Poll preparations: The question of electoral model

Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay

The eight-party alliance (EPA) has finally declared the month for the CA polls. However, this does not ensure the quality of the polls, which ought to be free and fair. The very day the decision was announced, the country faced another ‘bandh’ called by the aboriginals and ethnic people.

The agreement between the government and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) has raised certain basic questions on the modality of the election as well as the restructuring of the state apparatus. Although the announcement of an election month has given a sense of relief to all those who have been demanding it for quite sometime, the question of modality has been left undecided or it lacks consensus.

The working committee meeting of the Nepali Congress (NC) was right in reiterating that any question on which a unanimous decision has already been taken should not be raised over and over again. But as a democratic party, the NC leadership should have accepted that on issues where there was no unanimity and where a note of dissent had been formally recorded the dissenting party has the right to raise the issue whenever an occasion to do so arises.The EPA had unanimously adopted the Interim Constitution (IC) but reservations had been expressed by the CPN-UML and later by Sadbhawana (Anandidevi) on the modality of election. This time other leftist parties have also joined hands with the CPN-UML. So on this issue serious consideration has to be given to national consensus. It is clearly mentioned in the agreement between the MJF and the government that the MJF favours proportional representation. The Janajatis too have been in favour of proportional representation.

The NC and its president and prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala have a great responsibility to promote national consensus on issues that may divide the nation. It is, therefore, necessary for the NC either to convince others on the merits of the mixed electoral system or give up its adamant stand and accept proportional representation. A national consensus cannot be arrived at only by talking separately with the stakeholders. This process is long and difficult. The EPA must be ready to sit together and listen to various agitating groups. It must no longer ignore the newly emerged organisations and show readiness to work together with them.

While the accord between the MJF and the government has to be welcomed, a grave question cannot be left unattended. The MJF has insisted on the right of self-determination. It seems the government negotiator (a minister and a senior NC leader) has accepted it. But what is the right of self-determination? So far we have been talking of a federal system in which all the component states/provinces/ regions will have full authority and control over their own destiny. However, the right of self-determination means “determination of one’s own fate or course of action without compulsion”. In a federal system there is a compulsion to remain a part of the nation but with full authority and control in administering the area. But the right of self-determination can go as far as breaking away from the nation, declaring an independent nation or merging with other nations. Either the negotiator did not understand the meaning of the right of self-determination or he took it lightly without considering its implications.

After the success of the Jana Andolan II a consensus seems to have emerged on the need for restructuring the state and a federal system. A federal system is a system of government in which the central government enjoys limited authority. Matters relating to local development and administration will be the domain of the local governments. In Nepal’s case, the formation of new provinces should be on the basis of language and ethnicity. Once such provinces are created the people of that area would have full control and authority over that part of the country. However, full control and authority does not amount to the right of cession. We are for a new Nepal where people of all castes, creeds, cultures and ethnicities would have full right to decide their destiny. But this should leave no room for disintegration.

The issue of electoral model is a vital question as it involves representation of the ethnics, Dalits, Madhesis, etc. So there is need for consensus on this issue. If there is a consensus on the model as stipulated in the Interim Constitution then the question of constituency delineation has to be revised. But if the consensus is in favour of proportional representation the nation becomes one constituency and so the question of delineation becomes irrelevant.The questions of the nature of restructuring of the state and the electoral process have to be taken up seriously and all problems should be resolved quickly, otherwise the EC cannot make adequate preparation to hold elections in time. Any delay or further postponement of the election on any grounds would open the way for disastrous consequences.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 6, 2007

Nepal: Carnage Anniversary Gives Way To Creepy Anticipation

Maila Baje

The Narayanhity Carnage anniversary went largely unmarked this year. And for good reason, at least from the perspective of the Eight Party Alliance (EPA)-led power elite. Unlike previous years, there was no longer any logic to eulogizing King Birendra as the antithesis of the current monarch. When the EPA's overt objective still is to do away with the throne, accusing King Gyanendra of usurping it is obviously a waste of time.

Last June, despite its capitulation, the palace was still a palpable player. The fact that the House of Representatives owed its resurrection to King Gyanendra's proclamation was pretty apparent. Since the interim constitution doesn't recognize the king, and the debris from royal statues lays strewn across the landscape, the monarchy is on its way out, right?

Not so fast. In varying degrees of conviction, the communist factions that dominate the interim legislature believe constituent assembly elections can't be held as long as the monarchy exists. In terms of shifting the goalposts, our comrades are very supple. For an embattled palace, the good news is that the only way it can head is up. Despite the sustained calumny, the crown continues to draw the support of roughly half of the people, according to most opinion polls. As any pollster knows, the large "undecided" column is the place to watch.

With the military having emerged as the most trustworthy national institution in the latest poll, the threat of a coup seems to have risen. Maoist chairman Prachanda has discounted the possibility of an army-backed palace takeover. Yet even he recognizes that warnings of impending authoritarianism are being sounded by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, not some royal rep on a palace-appointed cabinet.

Prachanda's deputy, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, has conceded that the Maoists respected Koirala only for his international legitimacy. On the defensive vis-a-vis the constituent assembly elections over the past few weeks, Koirala has now turned the tables on the Maoists.
If the elections are to be held on schedule, a modicum of law and order is what is really needed - not an arbitrary declaration of a republic. This can't be news to Prachanda. Long before the premier, the Maoist chief had publicly acknowledged that a mere legislative declaration of a republic wouldn't force the monarch onto the next flight out of the country.

