A Historic Responsibility

Yuba Nath Lamsal

The date for the constituent assembly (CA) election has been finally announced. November 22 has been fixed for the historic occasion. Unless some unavoidable circumstances arise, people would vote to choose their representatives to write a new constitution. In other words, people, for the first time in the history of Nepal, would participate in the constitution making process, which is the best democratic process in the world.

Interim constitutionThe issue of constituent assembly election had been raised right after the 1951 political change that overthrew the century-old Rana family rule and ushered in a new era of multi-party democracy. The year 1951 not only introduced a democratic polity but also reinstated the King who had been ousted. Right after the political change, the reinstated king, Tribhuvan, in a message to the nation, had promised to hold the constituent assembly election to write a new constitution. In his message, King Tribhuvan, while proclaiming the interim constitution in 1951, had clearly stated that the interim constitution would be at work until the new constitution was written by the people's representatives through an election. However, this promise of holding the constituent assembly election slowly evaporated as the King in connivance with some political parties scuttled the political process. They, perhaps, thought that the constituent assembly election would not serve their interest. Instead of holding the constituent assembly election, the parliamentary election was held eight years after the political change in 1951. This move not only breached the promise made but also denied the people to participate in a democratic process of writing their constitution. It was the first mistake of the political parties and politicians not to push for the constituent assembly election and instead participate in the election held under the constitution given by the King.

The process of scuttling the constituent assembly election was the beginning of the conspiracy against the democratic system and people's rights. The 1959 constitution, on the basis of which the first general election was held, had made the King too powerful, which the King misused to dismiss the elected government headed by B. P. Koirala and ban the multi-party system and political parties. Had a constitution been framed by the constituent assembly, it might not have given absolute powers to the King. Thus, Nepal remained under the spectre of the King's authoritarian rule for more than 30 years under the partyless Panchayat regime.Even after the political change in 1990, the then political actors failed to visualise the situation clearly. The Nepali Congress (NC) and the United Left Front (ULF) that spearheaded the 1991 mass movement had reached a compromise with the King on three key principles. The tripartite agreement among the King, the Nepali Congress and the ULF had agreed on a constitutional monarchy, multi-party system and sovereignty of people. This put an end to the burgeoning mass uprising.

Accordingly, a constitution was written by the representatives of the Nepali Congress, ULF and the Palace, which was promulgated by the King. The parties that wrote the constitution described it as the best constitution in South Asia. The constitution did have some salient features, which must be appreciated. The constitution in principles accepted the sovereignty of the people for the first time in the history of Nepal. However, the fundamental flaw in the constitution was the process of its making. It was not the constitution of the people because there was no participation of the people drafting the constitution. During that period, there had been a demand from certain quarters, though feeble, for an election to a constituent assembly. However, this demand was scuttled by the Palace and the other principal political parties. Perhaps, it was the compulsion of the Nepali Congress and the ULF to opt for a quick way to promulgate the constitution as there had been repeated attempts from the Palace to sabotage the new political process. It should be mentioned here that the Palace had first constituted a constitution drafting committee without consultation with the Nepali Congress and ULF, but it was dissolved following strong opposition from the parties and the people.

Another event that needs to be mentioned here is that when the NC, ULF and King's representatives were giving a final touch to the draft of the constitution, the Palace prepared a parallel constitution, which had to be withdrawn after strong protests from the people, professional organisations and political parties. Thus, the Nepali Congress and the ULF had to opt for a quicker way to write the constitution and end the political transition. It was the necessity of the time.Thus, the debate and demand for a constituent assembly election remained unresolved, which resurfaced during Jana Andolan II. The constituent assembly election was the main agenda of the Maoists. Other political parties, namely the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML, were a bit reluctant to go for the constituent assembly election as they were not sure of its outcome. Before the 12-point agreement reached between the Seven-Party Alliance (SPA)and the Maoists, the political equation was different. The King had imposed his absolute regime, summarily crushing the fundamental rights of the people and party activities. On the other hand, the Maoists were waging an armed insurgency. The seven political parties had been attacked from both sides. Despite that, the seven-political parties continued their agitation for democracy and human rights.

The situation and political equation changed after the seven-party alliance and the Maoists signed the 12-point agreement. This agreement is a watershed in Nepal's political development. Until then, the constituent assembly was the agenda of the Maoists alone. After the agreement, it became a national agenda as the seven political parties changed their earlier stance on the constituent assembly. At the same time, the Maoists agreed to suspend their armed offensive and join the peaceful democratic mainstream. On the basis of these two main principles, Jana Andolan II was launched, which was led by the SPA and backed by the Maoists. The people's movement eventually forced the King to bow down, restored democratic system and initiated a new political process in the country. Law and orderThus, the constituent assembly election is a national necessity, which must be held on schedule. We cannot and should not doubt over the intention of the government and the eight-party alliance in holding the election. But announcing the election date alone does not mean it will be held in time and in a free and fair manner. There are elements trying to sabotage this process. These elements must be checked, for which greater unity and solidarity of the eight parties and active mobilisation of the people are highly necessary. For a free, fair and peaceful election, law and order must be perfect. In the absence of security, people cannot exercise their voting rights freely. The present law and order situation is definitely not satisfactory. It must be improved, and the people need to be well informed and educated on the election process and its significance. Only then people can freely participate in the election process.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 4, 2007

Why Institutional Reforms Count

Lok Nath Bhusal

Being a resource scarce economy, Nepal's future course of development critically hinges on the realisation of the commitments made in the Millennium Development Goals by the development partners. Drawn from the Millennium Declaration of September 2000, the MDGs are a groundbreaking international development agenda for the 21st century. With the aim of bringing peace, security and development to all people, especially people from the developing countries, the MDGs, having eight goals and 48 indicators, outline major development priorities to be achieved by 2015 by the UN member states.

Achievements and shortcomingsIndeed, on the part of developing economies like Nepal, achievement of the first seven goals - eradicating extreme poverty and hunger, achieving universal primary education, promoting gender equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality, improving maternal health, combatting HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases, and ensuring environmental sustainability - largely depend on the accomplishment of the eighth goal: developing a Global Partnership for Development. This is because in most of the developing economies, there is a wide gap between revenue and expenditure. Nepal's MDGs Progress Report 2005 states that external assistance totalling US$ 7.6 billion is necessary to meet the first seven goals. Obviously, increased focus on debt relief and development cooperation through more effective aid is crucial to financing development. Having said that, the present article outlines major achievements and shortcomings in the area of institutional reforms in Nepal essential to attract foreign aid. Nepal initiated the reform process in the early 90s in order to integrate its economy with the rest of the world. As a precondition for increased foreign assistance, Nepal's commitment to an open economy, good governance and poverty reduction are some of the major achievements. This is apparent from the objectives and strategies of the three successive plans following the 1990 political change. These plans have clearly allowed market-based economic growth, set poverty reduction as the single goal and unveiled a systematic arrangement to institute good governance.

Reduction, restructuring and rationalisation of import duties, elimination of most of the quantitative restrictions and import licensing requirements, interest rates deregulation, and introduction of full convertibility for current account transactions have been major reforms on the trade and financial fronts. Consequently, the unweighted average rate of protection has declined from 111 per cent in 1989 to 22 per cent in 1993, and to 14 per cent in 2002, clearly indicating a liberal economy. Furthermore, in terms of trade to GDP ratio, for 1984/85 it was 31.9 per cent whereas it was 50 per cent in 2003/04, suggesting Nepal to be the most open and trade dependant economy in South Asia. Likewise, a number of innovative approaches have been initiated to make the civil service responsive, efficient, accountable and inclusive to ensure good governance. Elimination of 7,334 vacant positions and putting a cap on recruiting class III and class IV non-gazetted staff have been carried out to right-sizing the bureaucracy.Likewise, institutional reforms in the central personnel agency, the Public Service Commission, Commission for the Investigation into Abuse of Authority (CIAA) and the National Vigilance Centre are underway to make the bureaucracy more efficient, accountable and corruption-free. Indeed, with the enactment of the Local Self-Governance Act 1999, Nepal has taken major strides towards decentralization and, thus, poverty reduction. As a result, the local bodies have improved their performance owing to their better preparedness with the periodic plans, technical capacity, operating systems and operational processes.

In order to upgrade the judicial capacity and resources for enhancing justice delivery, the judiciary has prepared a strategic plan to link it with the national planning process. The plan envisions a system of justice that is independent, competent, speedy, inexpensive, accessible, ethical and worthy of public trust. All these reforms are intended towards improving governance and, thus, making it more pro-poor. Eventually, these reform initiatives meet the basic conditions for global partnership for development.However, still a number of shortcomings in the realm of governance and economic and trade reforms still persist in creating a conducive environment for attracting more foreign aid. First, the sluggish progress in the piloted performance-based management system, owing to inadequate fulltime staff, poor management, funding and facilities in the change management units in the public institutions, has been a major setback to the reform process. Also, transfers, promotions and the distribution of other career development opportunities within the civil service have yet to be institutionalised. Second, in the past, the conflict has forced many VDC secretaries to abandon their posts, curtailing development activities, taking a toll of the decentralisation process. Also, despite the peace agreement, the local bodies have not been able to spend their development budget due to local level conflicts and lack of consensus.

