and dignity as well as for the promotion of the national interests and prestige, the Government shall move ahead with consensus on major national issues for the institutionalization of the universally accepted democratic values and ideals including competitive multiparty democratic system of governance, civil liberties, fundamental rights, human rights, press freedom and concept of the rule of law.

4. The Constituent Assembly polls slated for November this year is expected to make a major contribution to the institutional development of Loktantra (Democracy) that we attained by the sacrifice of the people through the historic people's movement and struggle. This election shall put an end to the old era and usher Nepal into a new beginning.

Mr. Speaker, 5. The law and order situation shall be improved significantly by way of resolving mutual differences of opinion on the basis of dialogues and negotiations. For conducting the Constituent Assembly election in a free, fair, and impartial manner, the peoples' right to cast their votes in a peaceful atmosphere, free from fear, shall be ensured. For the purpose, the commitments expressed in the understandings and agreements reached among the eight political parties shall be implemented. Violent and criminal activities shall be dealt with sternly. For the purpose of holding the Constituent Assembly election, a special work plan shall be prepared for consolidating the civil and police administrations and making them more effective.

6. Various governmental and non-governmental organizations, the civil society and the mass media shall be mobilized for the conduct of civil awareness programmes and for the protection of the right to information of all regions, genders, castes, creeds and ethnic and other community groups in connection with the Constituent Assembly election. The Election Commission shall be extended all necessary cooperation in this regard. The United Nations as well as other relevant national and international organizations shall be involved in the observation of the Constituent Assembly election.

7. A State Restructuring Commission shall be formed as soon as possible for the restructuring of the state along federal lines as per the spirit of the Interim Constitution. A task force of individuals including experts shall be formed for necessary homework for the proportional and inclusive participation of Mahesis, Dalits, indigenous communities, women, workers and peasants, the disabled and backward communities in all the organs of the state structure. A policy of making political appointments on the basis of inclusive participation shall be followed with immediate effect.

8. While implementing and complying with all agreements, accords and understandings, including the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, monitoring mechanisms shall be put in place at central and local levels for the institutionalization of sustainable peace and development

9. A relief programme shall be launched for the families of those killed and for those who sustained injuries or physical impairment as well as those displaced by the conflict and movement. A special programme for the reconstruction of the physical infrastructure and rehabilitation of those affected or displaced by the violent conflict shall be formulated and implemented with high priority, thereby creating an environment conducive for goodwill, unity, and reconciliation in the society.

Mr. Speaker10. As regards the building of a New Nepal, a common national perspective concerning the economic and social transformation of the country shall be prepared and implemented.

11. To lay the foundation of a prosperous, modern, federal, inclusive and just Nepal, a 3-year interim plan shall commence implementation from the coming fiscal year, taking stock of the recommendations of the National Development Council among others.

12. Agriculture sector is the backbone of rural economy; Agriculture is also the principal source of income of the rural people. It is not possible to improve the economic condition of the poor communities without the development of the agriculture sector. The agriculture sector shall, therefore, be commercialized and be made the main pillar of economic growth. Stress shall be given to the mobilization of capital and technology for the diversification and modernization of the agricultural products. Necessary adjustments shall be made in Agricultural Perspective Plan on the basis of the evaluation of its implementation status and subsequent arrangements be made for its effective implementation.

13. The role of the private sector in the economy shall be encouraged. The Foreign Investment Policy and the Industrial Policy shall be improved with a view to developing Nepal as a secure, attractive and investment-friendly destination. Likewise, timely improvements shall be made in the existing trade policy for developing the country's export trade as a pillar of economic growth. The concept of Special Economic Zones shall be implemented from the next fiscal year. A policy shall be followed to utilize the skill, capital and entrepreneurship of Non-Resident Nepalese (NRN) for nation building. A Small Enterprise Policy shall be formulated for the purpose of promoting small entrepreneurs. For the smooth supply of petroleum products, a price adjustment policy shall be followed and the supply situation shall be improved with the participation of the private sector. Work shall be initiated for the establishment of an Industrial Security Force for the maintenance of law and order in the industrial sector.

14. National interest should be paramount while mobilizing foreign aid. To speed up development activities, which contribute to the establishment of durable peace and meet the aspirations of the people, emphasis shall be laid on the mobilization of bilateral and multilateral assistance. A policy shall be followed for maintaining fiscal balance in the allocation of public expenditure.

15. While preserving the languages and indigenous cultures of all ethnic and other communities, a new cultural policy shall be implemented for managing the works relating to the protection and promotion of cultural traditions.

16. In order to develop Nepal into and attractive tourist destination, emphasis shall be laid on tourism infrastructure development, its diversification and promotional activities. Preliminary work shall be initiated for the development of a second international airport and other international airports of regional levels. The Nepal Airlines Corporation shall be operated in accordance with the policy of public-private partnership.