Again, although theoretically politicians and bureaucrats seem to agree on greater decentralisation, in practice, the centre has always been reluctant to do away with its powers to carry out any meaningful decentralisation. Third, the lowly paid public servants and deteriorating ethics and integrity are major challenges to fighting rampant corruption.Essentially, judicial reforms and FDI inflow have a positive relationship. Additionally, on the economic fronts too, deregulation of state monopolies, privatisation and financial sector reforms have been disastrously slow. Again, our efforts at realising the notion that aid should promote trade have not materialised to the desired extent. Obviously, these shortcomings contain our potential for attracting more foreign resources.

Increased assistanceTo conclude, in an era of economic diplomacy, increased foreign assistance is extremely crucial for undertaking development activities in Nepal. Despite some achievements made in the economic and governance reforms for meeting the preconditions for such assistance, further deep-rooted reforms are required to benefit from foreign aid. Indeed, as part of a global development strategy, Nepal will be in a position to attract more aid and stride towards accelerated socio-economic development in the future. Broadly, such aid money should be spent on reconstruction, rehabilitation and infrastructure development, peace and meeting people's basic human rights, gender and social inclusion and better service delivery. Indeed, Nepal must work hard for better alignment of assistance strategies, increased budget support and harmonisation of assistance and procedures, and ultimately it must focus on better results.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 4, 2007

Labour Accord

Nepal and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) have signed a deal to arrange and regulate exchange of workers with a view to ensuring that Nepalese labourers working in the UAE are protected and conferred with the rights that are universally granted to the workers employed outside their own countries. This is the first bilateral agreement of its kind which has been agreed upon and initialled between Nepal and the countries of the Gulf. Although a similar accord was said to have been signed with Qatar at the time of the Royal regime some one-and-a-half years ago, it is, according to the Minister of State for Labour and Transport Ramesh Datta Lekhak, the first accord that entrusts legal status to the Nepalese workers employed in any country outside Nepal. The bilateral agreement comes into effect soon, and the salient features of the deal makes the government of Nepal and the UAE accountable for safeguarding the rights of the Nepali labourers and maintaining salary standards and contracting compulsory health insurance for them. Moreover, the accord provides the Nepali workers rights and the legal status to fight against attempts to encroach upon their entitlements.

The most important part of the agreement has been that it seeks to prevent improper practices and deceptive tricks by the private manpower agencies that tend to exploit the workers by demanding exaggerated fees, while providing false information about their working conditions in the host country. According to Minister for Labour of the UAE, Dr. Ali Bin Abdulla Al Kabbi, the deal confirms the importance of the supply and recruitment of the Nepali labour force on a firm foundation in accordance with the laws and regulations in force in both the countries. The positive aspect of the agreement has been that it defines manpower as temporary workers intended to be employed for a specified period of time as per the work contracts and indicates the rights and obligations of the employees and employers. As has been mentioned by the authorities of both the countries, the accord constitutes a milestone in protecting the rights and entitlements of the Nepali workers. Since the trend of the Nepalese people going outside and working there has been consistently on the rise, Nepal should seek to agree upon and sign similar accords with other countries including Saudi Arabia, Malaysia and so on. What matters significantly is not so much the signing of the accords as their implementation in the real sense of the terms.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 5, 2007

Priorities For The Upcoming Budget

Amrit P. Shrestha

The budget communicates information about the priorities of the government. Each act in the budgetary process is important, not only for taking a specific decision (so much for this, less for that), but for the information conveyed to others who will alter their activities accordingly. The closest analogy to budgeting in the political arena is pricing in the market place. Price is the major signal to which people adapt in choosing what to buy and sell, produce and consume, undertake or abandon. These signals communicate more about what is valued than any other economic decision. While concentrating on the budget, we should not be thought of as abandoning the awe-inspiring multi-year plan, rather as seizing one opportunity to focus on an area of significant potential advance over current practices. The budget has to focus on those segments that need to be brought on track, like infrastructure development, agriculture and the social sector

Strategies:Our economy has been pushed into a downward spiral. Neither are the government agencies in the process of activating the development programmes nor are the politicians concerned. The overall scenario is disappointing, whether we talk about physical infrastructure or social activities. Our journey has just started, and compared to our neighbours, it is in the preliminary stage of development. The upcoming budget must address all of the multi dimensional parameters of the economy which are causing concern - highway networks, rural connectivity by roads/communication, power, drinking water, agriculture, irrigation, watershed development, provision of quality seeds, access to health/education and poverty alleviation. Every finance minister plans ahead to avoid any problems in the future by anticipating them. He tries to obtain a more desirable future by working towards it at the moment. Attention must be diverted to the United Nations Millennium Development Goals, which could be a guideline for achieving our own goals.When there is growth, there will be more tax revenue. Growth-oriented budget benefits a section of the population, and growth is also a part of investment. When investment is taking place, there is nothing to suggest that growth will not take place. Policies that serve to distribute income more equitably must, therefore, become as important as those designed to accelerate growth. The road to economic prosperity, self-sustaining growth and national well being, in other words, has been impeded by lack of capital and industry than by the whole configuration of social factors responsible for it.

With every announcement that reduces our taxes, we are happy while we fall sullen when taxes go up. However, the finance minister must try to reduce inflation, keeping it at a moderate rate of 4-5 per cent. Taming inflation without dampening growth, more effective delivery of social services and putting fresh impetus in the economy are other priorities. And policies have to be designed in a manner to enhance investment to lay a robust foundation for growth, and make investment avenues more attractive.Customs and excise duty cuts are disinflationary. The reduction in customs duty on key inputs would reduce the manufacturing cost and facilitate exports. Cutting import duties on industrial intermediates and raw materials will be incentives for the manufacturing sectors. And it would be a strong support for increasing the tax to GDP ratio. Unfortunately, Nepal has not been able to push with VAT. The tax has not played a significant role in enhancing economic process. The overall strategies have not helped achieve those targets as envisaged in November 1997.The tax rate has been increased time and again for nothing, and this does not get reflected in real revenue mobilisation. So the finance minister has to pay serious heed to increasing the tax base rather than increasing the tax rate. International experience tells us that the gradual lowering of the tax rate is an effective tool in achieving the desired goals rather than increasing it. Meanwhile, WTO norms have to be kept in mind while granting direct subsidies on agriculture and farm products.

This is also the right time to rewrite tax laws aimed at: improving the capacity to mobilise more revenue; combatting tax evasion; making the tax administration more professional/strong /job-oriented, and improving compliance and economic activity. Tax evasion provisions should be more stringent with tougher penalties. Budget allocation for infrastructure development and expansion of the IT sector, promotion of the concept of an International Financial Centre, and adoption of the private-public partnership (PPP) model should be a part of the basic development process.ChangeOne must accept that the budget is not the main vehicle for bringing about changes. One also knows by experience that financial assistance through internal and external source is a strong instrument for initiating such changes. All must, therefore, think from a long-term perspective rather than weighing the immediate pros and cons.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 5, 2007

Unspoken Voices

Narayan Prasad Wagle

The silent majority does not come to the streets, does not chant slogans or take up arms to have their demands fulfilled. They just remain silent though they are in the majority. Political groups, hooligans and warlords claim to represent them, but the silent majority is usually unheard of, exploited and misrepresented. This is what is happening in the ever-complicated political scene of Nepal. There is a visible difference between what the people actually want and what the various political groups are demanding and the strategies they are applying to get their demands met.

FederalismAlmost all the political parties have projected federalism as the chief demand of the people, and this was the agenda that fuelled the aggressive protests in the terai. But if we look at the other side of the coin, the reality is completely different. A study carried out by the Asia Foundation some months ago demonstrated that only a small portion of the population had any knowledge about what the constituent assembly stood for. From this, we can infer that an even smaller portion of the population understands what federalism stands for. Then how are we to believe that the people have blindly supported the demand for federalism without understanding it? Even if they did, is it meaningful? Similarly, republicanism or the retention of monarchy has been projected as the major issue of the people in the CA polls and is placed atop all other agenda. However, the silent majority has little interest on the hackneyed issue since they see no direct link between the issue of retaining or abolishing the monarchy and the serious concerns of their daily lives. Their inability to see a link between the issue of monarchy and the their daily lives is sometimes described by clever political leaders as lack of political consciousness and ignorance and, hence, they emphasise the need for an awareness campaign. But the silent majority does not accept this notion that underestimates them. Though they do not know much about republicanism, they do understand that republicanism per se will not ensure that they will not have to die for lack of food, housing or health care facilities. Also that it will not ensure an education that is free for their sons and daughters.

They also understand that republicanism per se will not put a stop to the exodus of cheap Nepalese labour into the global market. For them, the right to life, education and basic health care facilities is more important than republicanism, federalism and the like. Probably, the silent majority will be happier with the inclusion of the right to life, right to education, right to attainable standards of health and right to work. Both armed groups and agitators are using strategies and tactics that go against the will of the silent majority while claiming that they represent the people. As we have seen in the past, general strikes and shutdowns of schools and transportation have been common weapons of both the agitators and terrorists. It is as clear as broad daylight that the public is spiteful about the general strikes and shutdowns of schools and transportation. In fact, these coercive methods in the name of pressing the government to fulfil their demands are attacks against the lives and liberties of the people. Then, why do they cling to such methods like a leech and shamelessly speak a sheer lie that their cause enjoys great public support? The motive is clear: their interest contradicts with that of the general public, and they want to fulfil it by taking undue advantage of the silent nature of the general public. Nobody has the right to misrepresent the silent majority, frequently referred to as the people. Only in a peaceful process of democracy can the silent majority have their say in national politics, especially through the exercise of their franchise. It is by the votes of this section of the population that unexpected outcomes beyond the arithmetic of renowned analysts are brought about. Otherwise, whether it is in so-called fake democracy of the elite or armed politics, the needs and demands of the silent majority will be ignored, and, as a result, the whole society becomes unstable.

Understanding the peopleAs it is the silent majority that strongly adheres to the norms and values of the society, disregard for this common lot results in lawlessness, and justice of the jungle. But will our political leaders, who turn a deaf ear to the loudest cries, listen and understand the minds of the silent majority? The date for the Constituent Assembly polls has just been set. It is time they went to the hinterlands to interact with the people rather than be bogged down by the demands of the elite.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 5, 2007

Action, action

Successive governments have formed too many commissions and committees to look into the long-ailing public corporations (PEs) and suggest measures for turning them into cost-effective or profitable ventures. But not much concrete action has been taken to that end. If all those reports were put together, they would fill many shelves. The latest report, an interim one, has come from the five-month-old Corporation Reform Suggestions Committee headed by former industry secretary Dr Bhola Chalise. Unsurprisingly, it has concluded that most of the PEs are in an unenviable state. It has categorised them as bad and very bad, and added that both the privatisation and reform process for the PEs have stalled. Therefore, it has recommended the formation of a corporation reform commission to adopt policy for reform. Though the existing privatisation committee has representation from the political parties and the private sector, little has come of it.

The justification for this commission and for reform, according to the report, comes from the belief that in the present fluid political atmosphere, full-scale privatisation cannot move forward. As the interim government represents eight parties with different views on how to pull the PEs out of red, a consensus on the PEs’ outright privatisation may indeed be difficult to achieve at this juncture. However, even the Maoists may not be averse to the idea of starting the process of selling the shares to the general public. The symptoms of the disease are more or less common to all PEs, and the disease was diagnosed long ago. What is really needed now is not more committees or commissions, but concrete remedial action to bring the ailing PEs back to health. In this context, the great majority of the corporations have no option but to privatise. The government and bureaucrats, who cannot run the ministries and departments properly, cannot be expected to run commercial, industrial or financial enterprises professionally.

In the past, many reform measures were announced to revitalise the PEs but none worked. It is therefore hard to believe that any new reform measure without changing their ownership structure will now be effective at turning the PEs around. One or two governments also sought to put vigour into the PEs by hiring their chief executives on performance contracts, but that came to almost nothing. Poor performance of the PEs has a lot to do with the failure to exact accountability. For instance, government bureaucrats who occupy important positions as chairmen or members of the boards of the PEs or members of recruitment committees are not held accountable for their performance there. There has not been a consensus among the political parties either on exactly what to do with the PEs. Any government that came to power lacked clear vision and willpower to introduce far-reaching reforms. It treated the PEs as employment mills. The interim government can no longer afford to waste time on commissions or reports. The need of the hour is action.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 5, 2007

Federal structure: Administrative units on ethnic basis

Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay

Jawaharlal Nehru University professor S D Muni needs no introduction for Nepali intellectuals and politicians because of his long association with political developments in Nepal. Muni is a well-wisher of Nepal and an ardent believer in people’s power and democracy. He believes in the special nature of ties between Nepal and India. For these reasons his observations on current Nepali politics merit serious attention.

During his recent Nepal visit, Muni suggested that the Tarai problem be given due priority to prevent the disintegration of Nepal. The people of Tarai have been raising their voice against their marginalisation since the advent of democracy in 1950. In spite of Tarai’s contribution to Nepali economy, the state has not treated them in a fair manner. Just as a token of gesture some people from Tarai have been picked for high-level posts but not as a matter of their rights. This has been resented by the people of Tarai and particularly after the success of Jana Andolan II, and consciousness of Tarai people has increased manifold.The commitment made by the eight party alliance to restructure the state on a federal basis has been widely welcomed but the question of the basis of the formation of the new administrative units under a federal structure is yet to be answered. At the same time, the question of representation in the Constituent Assembly and future parliament remains a sensitive issue.

While there is a consensus among civil society members that the country’s future administrative units have to be decided, as far as possible, on ethnic and linguistic basis, the political leaders are still creating confusion about the issue. Even the chief government negotiator has publicly denounced formation of future administrative units on the basis of ethnicity and language. This not only diminishes the credibility of the negotiator but also raises severe doubts about government’s intention.The Tarai belt has four prominent language groups — Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi and Tharu, with Hindi as their lingua franca. Now, it has to be agreed that only the people of Tarai have the right to opt for either a single Tarai unit as a new administrative entity or four units based on language.

Similarly the question of administrative units in the hills and mountains has to be left to the wishes of the people inhabiting those regions. Although most of the mountainous districts have mixed populations, a particular ethnic community makes for the dominant part of a particular district. Naturally these ethnic communities would prefer creation of administrative units on the basis of the prominence of a particular ethnic community although the rights and privileges of other minority groups would have to be protected too. But to say that since there is no majority of any ethnic community in any district there is no need for units on ethnic basis is like trying to sweep the problem under the carpet.The fact that culture grows out of a particular language. For the protection of a culture the language has to be protected is a universal truth. It has to be accepted that new administrative units will use their own language and common link language to facilitate the participation of commonfolk in socio-political activities and promotion of their culture. The right to protect one’s identity must be recognised as a fundamental right of the people. Either those opposed to formation of new administrative units have to submit a viable alternative or they should accede to the demands of the Tarai people.

If the government adopts a policy of suppression of the Tarai agitation through force, such measures will boomerang by helping the extremists who want to see the country disintegrate. The same armed forces that assured the King they would be able to quell the Maoist rebellion in six months might try to persuade the present regime that the Tarai agitation could be thwarted by martial means as well. The politicians need to keep this in mind and must open up the vista for mutual understanding.As long as the government does not show its readiness to create new administrative units on the basis of ethnicity and language and discuss the merits of proportional representation, no meaningful discussions can take place with the dissenters and the question of free and fair CA polls will remain in limbo.

For their part, the ministers must learn to hold their tongue on controversial matters which can only be solved through dialogue. They also need to show their readiness to respond to the demands of the people of Tarai, indigenous groups and ethnic communities, dalits and women. The age of imposition of one’s idea on others has passed. The new awareness among people of their legitimate rights and privileges must be respected. There is no alternative to dialogue and discussion. Use of force is undemocratic and will create bigger problems. Recognition of the sovereign right of people is the only way out of the present crisis.Upadhyay is ex-foreign minister

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 5, 2007

Tapping Nepal’s hydropower potential

Rajendra Bhandari

The parliamentary Natural Resources and Means Committee has been meeting to decide on what could be the turning point in terms of Nepal’s development. In this regard, the country’s huge hydropower potential has emerged as the strongest contender, as far as economic emancipation is concerned. Nepal, despite being a country rich in hydropower resources, has unfortunately been unable to utilise this asset to its advantage. It is estimated that less than 2% of its hydropotential is being tapped.However, realising this enormous possibility, positive steps are now being taken in the right direction. The government, after gaining and learning from past experiences, set up a bidding committee for hydropower projects with a comprehensive evaluation process to identify and select the most capable and feasible party. Some of these include 402 MW Arun 3, 300 MW Upper Karnali, and others totalling an approximate 2000 MW projects being processed by the government and private sectors collectively.

The Parliamentary Committee is now assessing the bidding process. Embroiled in a dynamic political environment, the process seems to be taking too long. The coalition has priorities changing from day to day. Meanwhile, the world is looking up to those in power to quickly take measures that will inculcate confidence in the investing community — be it national or international.This is what puts the Committee as well as the government in a position that will help them define the future of the economic progress of Nepal. An expeditious decision on the power projects will help send a signal to the world about the government’s seriousness of purpose in inviting investment that is important for Nepal’s development. But unending deliberations and a prolonged process may take Nepal right back to where it began.Nepal may even consider taking a leaf out of its neighbour’s book. Bhutan’s achievement in terms of hydropower development has helped establish it as the nation with the highest per capita income among SAARC countries. A remarkable feat considering that there is a two-fold increase in its GDP.