17. Necessary infrastructure shall be prepared for scientific land reform and management. Emphasis shall be given on the development of the cooperative sector. The programme for the rehabilitation of freed bonded labour shall continue. Special attention shall be paid to the economic and social advancement of agricultural labourers and the landless squatters, and a special programme shall be launched for the landless squatters.

18. Access to education shall be increased for children who have been deprived of school education. The role of local communities shall be further enhanced in the management of schools. Access of rural communities to technical education and vocational training shall be increased by collaborating with the NGOs and the private sector. In addition to rendering university education research oriented and competitive, sports programmes shall be incorporated right from the school level. Preliminary work shall be initiated for the establishment of a university related to agriculture and forestry.

19. The health sector shall be restructured on the basis of geography and population with a view to establishing primary health service as the fundamental rights of the people and making quality health service accessible to the common mass. To this end, a policy of gradual up-gradation of sub-health posts to health posts shall be adopted and some sub-health posts shall be converted into health posts during the coming fiscal year. Special programmes shall also be launched for free medical treatment to and health maintenance of the poor, helpless and marginalized groups throughout the country.

20. Necessary legal and policy reforms shall be introduced in the women, children and social welfare sectors. All kinds of social discriminations, including untouchability, based on religion, language, culture and caste shall be brought to an end. Special arrangements shall be made for the protection, promotion and development of all ethnic communities, religions, languages and cultures.21. Programmes designed for income generation, capacity enhancement and community infrastructure development shall be implemented through community mobilization aiming at those in abject poverty and those below poverty line from among the women, Dalits, Madhesis, indigenous communities and those from backward areas.

22. Emphasis shall be laid on the selection and implementation of new multipurpose projects with a view to utilizing, in the national interest, the abundant hydropower potential of the country. Rural electrification programme shall be expanded. For the development and expansion of the irrigated areas, continuity shall be given to the construction of large, medium and small irrigation projects as well as those based on new technology. Likewise, for providing year-round irrigation facilities by utilizing surface and ground water, necessary improvements and rehabilitation works shall be carried out in the irrigation systems. Participation of the local people shall be encouraged in the management of irrigation projects.

23. For the construction of physical infrastructure- the backbone of the economic development of the country-emphasis shall be laid on joint efforts of the Government, local bodies, consumer groups and the private sector. Five additional district headquarters, which have yet to be linked by road, shall be connected with the national highway network during the coming fiscal year. The construction and up-gradation of roads including the postal tracks and accessory roads in terai, the highways of mid-hills and the north-south highways shall be pursued with priority.

24. An integrated policy shall be implemented for the sustainable development and expansion of the drinking water and sanitation sector. For its timely completion, the implementation process of the Melamchi Water Supply Project shall proceed as early as possible.

Mr. Speaker25. A programme of establishing at least two public telephone booths in search in each village development committee shall be pursued by launching a special rural telecommunications expansion programme. For the development and expansion of telecommunications facilities, existing information highways (fibre optics lines) shall be fully utilized and initiatives shall be taken for the development of alternate information highways (fibre optic lines). The public broadcast and mass media, shall be made democratic, swift, reliable, professional and diversified and information and communication technology shall be developed and extended to the rural areas. Legal provisions shall be developed and extended to the rural areas. Legal provisions shall be made to ensure the right to information to the people.

26. Additional contribution shall be made to poverty reduction through sustainable management of the forest areas. For conserving bio-diversity and contributing to eco-tourism, various programmes such as community and leasehold forestry in the hilly areas and productive forestry in the terai and inner terai areas shall be launched.

27. Incorporation of environment, science and technology related issues in the national development process shall be consolidated. Information technology shall be utilized for the improvement of public sector service delivery.

28. For the consolidation of the labour and transport management, emphasis shall be given on legal and institutional reform and use of information technology. Attractive employment destinations shall be explored for the Nepalese workers and labour agreements shall be concluded with receiving countries for the protection of workers' interests. Provision of labour attaches shall be made gradually in countries where there are substantial numbers of Nepalese workers and the outreach and capacity of the Nepalese Embassies shall be enhanced in other countries. Social security programmes shall be launched in the benefit of the workers. The Government shall adopt the policy of conducting welfare programmes in the interest of the youths looking for foreign employment.

29. Necessary legal provisions shall be made in order to make arrangements for ensuring unhindered transport service along the East-West Highway and other national highways and not to allow any kind of obstruction to them.

30. Emphasis shall be given on building of infrastructure based on popular participation for resolving the problem of unemployment. The youths shall be encouraged to opt for self-employment and to engage in income generating activities through training, skill development and capacity enhancement. The coverage of the Poverty Alleviation Fund shall be expanded and additional opportunities shall be provided to the deprived families from the rural areas for income generation.

31. Special programmes shall be introduced for the development of and employment generation in the Far Western and Mid-Western Development Regions including the Karnali Area and the regions adjacent to them as well as the districts, which lag behind in respect of human development index.Mr. Speaker

32. Arrangements shall be made for running the Local Bodies on the basis of political consensus. In line with the democratic ideals, a policy of decentralization of authority, to the fullest extent possible, to the Local Bodies shall be pursued. In accordance with the norms of governance based on equity and inclusiveness, various employment and income generating programmes shall be launched for the empowerment of the acutely poor families, women, the deprived, the oppressed, Dalits, indigenous communities and ethnicities, Madhesis, the backward and marginalized and other communities residing in remote areas.

33. Punitive, preventive and promotional measures shall be adopted to make the country corruption-free and to make good governance felt. Efficiency of the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority and the Office of the Auditor General shall be enhanced.

34. The policy to respect the independence of judiciary, the rule of law and human rights shall be continued. The National Human Rights Commission shall be made more effective for the protection and promotion of human rights. Emphasis shall be given on the improvement of physical facilities for the courts.

35. The Civil Service shall be made more transparent, responsive, accountable and inclusive. Public servants shall be granted a salary increment. In order to develop the civil service as an attractive service by way of ensuring the opportunities of promotion and career development, timely improvements shall be made in the civil service laws. The Public Service Commission shall be strengthened and improvements shall be made in the examination system and evaluation methods.

36. To ensure smooth law and order situation and to make the police force capable and competent, the Nepal Police, the Armed Police Force and the National Intelligence Department shall be modernized and made well equipped.

37. A comprehensive work plan shall be formulated for the democratization of Nepali Army, an appropriate number, structure and inclusive national character shall be decided for it, and its personnel shall be trained with human rights values. At the same time, their involvement in the development and construction activities shall be increased.

38.Attention shall be paid to the appropriate management of cantonments housing the combatants of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the work relating to their integration and rehabilitation shall proceed as per the recommendations of the special committee formed in accordance with the Interim Constitution.

39 A process forming a trust shall be initiated for the utilization of the properties of late King Birendra, late Queen Aishwarya and their family members in the interest of the nation. The task of nationalizing such properties as palaces, forests, parks, heritages of historical and archaeological importance etc. possessed by King Gyanendra in that capacity shall proceed with priority.

40. Diplomatic service shall be made more efficient for the effective implementation of Nepal's foreign policy, which is based on the ideals and values, enshrined in the United Nations Charter and the principles of non-alignment.

41. A policy attaching high priority to the friendship with neighbouring countries- India and China shall be pursued. Likewise, the national relations with other friendly countries shall be further deepened.

42. The Government believes that the Bhutanese refugees sheltering in the refugee camps in Eastern Nepal for more than one and a half decades now should be allowed to return to their homeland in a dignified manner and in an atmosphere free from fear. Without prejudice to their inherent right to return to their homeland, should they choose voluntarily the option of third country resettlement, the Government of Nepal shall follow a policy of accepting it as a provisional arrangement.

43. While expressing my confidence that the goodwill and cooperation of friendly countries, donor agencies and the international community for the success of the peace process, consolidation of democracy and the socio-economic development efforts of the country shall continue in future, I, on behalf of the people and the Government of Nepal, would like to thank all those who have been extending such cooperation.

Mr. Speaker44. Pursuing the culture of consensus and collaboration for resolving the differences through dialogue and negotiation is the present day reality. The Government is aware of this reality and remains effortful in meeting the demands of all kinds through dialogues. The government has appealed to everyone for putting an end to all kinds of violent acts and seeking solution to the problems at the negotiating table, and has kept the door open for dialogues. In spite of all this, violence still continues in certain parts of the country in the name of different groups. Such violent criminal activities shall not be tolerated and those responsible shall be dealt with sternly. The Government, once again, calls upon all concerned to take this seriously and seek solutions to problems through dialogues and negotiations. At the same time, for creating an environment favourable to holding the election to the Constituent Assembly, I, on behalf of the Government and on my own, make an earnest appeal to everyone not to organize any closures, transportation strikes, other strikes, lockouts, etc. that disrupt the law and order situation.