Nepal too can mobilise its huge water resources. Bearing in mind the similarities between the two countries in terms of geographical size, terrain and population, adopting a parallel strategy that can leverage hydropower resources to enhance national economy could well be Nepal’s ticket to prosperity, especially with the Indian economy promising to be a big market.The government has already got overwhelming response from the international community. The approach, process and criteria of selection looked much more apprehensive and credible. No wonder many good international parties have submitted their proposals this time. The selection committee must take a holistic approach towards the entire process and get out of small issues. Now, it is up to the government and the Parliamentary Committee to settle the bidding process and take a quick step towards economic independence.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 28, 2007

Get it on

Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula urged the people and the institutions concerned to initiate a social campaign against drug abuse and illicit trafficking on the occasion of the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, June 26. The minister opined that since law alone would not ensure effective control over drug abuse and illegal trade in humans, the society at large should be involved in this cause. He also said a national policy should be formulated after appropriate debate and discussion with all the stakeholders. Sitaula is right in one thing: that a positive impact can only be generated if a nationwide campaign is undertaken with active participation of the citizens’ groups. Such a campaign must also involve people from the grassroots.

However, success of any social awareness campaign is contingent upon the depth of government’s commitment. Because legal protection is the most important instrument to check social ills, the state’s role becomes all the more crucial. If the government enforced stringent measures to check drug abuse and illicit trafficking, things would improve drastically. According to official figures, there are still around 70 thousand drug addicts in the country and around 55 per cent of them are HIV/AIDS victims. Some introspection is certainly warranted to find out as to why past government policies in this regard failed to become effective and why NGO-led programmes have proved by and large redundant in spite of the huge foreign assistance for over 15 years now.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 28, 2007

The Growing Foreign Concern for Nepal

With the development of peace building process foreign concern in Nepal has increased in massive Level. Each and every country directly or indirectly related to Nepal is concerning about Nepal and its peace building process according to their global and regional influence. But the critics say that it is foreign intervention upon internal politics of Nepal. China, which often remains silent in Nepalese politics, has also been showing its concern since April movement of 2006. Especially it has seen in massive scale when Chinese ambassador to Nepal, Zheng Xianglin said any foreign intervention in Nepal "will not be tolerable for China," in an interview published in Nepal magazine, last month. Though China has not faced any charge from critic about intervention. But it is said that America and India have been playing vital role in Nepalese politics. Among the many Countries America, India and china are mainly have seen on the scene in Nepalese diplomacy. It is not new of American and Indian concern but in the latest day's Chinese concern has created a new wave.

Nepal is surrounded by India in east, west and south and by China in north. So she has geopolitical relationship with India and China. And, located between two large Asian countries China and India, America wants to gain the benefit of geopolitical and strategic significant from Nepal-U.S. relationship.Directly or indirectly these three country want to keep continue their relationship with Nepal in high level to maintain their political and economical impulse. America always wants to look through Indian eyes to Nepal; and India also does not make any different idea to look Nepal rather than American interests. Now, going on federalism and abolishing the monarchy are main political issues of Nepalese political ground. On the issue of abolishing the monarchy has disputes in the country. And it is charged that America and India want to keep continue the monarchy in Nepal, so, before a month some cadres of Young communist league, a sister organization of Nepal communist Party (Maoist) had hurled stone to James F. Moriarty, the American ambassador to Nepal.

India and Nepal have a geographical nearness and open boarder. There is monopoly of India in Nepalese commercial market too. So India wants to secure her dominant role in Nepalese market. And a few decades ago India was battled and defeated with china and it has remained a bit fear to India of China. This is why Nepal is important "northern frontiers" of India. Though, China and India have improved their relationship into fair competitive commercial partner from traditional enemy.China doesn't tolerate the activities about free Tibet in Nepal which happened sometimes. And, some analyst especially leftist says that the America is trying to encircle China through Nepali territory. So, it is said that china's relationship with Nepal is also a bit more strategic on the prospective of security. Even though Chinese ambassador to Nepal has said that it is not the time of cold war and china-America relations witness a smooth and healthy development. Nowadays China also wants to buildup the formal relationship with CPN (Maoist) which is said by Chinese ambassador in a press interaction, last week, organized by Reporters club. But America and India still doubtfully look to Maoist. And it is said that the Maoist's president Prachanda will visit to China after few months.

Besides located between India and China, America has another issue in Nepal of their interest. That is doctrine issue. America always hates communist. So, the entering of Maoist into government and their open politics has been challenging to America. America has still tagged to Maoist as terrorist. The out going ambassador Moriarty often talk about Nepalese politics in different programme and scold Maoist and her sister organization YCL. India has begun to invite to Nepalese party to visit India. Nepali congress and CPN UML has already visited India. Likewise many political mission and team of different western country come to Nepal to observe and talk about politics in Nepal. And they directly talk to Nepalese prime minister too. Last time American Former President had come to Nepal and met with prime minister and leaders of political parties including Maoist president Prachanda. These influential countries envoy frequently meet to the Nepalese prime minister directly and talk about Nepalese politics.

But critics say that it is not the right system to meet prime minister directly. Professor and political analyst Dr. Lokraj Baral said, "They must go through joint secretary of foreign ministry." Critics accuse that the foreign diplomats are being over smart in Nepalese politics out of their ethics. Some critics believe that our leader themselves give the environment of such type. Bhim Bhurtel, A political analyst says that if the political leadership believes on people rather than power center the foreign concern automatically reduce. He said, "in this situation Nepal should adopt the dynamic foreign policy in spite of accusing to foreign diplomats."

Source: Ohmy News International, June 30, 2007

Gimme more

The CPN-UML has described as ‘unacceptable’ the proposal put forward by Local Development minister Dev Gurung, a Maoist, before the Cabinet for the distribution of elective posts of the local bodies among the political parties. Under Gurung’s formula, the three parties — the Nepali Congress, the CPN-UML and the CPN-Maoist — are treated equal, as in allocating the parliamentary berths, but the CPN-UML is insisting that the proportion of seats won by each party in the local elections of 10 years ago should form the basis for distribution. Its contention is that the relative strength of the parties in the last elected parliament was recognised as the basis for seat-sharing in the Interim Legislature-Parliament (ILP). The CPN-UML leadership seems to think it is possible to give the Maoists seats vacated by dea-th and switch-over to regression. Alternatively, it fav-ours creating more posts to adjust them a la the ILP.

In theory, the CPN-UML’s logic is not entirely without merit. It had won a two-thirds majority in the local elections — 56 and 51 of its candidates were elected chiefs and deputy chiefs of the DDCs respectively, compared with the undivided Nepali Congress’ 13 and 14. Similar pattern dominated the picture in the municipalities and VDCs. But, Gurung’s logic is also noteworthy. He says his formula conforms to the pattern followed for the House — an equal number of the DDCs, municipalities and VDCs for each of the Big Three (75 per cent seats for them), followed by the breakaway Congress, NC-D, (15 per cent), and the small parties (10 per cent). Both the CPN-UML and Minister Gurung can support their theses from the same relative position of the parties in the ILP.

It should also be borne in mind that the interim parliament was needlessly enlarged on the insistence of the Nepali Congress and the CPN-UML. The idea of repeating the same mistake for local bodies at the taxpayers’ expense would send wrong signals to the critical public. Besides, the numbers of the DDCs, municipalities and VDCs cannot be increased, so the numbers of their chiefs will have to stay the same. In these circumstances, the CPN-UML stance ignores the completely changed political realities. The Constitution of 10 years ago no longer exists, and a decade-old electoral mandate can only be used as a very crude guide to the settlement of disputes among the SPA constituents. If the Maoists started insisting that they should get more seats because they had their own ‘parallel governments’ in many districts while the elected representatives hardly visited their constituencies, the situation would become even more complicated. Admittedly, it may be argued that the parliamentary distribution of seats could have been better. But that is now beyond repair. Besides, the appointments to the elective local posts will be only temporary. The local bodies should be provided with political leadership as soon as possible, after all the delays made so far. Quibbling over seats in the local bodies at this stage will only reflect poorly on the political leaderships of the parties.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 27, 2007

Nepal Maoists opposed to diplomatic appointments

Kathmandu, June 29 : Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) has rejected the ambassadorial appointments proposed by the Nepal Government.Maoists say the appointments were proposed by the seven coalition parties before their induction into the interim Government.The seven parties had set aside Australia, France, South Korea and Denmark for Maoists to name their ambassadorial nominees.The Maoists have demanded that they should be given at least one out of the four "A-category" of nations - the US, Russia, China or India.CP Gajurel, chief of the foreign cell of the Maoists, said the list has to be approved by all eight parties.

According to the second amendment in the interim Constitution, ambassadorial nominees, besides the justices of the Supreme Court, must go through a parliamentary hearing before appointment.The special parliamentary committee on Thursday refused to proceed with the hearing on the list of recommended names after lawmakers of the CPN-M and People's Front Nepal expressed strong reservations over the procedure through which the names were selected.The committee asked the government to come up with a consensual list endorsed by the eight parties.

The Ministry for Foreign Affairs on Tuesday had submitted a list of 14 nominees to the parliament secretariat for hearing."We will not let the hearing proceed as there is no Maoist nod in the proposed list", Maoists chief whip Dina Nath Sharma, was quoted as saying by a local daily.Among the Nepal ambassadors nominated by the Government are - Nepali Congress leader Shailaja Acharya for India, Prime Minister's foreign affairs advisor Dr. Suresh Chalise for the US, UML leader Tanka Karki for China, former Foreign Secretary Murari Raj Sharma for the UK and Parliament Secretariat General Secretary Surya Kiran Gurung for Russia.

Source: Malaysia Sun, June 29, 2007

Nepal Maoists step up pressure to abolish monarchy

KATHMANDU: Nepal’s Maoists stepped up demands Monday for the immediate abolition of the Himalayan nation’s monarchy, rejecting a new proposal to replace an unpopular king with a four-year-old prince.Nepal’s prime minister, a political moderate seen as sympathetic to the idea of keeping the throne, said King Gyanendra and his equally unpopular son, Crown Prince Paras, should step aside and make way for young Prince Hridayendra, the next in line. The new infant king would therefore have a strictly ceremonial role, and this could also reconcile ordinary Nepalis with an institution that has been badly damaged by Gyanendra’s failed attempt to cling to absolute power.

The Maoists, however, angrily rejected Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s proposal. “Our party will not accept any form of monarchy, whether that is a child king or his grandfather,” Ananta, the deputy commander of the Maoist’s People’s Liberation Army, told AFP. “Our party totally rejects the prime minister’s remarks, and this goes against the spirit of the eight-party alliance,” said the official, who like many of the ultra-leftists only uses one name.Other partners in Nepal’s coalition government were also wary about the proposal. “Koirala’s attempt to save the monarchy is unacceptable for our party,” said Jhala Nath Khanal, a senior leader of Communist Party of Nepal. “Our party has always been in favour of abolition of the monarchy and will not review our decision in the future,” said Khanal whose party, like the Maoists, has 83 MPs in the 330-seat interim parliament. Palace officials refused to comment on the prime minister’s remarks.

Meanwhile, about 300 relatives of people who disappeared during Nepal’s decade-long Maoist conflict protested in Kathmandu on Monday demanding to know the fate of their loved ones. Protesters carrying placards bearing photographs of their relatives sat outside Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s official residence demanding the whereabouts of family members detained by troops in the civil war. The International Committee of the Red Cross says it has received reports of 943 people who went missing - presumed kidnapped and murdered - in the war. Nepal’s Supreme Court asked the government this month to pay compensation to dozens of families of the missing people and investigate disappearances. Last week, Human Rights Watch and the International Commission of Jurists said Nepal’s interim government should quickly investigate thousands of disappearances. agencies

Source: The Daily Times, June 19, 2007

Nepal budget to cut Gyanendra's funds

KATHMANDU: A year after his fall from power, Gyanendra's fortunes continue to decline with the new budget set to drastically reduce the allowances of the palace. On the other hand, the Maoists' red star is touching new heights with chief Prachanda readying for his maiden trip abroad. On Saturday, the 51-year-old rebel chief heads for Switzerland for a week-long sojourn when he will interact with Swiss government representatives, intellectuals and members of the public.

The rebel leader's interaction with European officials comes after ex-US president and Nobel peace laureate Jimmy Carter met them in Kathmandu and urged the US to engage them in dialogue. The Maoists' diplomatic blitzkrieg in the West comes after Gyanendra's overtures abroad failed. During his 15-month regime, Gyanendra was snubbed by US president George Bush, which resulted in his not attending the UN General Assembly in New York while Nelson Mandela pleaded other engagements and declined to meet him in South Africa. A fresh blow will befall the palace on July 13, when finance minister Ram Sharan Mahat announces the budget for 2007-08. A local daily, Annapurna Post, on Thursday carried an interview with the minister, quoting him as saying that the new budget will allocate just about NRS 30 million for the royal family. Last year, the palace was allocated about NRS 210 million, substantially down from the nearly NRS 6600 million that Gyanendra spent during his own reign.

The Maoists and the Marxist-Leninists had been putting pressure on the government to reduce the royal allowances in the new budget, pointing out that according to the new constitution, promulgated in January, Gyanendra has no official role and therefore, should not have allowances too. The budgetary allocation is meant for “administrative” costs - which means paying the palace staff, maintenance and power and water bills. The palace has been treating the cuts with disdain. So far, it hasn't given the government an account of its properties, so that they can come under the tax bracket.

Source: The Times of India, June 30, 2007

For what it’s worth

The formal announcement on Sunday of a date for the constituent assembly (CA) elections is a historic event. November 22 was also the date, two years ago, when the 12-point agreement between the SPA and the CPN-Maoist was signed. This agreement formed the basis for the decisive Jana Andolan-2, which has given the present government the mandate to hold the CA polls and restructure the state. Many who have doubted whether the CA polls will be held can now probably feel an uplift of their spirits. All election laws, except the one relating to the constitutional court, which will be required at a later stage, have been passed. The Election Commission (EC) had declared that it was impossible to conduct the polls by mid-June, the timeframe that was incorporated even into the Interim Constitution, citing the lack of laws and of time. The two constitutional amendments have also been made to address the various issues having a bearing on the elections.

The CA polls provide a rare opportunity for the voters to build a Nepal of their imagination. But any failure to hold the polls again will be fraught with grave dangers. This time the public will not take any more excuses and buck-passing won’t do. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has shown the determination to fulfil the mandate of Jana Andolan-2. He has often gone on record saying, “The polls are my principal responsibility and I will fulfil it at any cost.” So, there is no need to doubt his commitment. But making the polls free, fair and credible is almost as important as the event of holding them. To this, the attention of all stakeholders should be directed — the EC, the parties, the government and the various agencies working under it, and no less important, the general public. Koirala also said yesterday that, within days, he would clear away the obstacles to the polls by sorting things out with the disgruntled groups.A poor security situation at present poses the biggest threat to free and fair CA polls.

There seems to be unanimity on this. Koirala has often pledged during the past months that with the setting of a poll date, he would deal firmly with all law and order problems. The public expects to see the results soon. Besides, it becomes the duty of all the political parties that act in the name of the people to draw up their poll agendas without delay. At least on the most important issues of the time, including monarchy v republic, those parties which have held their official views close to their chest — for instance, the Nepali Congress and the NC-D — should come out with what they stand for. Then only would the voters have enough time to chew on the comparative merits and demerits of the agendas of the political parties before they decide to cast their ballot. It would be best if the eight parties reached a consensus on vitally important national issues such as this. Even if this were not possible, the importance of keeping intact the alliance at least till the CA polls, and preferably, until the first post-CA general elections, can hardly be over-emphasised.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 26, 2007

Dissatisfied groups : Multilateral talks for consensus

Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay

The Constituent Assembly (CA) polls have been scheduled for November 22. The Election Commission has also determined the dates for various procedures to be adopted to hold the elections in November. However, there is still considerable doubt if the elections can be held in a peaceful atmosphere.After a decade-long Maoist insurgency, it was hoped that all issues would be resolved through dialogue and other peaceful means. However, guns have not fallen silent in the Tarai and the threat of violence in the Hills looms large as the government has failed to address the dissent among various ethnic groups.While the minister in charge of dialogue with dissenting factions has engaged in a series of meetings, they have so far been inconclusive. The threat of more militant movements has been issued by those dissatisfied with the slow pace of the government to address their demands.

Meanwhile, the Maoists’ demand to ban the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum and the reciprocal MJF demand for the ouster of the Maoists from the government (and for a ban on YCL) further complicate the matter.Imposition of a ban on any political group only accelerates the clandestine work of the banned entity. Moreover, imposition of a ban on any entity cannot be regarded as democratic, particularly after the success of the Jana Andolan II, which mandated the creation of a new Nepal — a democratic, inclusive and dynamic nation.If the elections have to be conducted in November, the government has to do a lot of work to promote and sustain peace in the country. The emphasis of former US president Jimmy Carter on maintaining law and order has to be taken seriously.

Also, in order to increase trust in the government’s intent, the government ought to change its tactics with respect to talks with dissenting parties. An atmosphere must be created in which instead of agreement between two parties, a general agreement emerges between all stakeholders.Looking at our own experience, we find that rigidity on the part of any negotiator is bound to boomerang. When the Maoists were invited for talks for the first time during Deuba’s premiership, the dialogue failed as the government was not ready to discuss the need for a constituent assembly. The same story was repeated during the talks under Lokendra Bahadur Chand and Surya Bahadur Thapa; but the main cause of failure on both occasions was the overshadowing of civil government by the security forces.