45. The best interests and prosperity of Nepal and he Nepali people depend on our unity and noble efforts. I believe the election to the Constituent Assembly shall not only resolve the manifold problems, but also does it consolidate people's power thus contributing to the framework for the creation of a new Nepal. Therefore, institutionalizing the democratic system of governance through the election to the Constituent Assembly, we all should be more active in creating an atmosphere for participation in the all-round development of the country by having mutual goodwill and understanding among all Nepalese people. I, therefore, sincerely appeal to all political parties and their sister organizations, journalists and media persons, the civil society, intellectuals, social workers, industrialists and businessmen, various occupational and professional organizations and all Nepalese sisters and brothers to contribute to the task of successfully holding the Constituent Assembly election by their positive and active participation.Jai Nepal !

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 5, 2007

Govt unveils policies, programmes : CA election high on agenda

KATHMANDU, July 4 - Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on Wednesday presented the policy and programs of the government for the next fiscal year in the interim parliament, giving top priority to improving security required for Constituent Assembly Polls slated for November 22. Koirala, who heads the coalition that includes former rebels, said the state has given topmost priority to making the polls a success because it will end the old order and begin a new era.

Hinting that the king's days are numbered, the octogenarian leader told lawmakers that an event comes only once in an era and Nepal is going to witness that event soon. In his indirect reference to the monarch leaving the country Koirala said, "As Mahatma Gandhi said the British rulers will help Indian independence movement by feet, we are also coming close to something similar."

Koirala urged lawmakers not to expect too much from the upcoming budget. "It's rainy season, dashain festival will follow soon and election will be next, so there is no time for budget implementation but the supplementary budget to be presented later this year will offer something good to the people."

The prime minister also called upon lawmakers to be ready for drastic changes in the current socio-economic set up. "Only after socio-economic change can we feel the real revolution."

After finishing his remarks, Koirala asked his deputy in the cabinet, Peace and Reconstruction Minister Ram Chandra Poudel to read out the policy and programs of the government.

The policy document said the eight-party coalition government would take all major decisions through consensus and tackle the challenges collectively.

It said the government will give priority to dialogue as a means to settle all regional, ethnic and other social conflicts in order to create a peaceful atmosphere for polls. The government policy, however, warned of strong action to control violent and criminal activities. The policy document has also promised to enact legal provision to keep highways free from any kind of strike.

Referring to some violent activities continuing in the terai despite the government's earnest efforts to resolve the problems amicably, the document said, "Such violent criminal activities shall not be tolerated and those responsible shall be dealt with through stern action."

The government has promised to set up State Restructuring Commission as soon as possible and a separate taskforce for necessary homework for proportional share of all ethnic groups, women, madhesis, dalits and other backward sections in the state agencies.

The government also said it would implement the concept of special economic zones, revise foreign investment policy and take initiatives for setting up industrial security force to ensure safety of industrial investment and to promote export.

The policy paper also stated that the government would initiate the process of nationalizing late king Birendra's family assets and parks and reserves controlled by the Royal Palace.

Program & policy highlights

Security top priority

State restructuring commission to be formed

Taskforce for proportional share in state organs to all disadvantaged groups

Legal provisions to free movement on highways

Local bodies to be run through political consensus

Salary increment pledged for govt employees

Democratization of army and proper management of PLA cantonments

Source: The Kathmandu Post, July 4, 2007

Security Arrangement

The government is committed to strengthening the security arrangements with a view to creating a congenial environment for election to the constituent assembly. The determination expressed by the government comes at a time when serious concern is being raised from different quarters regarding the deteriorating law and order situation in Madhesh and other parts of the country. Needless to say, the security situation in the country has worsened due to the low intensity conflicts and contradictions surfacing in different parts of the country. Thanks to the negotiation between the state and the revolutionary party, the CPN-Maoists, the violent conflict that took a toll of around 13,000 lives during the last one decade has been resolved. The country has entered a new era of peace building and democratisation. The date announced for the election to the constituent assembly testifies to the fact that the political parties are working in concert to take the country towards a new era of peace, consensus and harmony through a series of succinct steps towards conflict transformation. However, the new liberal and democratic political environment has allowed for the rise of ethnocentric and regional tendencies as a result of which local and regional issues have overshadowed the subjects of overall national concern and development.

The tensions in Madhesh and other parts of the country have presented difficulties in terms of maintaining law and order for peace and harmony. The worrying part has been the indiscriminate killings and kidnappings carried out in random in the terai as a result of which the situation has become more abnormal and unusual. The economic activities in the terai have been disturbed, and the business community is facing threats and intimidation. The senseless resort to strikes and vandalism of property has created a difficult situation which might have negative repercussions in the process of holding the polls to a constituent assembly. As the government has decided to deal with the unrest in the Terai with a firm hand, the situation is expected to come under control and become normal in the days to come. Against this backdrop, it is necessary for the political parties and civil society organisations to cooperate with the government to handle the law and order situation in the Terai. It should be understood that if the situation is allowed to worsen further, it would be difficult to build a conducive environment for the polls to the constituent assembly.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 4, 2007