The King gave his ear only to the security forces and ignored the political entities, thus torpedoing the dialogue.Today again the peace process hinges on the issue of electoral process. Indigenous ethnic groups, Tarai residents and Dalits are demanding proportional representation in the CA. The government, for its part, is adamant on mixed electoral system. Along with the electoral procedure, the demand is to spell out the details of the new state structure.Though there is a common agreement to adopt a federal system, the composition of the new administrative units is still a sensitive matter. Then arises the question of what type of authority and control would be bestowed on the new units. The general demand of Madhesis as well as various ethnic groups has been the creation of new administrative units on the basis of language and ethnicity.

But the chief government negotiator emphasises how the demand to create states, provinces or districts on the basis of ethnicity will be disastrous. A negotiator has every right to emphasise his point of view, but it is not necessary that the negotiator publicly contradicts and condemns the opinion of others. As long as the government sticks to its own view and the negotiator to his narrow partisan views, there is no hope for a fair dialogue. Its success depends upon flexibility shown with an interest in finding a common stand on important and sensitive issues.The experience of the ongoing process of dialogue has proved that as long as the dialogue remains strictly bilateral, it will exclude the point of view of others who are not a party to the bilateral talks.

Hence there should be a common platform for the discussion of the needs of all the dissenting factions. A political conference for comprehensive discussion of all issues before the stakeholders is the only way to arrive at a common consensus.So, the question of banning any party or group has to be sidelined completely in the greater interest and all dissenting entities ought to be brought together through a political conference which could have open-ended agendas, thus easing the long procedure of constitution-making by the CA. The directives adopted by the political conference would be incorporated in the constitution and so the period of constitution making would be short and smooth. New Nepal cannot be built on old prescriptions. New thought process and courage are needed to build a prosperous Nepal.Upadhyay is ex-foreign minister

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 26, 2007

Inclusive Policy

MINISTER for Peace and Reconstruction Ramchandra Poudel has said that the government would move ahead by satisfying the entire classes of the society including the ethnic groups, Madhesis and others to create a conducive atmosphere for holding the constituent assembly election. At a function organised by the Federation of Nepalese Journalists, Kaski in Pokhara Tuesday, Minister Poudel, who is also the general secretary of the Nepali Congress, has called upon all the political forces, civil society and general people to remain united and work collectively to complete the ongoing political and peace process.

The constituent assembly election is the only way to resolve all the problems in the country. In fact, the mandate of Jana Andolan II is to institutionalise the achievements of the movement and restructure the state and establish permanent peace in the country through the constituent assembly election. The constituent assembly would write a new constitution of the country, which is the best democratic practice in the world. Thus, the eight political parties and the government have vowed to hold the election in time. The government has already fixed the date for the constituent assembly election for November 22 this year.

There is a demand from various quarters for inclusive democracy. The interim constitution has also incorporated the provision of inclusive democracy, which would ensure participation of all the people irrespective of their caste, ethnicity and faith. This is the spirit of genuine democracy. Although we had a democratic system in the past, we could not completely embrace inclusiveness. As a result, a few people belong to the elite communities and upper class groups took benefit in the name of democracy. Poor, backward communities and ethnic and indigenous people were left out of the political mainstream.

Those who were out of the mainstream did not feel any ownership of the political system and the government. When all people feel ownership of the political system and the government, then only can the political system succeed and command the faith of the people. Because a section of the society remained out of the political mainstream even after the change of 1990, when multi-party democracy was re-established, this gave rise to the Maoist insurgency. The nation has accepted this fact, and the government has vowed to ensure inclusive democracy in which all people would have equal participation and representation. This is the spirit of genuine democracy, which needs to be translated into action. And constituent assembly election will help put this principle into action.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 30, 2007

Leadership And Democracy In Nepal

Suresh Sharma (Poudyal)

Nepal's economic development and democracy continue to be in the doldrums even after the country having entered a democratic era in 1990. During the partyless Panchayat regime, the leaders of the political parties were mostly engaged in clandestine meetings and delivering speeches from their hideouts to prevent themselves from being caught and put behind bars by the royal administration and its henchmen. During this period, the political parties were prohibited from mass gathering and carrying out political activities. People hardly dared speak against the royal regime, lest they faced prosecution or even punished without a chance for a bail or release on parole.

Leadership qualities

After the country was liberated from the king's authoritarian rule in 1990, the party leaders came out of their hideouts and celebrated the glorious victory of the people. Majority of the not-so-literate citizens of the country were perplexed by the new developments taking place around them. They didn't really understand what democracy meant. They were just carried away by the well-crafted speeches of the leaders, and majority of them just remained mute spectators.

Slowly, they started voicing their concerns and understanding the changes taking place. The whole country was ushered into a new era of multi-party politics, guiding Nepal's development into the 21st century. On the positive side, during the 14 years of post 1990 Nepal, the number of political parties, non-government organisations, banking and the private sector and businesses mushroomed. The development of the media and telecommunication sector flourished, foreign employment and remittances increased sharply. However, on the flip side, the country's government changed frequently. The Maoist insurgency dominated the country's politics and media headlines for more than a decade. King Gyanendra's direct rule for more than a year caught the attention of the whole world, and the country's image plummeted in the eyes of international observers. Finally, after the mega event - Jana Andolan II in April 2006, King Gyanendra bowed down to the people.The Maoists joined mainstream politics after a lot of deliberations and negotiations with the seven major political parties. Presently, the Maoists have already entered the coalition government with the mandate to hold a free and fair Constituent Assembly Election.

So far, 14 months have already passed since Jana Andolan II, and the country is still brimming with instability, insecurity, lack of political trust, human rights violations, newly emerged ethnic tensions and political uncertainty. There may be many underlying factors or causes leading to this present situation. However, the principal reason for this tumultuous disorder and unrest over the years is a sheer lack of effective political leadership. Now, let us examine what are the attributes of true leadership and why our leaders have failed so far.If we are to accept the basic premise that leadership is the art of influencing, cajoling and directing people to accomplish a given mission or goal, then we must agree that there is more to leadership than merely barking out orders from a personal power base. Wise leadership involves speaking, listening and learning with farsighted vision, planning and action. According to a research study in 1999 by Warren Bennis, professor and founding chairman of the Leadership Institute at the University of Southern California, all leaders share four significant personality traits: vision, passion, integrity and courage.

Bennis also found that leaders share five common competencies ? technical competence, interpersonal skills, conceptual skills, judgement and character. Out of these, Bennis claims that character is the vital element that determines a leader's effectiveness, adding that "leaders rarely fail because of technical incompetence" but more so for lack of character. However, apart from these aforementioned qualities, there are three other hidden qualities of great leaders. These hidden qualities are not easily discernible, but are found in the best of leaders. These qualities are empathy, personal responsibility and an openness to discovering the truth. How many of these personality traits, competencies and qualities do our Nepalese political leaders possess or apply them in their day to day lives and in making decisions of public interest? This is a question which haunts every conscious citizen even more strongly in the present transitional phase. Empathy - the ability to sense and respond to the feelings of others - sets leaders apart from their peers. The leaders use it to form strong relationships, pick up early warning signs and recognise opportunities to influence. The caring aspect of empathy is what inspires people to stay with a leader, even when times are challenging. Empathy breeds loyalty.

If the leaders of the Maoist-affiliated Madhesi Mukti Morcha and Madhesi People's Rights Forum (MPRF) had displayed even the slightest common sense and empathy, the Gaur carnage of 21 March, which resulted in the ghastly killings of 27 people could have easily been averted. The loss of so many lives is a purely man-made disaster, resulting from hatred and egotism. It was a blunder on the part of the leadership of both the groups to organise their mass meetings in the same place, at the same time and try to foil each other's stage. With such mean, apathetic and narrow-minded attitude of the leaders, how can one expect them to imbibe morality and ethics? Personal responsibility is the courage and moral obligation to accept responsibility of one's actions ? good or bad. Great leaders do not wait for things to improve, but act to improve things. Earlier, leaders of the eight parties had made public to hold the polls for the constituent assembly elections by June 2007. It has now been scheduled for November 22. After the Election Commission publicly admitted the impossibility of conducting the elections in June, all the political parties started their idiosyncratic blaming game on each other for the setback. None of them took the responsibility for the delay. What does this mean? Our leaders are simply not serious about political commitments and responsibility to the people. They clearly lack foresight, and make decisions on a whim without proper planning and calculations. They also lack planning and team work. Their sluggishness and attitude of taking things for granted have cost the dreams and aspirations of the common citizens very dearly.

Lastly, great leaders are always keen in discovering the truth. They encourage debate and seek truth from it. On the contrary, our leaders seem apathetic in revealing the truth. National and international human rights groups have recently pointed out that more than 900 people are still missing and their whereabouts uncertain. Majority of these disappearances were perpetrated by the security forces during the conflict and the remaining by the Maoists and other armed groups. This week at a press briefing, the outgoing OHCHR representative in Nepal Lena Sundh demanded an end to the culture of impunity in Nepal and punishment to the perpetrators. From the lackadaisical approach of the leaders sharing power in the present government, it is apparent that they are still reluctant to dig out the truth. What a pity for the family of the victims.

Peace and security

Democracy cannot flourish without peace and security. Peace and security will be a far cry if there is no dignity and respect for individual human rights and their lives. It is now high time that our leaders wake up from their dreams and start working responsibly as true leaders, and not as deceivers, to fulfill the aspirations of their denizens. They should now rise above petty politics and deeply think for the greater good of the nation.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 30, 2007

Protecting Child Rights

A report has portrayed a dismal picture of Nepal's children. According to the report, based on a survey by a non-governmental organisation working for the rights of the child, there are 2.6 million working children in Nepal, of which 25 per cent work in the hazardous sector. The survey on the state of the working children, which was released in Kathmandu the other day, stated that 71,500 children are working in restaurants whereas 32,000 work in stone quarries, 19,000 work as porters, about 40,000 work in brick kilns and 16,000 in the mechanical sector. All these sectors are hazardous based on the nature of work and other conditions under which these children are working.The conditions pose serious health hazards and other physical and mental risks to them. Apart from the risk involved, the child labourers have often experienced various kinds of physical, psychological and mental exploitation and harassment. The survey has pointed out incidents of sexual harassment and exploitation meted out to the working children. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Nepal is a signatory, has defined a child as one who has not attained the age of 18 years, and the UN instrument has clearly prohibited child labour. However, the reality is different in many of the third world countries.

Many children are working for their survival mainly due to poverty and ignorance. Although governments have signed the international instruments that ban the recruitment of children, there is little progress when it comes to implementing these commitments. The non-compliance of international human rights and humanitarian laws as well as the national legislation is another strong factor for child labour. Nepal is a signatory to several UN and ILO conventions and treaties including the CRC.But a large number of children are shedding their blood and sweat in various sectors. These working children are often denied their basic rights including the right to education. In a country with a population of 26 million, 2.6 million working children is no small number. As these working children are denied an education and other rights, their future is certain to be bleak, which would further push them into the cycle of poverty. Against this background, the ILO convention has focused on the elimination of worst forms of child labour. In the present condition, total elimination of child labour does not seem feasible. Although the goal should be to ultimately eliminate all forms of child labour in the long run, an immediate strategy should be to eliminate the worst forms of child labour.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 30, 2007

NC's Stand On Republicanism

MINISTER for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel, inaugurating a building of the Tanahu District development Committee, has made it clear that republicanism is the ideal of the Nepali Congress (NC) party. He also stated that a republican set-up in Nepal was the goal of the NC. The Nepali Congress has all along been dedicated to the spirit of democracy and has waged a struggle against authoritarian regimes for more than half a century. It was this that gave the NC the strength to join hands with the other political parties that led to the success of Jana Andolan II last year. With Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala as the chief executive, the government is committed to holding the constituent assembly election for which the date has already been announced. On this score, minister Poudel said that there was no reason why the CA polls cannot take place within the given timeframe. It is important to note that the members can take any decision by a simple majority. It must also be remembered that there are elements that do not want the CA polls to be held and are trying to hatch conspiracies. Everyone must be alert against such elements that want to disturb the CA polls.

Democracy must be consolidated under the present circumstances. Therefore, unity among the eight political parties must be maintained at all cost. For this, there must be commitment and confidence among the parties. Petty matters must not be allowed to disturb the harmony and unity. If there are any contentious issues, they must be resolved through dialogue. To thwart any mischief from the regressive elements, the eight political parties must remain united so that the supremacy of the people is maintained. Now there is every indication that the CA polls will be held in time, and the elected members will draft a new constitution for the creation of a new Nepal. A major factor for holding the CA polls is the requirement of some legal tools, which must be approved by the legislature parliament. Once this is done, the Election Commission can move forward with its specified task. The maintenance of law and order is another important issue. With focus on these issues, the CA election can be held in a free, fair and peaceful manner.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 30, 2007

Now For The CA Polls

Prem N. Kakkar

THE confusion and uncertainty regarding the constituent assembly (CA) election has ended with the government announcing November 22 this year as the date for holding it. It took a lot of exercise to finally announce the date. This came about after consultations among the leaders of the eight political parties. Though there was some delay in announcing the date, things are now expected to move in high gear.Awareness It is now for all the political parties to visit different parts of the country to create awareness about the importance of the constituent assembly election.

The constituent assembly will draft a new all-inclusive democratic constitution to take the country forward in the mission of creating political stability and emphasising the supremacy of the people.Though the CA polls were scheduled for this month, it could not materialise for various reasons, including lack of time to prepare for the exercise. The Election Commission (EC), too, had requested more time. Now there is adequate time to prepare for the election. However, some election laws have to be approved by the legislature parliament. If this is done, then everything will be set for the polls.

As the election is a new exercise for the country, the political parties must do the needful to make the people aware about the CA polls and its significance. Unity among the eight parties is also of great significance. Though the eight political parties are united at the moment, they will be contesting each other for the CA polls. Though the political parties will be rivals in the CA election, till then unity has to be there to safeguard the achievements that have been made in the past one year. If there are any differences, then they must be resolved through talks.

If this is not done, then the elements that do not want the CA polls will conspire against the gains that have been made.It is also important that the political leaders speak more cautiously instead of blaming a leader or party for anything that goes wrong. Of course, it is still a learning process as we are moving in a new direction.An important development is that talks with the agitating groups are continuing so that a conducive environment can be created for holding the election within the specified timeframe. Everyone realises that the CA polls will bring about radical changes in the political landscape of the country.

Once the election is held in a free, fair and impartial manner, it will be the CA members who will have enormous responsibilities on their shoulders. It is also clear that the CA members can take any decision through a simple majority. In fact, the success of the CA polls calls for the commitment of all the political parties. Now it is time to gear up for the polls, and the coming few months will be crucial.The first meeting of the constituent assembly will decide the fate of the monarchy, so it is unnecessary to dwell on the issue at the moment.

But there are some who are making it an issue at the present time. Even the amendment effected in the interim statute is clear on the point. So, instead of making it an issue, all the parties and leaders should focus on the CA polls and co-operate in maintaining law and order in the country. Only this will create the environment to hold the polls in a peaceful manner. On this Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is committed and has even said that it is his responsibility. But co-operation from all should be forthcoming for the objective to take concrete shape.

Mass participation

For the new exercise that the country is embarking on, there must be a sustained campaign to generate awareness among the people about the election. This will provide the inputs so that massive participation of the people in the election is possible. This is needed to make the polls a grand success.

Presidential Ambition : The Long March Ahead

Ritu Raj Subedi

Maoist chairman Prachanda has sent ripples in Nepalese politics by revealing his ambition to be president of a republic Nepal in two years. The Maoist supremo is confident about the success of his party and his political career when there is overwhelming anxiety among the political heavyweights regarding the future course of Nepal. Prachanda's surety of his future inning into the highest post of the nation sharply contrasts with the existing uncertainty besetting the country in transition.

Ambition

It is not uncommon for any individual to nurture his or her ambition in life. There are different ways of harbouring ambitions. Some hide their ambition and demonstrate it through action while others reveals their inner desire to the public and pursue it accordingly. It is a bit unusual for public figures to declare their ambition. However, in Prachanda's case, one can extract more than a literal meaning from his cocksure statement. By disclosing his intention, he is giving a signal to rival political parties that the Maoists are moving ahead by calculating the algebra of Nepali politics and will surely reach its intended destination. There is no dearth of people who view Prachanda's claim as a saucy remark made only to arouse the enthusiasm of his cadres. Going by the Maoist offensive postures and agenda they have been pursuing ever since they joined competitive politics, there is nothing to be surprised by his stunning revelation.

Can comrade Prachanda be president after two years? In politics, nothing is impossible. Still this hypothetical question further invites a plethora of questions that should be examined in depth. There are quite a few obstacles before he can put himself in the presidential seat. There has first to be a provision in the would-be constitution to be framed by members of the constituent assembly.The first and foremost challenge is the king himself, who must be removed from the scene. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala is also currently working as the head of state, but the presidential system will be in place only after the CA polls abolish the kingship with a simple majority. But will the assembly polls take place within the given timeframe? Political leaders and thinkers are not so sure about the fate of the historic polls given the precarious security situation that is getting shakier with a bunch of disgruntled and armed groups continuing with their protests, unlawful activities, killings and abduction of innocent people.Let us presume the CA polls are a grand success with a massive turn out. But the Nepali Congress that is still undecided on the monarchy will not easily swing to the republican camp dominated by the communist forces. Octogenarian Koirala is oscillating between a monarchy and a republic. His temptation to keep the baby king amply suggests that he is not ready to throw the hangover of a ceremonial monarch.

There is a historical background behind Koirala's temptation towards this debilitating institution. When Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi played foul against B. P. Koirala, he broke his long exile in India and returned to Nepal with a reconciliatory approach to establish special rapport with the monarchial institution. Though the palace turned down Koirala's offer and put him behind bars, senior Koirala went on to say: 'My and the king's necks are attached.' Senior Koirala's faith in the ceremonial king has had a deep impact on those groomed under the tutelage of the Koirala family. To clear the deck, the NC leadership must accept republicanism that has already taken its youth wing into its fold. A section of the NC still holds the view that the monarchy is a shield against the rising tide of communists. To destroy the kingship means to restore a Red regime in the country. Pro-palace elements have emphatically raised this logic to pit the NC against the Maoists. And Prachanda has had to allay this fear. Prachanda is not a unanimous figure for Nepalese Leftists parties that are divided into several groups. He has to mend ties with the largest communist block - the CPN-UML - that has been always at odds with the radical outfit. Without riding on the back of the UML, the Maoist chairman cannot fulfil his dream of becoming the president of Nepal. For this, he must stop bullying other Left parties and forge a broader alliance among the communist forces.

Prachandaa must understand that some great communist leaders were unable to fulfil their ambitions in life. When Chairman Mao was sure that he would emerge victorious in the civil war against Chiang Kai-Sheik, he tried to propagate 'Maoism' through American journalist Edgar Snow, but the Soviet leaders never accepted his ideology, which he claimed was a further development of Marxism and Leninism. Snow's famous book 'Red Star on China' that glorifies Mao was banned in Russia. Then he hired a second rate American journalist, Anna Louis Strong, to take his ideas to the global stage. On a visit to Moscow as Mao's emissary, the KGB took her as a CIA agent, and she was nabbed and jailed. She was tortured to death in a KGB cell. Chairman Mao, the political godfather of Chairman Prachanda, never realised his super power programme that aimed at footing his country at par with the US and former Soviet Union. In his last days, Mao was forced to accept a 'climb-down' before Deng Xiaoping and Zhou Enlai whom he denounced as 'capitalist-roaders.'Nepal is economically a dependent state, and without the consent of some major foreign players, no political party can reach the helm of power. One of the formidable challenges that the Maoists face is convincing key donors and those countries that are a part of the political game of the country. The strong Nepali Army will not easily allow the Reds to storm into the hot seat of the nation. Prachanda has to take many power centres into confidence to fulfil his dream.

Statesmanship

He should prove his mettle by healing the wounds of the insurgency that created so many foes. He may be a future hope for a large section of people. But he should demonstrate the qualities of statesmanship and rise above the podium of a politician. He must stop making flippant remarks that undermine his stature. He should be cautious about over exposing himself to the media should the people's appetite be saturated.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 30, 2007

Adjust fuel prices

The interim government is shamelessly watching the country being hit by the petroleum shortage. It is aware of the constant loss being incurred by the Nepal Oil Corporation. But it has neither found any solution to the crisis nor has it attempted to adjust the petroleum prices so that the country's economy would have breathed a sigh of relief. Perhaps, the government intends to trigger a crisis of petroleum products, especially petrol so that consumers will realize and demand for the hike of petroleum prices. That the government has heavily subsidized the petroleum products needs no explanation for the consumers. However, the fear is that any hike in petroleum prices will trigger a chain reaction. Then again, how long will the government afford such "irregular" supply of petroleum products that is causing adverse effect on the country's economy? Has it given any thought to the country's economy?

A couple of years ago, the government had hiked the petroleum prices to adjust with the prices of crude oil being sold in the international market. The Maoists and others made hue and cry forcing the government to roll back the prices instantly. Ultimately, the country's economy had to pay the price for the roll back. Any decision on the hiking of petroleum prices again would have earned public wrath. Last month, the prime minister met Indian ambassador to Nepal to express his inability to clear the dues owed to Indian Oil Company. He literally begged to ensure uninterrupted supply of petroleum products citing that the country is undergoing a conflict transformation. NOC has to pay 4.5 billion rupees to IOC as the latter has stopped issuing fuel on credit. On the flipside, NOC has constantly run into loss of over 230 million rupees every month.

The import-sale disparity has caused a great stress on the country's economy. The country can no longer afford such irregular supply of oil. NOC imports 1200 kiloliters of fuel per day. And the country needs at least 2000 kiloliters of fuel to meet its daily demand. The problem will not be solved unless the government hikes the petroleum prices bringing them at par with the import prices. But it must deduct some tax imposed on the import of petroleum products to boost the economic activity and prevent untoward reaction. And dues totaling 4.5 billion rupees to be paid to IOC should be cleared to bring in the required quantity of fuel. Any reluctance on the part of the government to adjust prices and ensure "uninterrupted" supply of fuel will cost country's economy dear.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 28, 2007

Interim Plan

Following two days of 'intense' deliberations, the National Development Council, the apex policy-making body of the National Planning Commission (NPC), has finalized a concept paper of the three-year Interim Plan, to be implemented from mid-July. We congratulate the NPC for successfully completing its ritual of formulation of the plan, albeit with certain reservations
Let's first talk on the pros and cons of the plan. It is good that some of the goals of the plan, like achieving an average 5.5 percent economic growth, appears relatively realistic. We believe achieving the growth rate will not be a difficult task should conducive entrepreneurship prevail after the CA polls in November.

However, it is bad that the plan has incorporated some targets that are really ambitious, and difficult to achieve. Like, containing inflation at 5.6 percent seems unrealistic since we all know the government has very little influence on domestic inflation rate. For example, agriculture production, which has the largest weight in the basket of consumer index, is prone to unpredictable fluctuations due to erratic weather, so are its prices. Similarly, in no way can the future price of imported items like petroleum products and its consequent multiplier effects, be simply gauged.

Likewise, lowering incidence of poverty to 24 percent is something difficult to materialize. No doubt, we were able lower a remarkable 11 percentage points in the past. But, keep in mind that that happened in the period of seven years and the NPC this time aims lower poverty rate by seven percentage points within three years, that too at a time when the economy is showing no signs of recovery and growth rate remittance inflow is dwindling. We have reiterated many times in the past what the country lacks at the moment is not a good policy per se, but a sound entrepreneurial environment, which has been rapidly deteriorating in recent months.
Why has foreign investment dried up, and why is additional domestic investment constantly shrinking, despite the fact that borrowing rate is at its lowest and the economy is in excess liquidity condition? Because, the country has no investment environment at all.

Labor unrest, which often carries political agendas rather than labor interests, is at its height. Entrepreneurs have been compelled to compromise with forces outside factories, which has greatly inflated labor costs, thereby eroding competitiveness. We believe that the government should overhaul its failed internal security strategies and place a new and convincing one to improve the law and order situation.

Another important aspect we have raised is that the country desperately needs a powerful body to independently evaluate the implementation of the plan. The institution that formulates plan shouldn't be allowed to evaluate the progress of the implementation. It is shameful that the NPC wasn't able to bring mid-term evaluation of the Tenth Plan on time, which means that the institution failed in bringing timely corrections, which are vital to keep the plan on track by dealing with emerging challenges.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 27, 2007

CA Poll

The eight-party government has finally achieved yet another milestone on the road to sustained peace in the country and the people's aspiration of converting Nepal into a democratic republic. Despite certain hurdles and some crisis of confidence among the ruling parties, the agreement on holding the Constituent Assembly election on 22nd November this year has given forth a positive message. Encouragingly, within 24 hours of announcement of the poll date the country has set its sights on the goal to be achieved in the next five months. It is now the duty of all political parties, civil society, civil servants, security officials and the general public to work towards that goal. The stakeholders, however, should not forget that the situation at present is certainly not congenial for free and fair elections. So the task ahead is not only arduous but also clouded by uncertainty.

This is the first time ever that the Nepali people have an opportunity to decide their own fate, as the new constitution will be drafted by representatives elected by them. The first and foremost condition for free and fair elections is a peaceful environment. The Election Commission is rightly worried about the security situation. It is therefore the duty of the government to settle the issues raised by dissenters and seek their cooperation in holding the elections in a free and fair environment. The situation will not be congenial until and unless representatives of all the political parties are able to canvass in the remotest parts of the country without any fear and intimidation. Unfortunately, in order to achieve that goal the country has to court the Madhesis and the Maoists.

Except for providing 21 days to the Electoral Constituencies Delimitation Commission to review the report it submitted on 12 April, the government has not addressed the demands of the Madhesis. The onus is now on government to persuade them to cooperate and participate actively in the elections so that the dream of building a new Nepal will materialize. The Madhesis should understand that if we fail to hold the CA poll this time, we might see the beginnings of a civil war that could end up dismembering our country into various pieces. The Maoists' case is a bit different from that of the Madhesis. They have to discipline themselves because they are in the government. If the comrades are at all concerned about the existence of this country, they should immediately give up their violent methods of impressing the people through intimidation. They should try to win hearts through peaceful means instead. If the CA election is postponed yet again, it is likely that the reason will be the Madhesis or the Maoists, or both. If either of these parties shows any intention of disrupting the poll, regressive and pro-king elements will be more than happy to add fuel to the fire.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 26, 2007