It was significant that Koirala chose June 2, the Nepali-calendar anniversary of the palace massacre, to renew his threat to institute drastic measures to restore law and order. If Koirala succeeds in mobilizing the army against forces of instability, that would no doubt be a belated personal triumph.

But he hardly seems to be in a mood to rejoice. It's Dr. Bhattarai's "international" dimension our premier is really zeroing on. At the South Asian summit in Delhi in April, Koirala declared he had staked his six decades of politics on mainstreaming the Maoists. The Young Communist League (YCL)'s antics have forced the premier to reconsider the wisdom of that accomplishment on various external planes.

Former premier Sher Bahadur Deuba has returned from China, ostensibly having assured our northern neighbors of the Nepali Congress' recognition of geopolitics since its last stint in power. The longer Prachanda persists with playing China and India off against each other in his search for the best patronage, the greater the chances of an ultimate fiasco.

China may have opted out of the Diplomatic Corps' statement demanding the security and safety of foreign envoys, in the aftermath of the YCL's attack on US Ambassador James F. Moriarty's vehicle. But it would be wrong to construe that Beijing's pragmatism comes with unlimited patience. More so, when a US Assistant Secretary of State arrives in Kathmandu for the express purpose of encouraging the government to set the date for the elections.

On the southern front, an EPA delegation is sounding out the official mood of India. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has affirmed his intention to take the Bharatiya Janata Party into confidence while proceeding with his Nepal policy. Newspapers close to the New Delhi establishment are becoming more candid in asserting the urgency of giving the monarchy a "toehold".

Gandhi family confidants, moreover, remind us that it was then-Prince Gyanendra who kept open those vital channels of communication during King Birendra's 1988-90 standoff with Rajiv Gandhi. When Rajiv lost power, Prince Gyanendra still maintained contact. King Gyanendra's message to Sonia Gandhi after her Congress Party won the 2004 elections, we are told, didn't come out of the blue.

The death of former army chief Satchit Shamsher Rana, the man the Indian media reviled as the chief architect of King Gyanendra's takeover, may or may not have helped clear the air between the two dynasties. The fate of the Bhutanese refugees' Long March was nevertheless emblematic of the extent of New Delhi's reciprocity to friendly royals.

The Nepali Congress, mindful of its own history, is sticking its finger in the wind. Leaders of both factions are blowing hot and cold on unity prospects primarily to keep the communists guessing.
Unity will eventually come and the catalyst will likely be the Nepal Army. Those wary of a military intervention should look not at Pakistan, but Bangladesh - perhaps even Thailand - for parallels.

An army-backed Nepali Congress-led broader democratic front under the monarchy sounds too far-fetched? After the 1951 democratic upsurge, few Nepalis had envisaged the Shahs and Ranas ending up as a single power center.

Source: Newsblaze, June 4, 2007

Nepal: New Beginning Or Dead End?

Hari Bansha Dulal

After a year of political marathon, the Eight Party Alliance's (EPA) government has reached a dead end. With the CA elections in limbo, the EPA government is rapidly losing its legitimacy to govern and the notion of "New Nepal" is losing its appeal. The inability on the part of the EPA government to announce fresh poll dates has raised a question of legitimacy on part of EPA to govern.

The unmatched enthusiasm pumped among the citizens by the people's revolution-II is being deflated at an unprecedented rate. Due to the mishandling of the opportunity by EPA, the Nepali people have started concluding that nothing has changed except the names at the top. Things have changed both for the rank and files of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) that were on the run during King Gyanendra's regime and the Maoists that took cover of the nature-forests - to keep their lives and dreams afloat. The biggest beneficiary, however, has been CPN (Maoist) who got a safe landing and leapfrogging opportunity from the darkness of jungles to the corridor of the Singha Durbar.

Needless to say, EPA has tremendously benefited from the people's trust and willingness to rally behind them, but what have people gained? It is high time to balance the book. With the increase in violence, insecurity, and the government's inability to conduct CA elections, the Nepali people who have become consumers of false dreams sold by politicians have started asking themselves: Was people's evolution-II for us or for the politicians whose political careers have been choked by King Gyanendra?

While the hand-picked parliamentarians are drawing fat checks for raising hands to consent on the decisions made by the top leaders of their respective parties, the transition period meant to secure peace and ensure the long-term prosperity of the Nepali people, the populace is laden with violence, chaos, and insecurity. This further complicates the minimum conditions required for conducting CA elections. The question that arises now is how long the interim parliament and the EPA government should be in place before it is deemed that they have lost the consent of the governed? What can they do to buy the required legitimacy to govern, if anything?

Be it before the start of the Maoist insurgency, during the insurgency, or after the safe landing of the Maoists, things are same for the rich and famous and their kids. They had everything to lead a comfortable life and buy their safety. The Maoists did not inflict a scratch on the rich and famous because of their symbiotic relationship that was largely based on the money that they could extract from the privileged class.

As usual, things are normal for the privileged class now. While the sons and daughters of the rich and famous frivolously spend money to sweat themselves out in discos in the capital, the children of poor in the far-flung villages are sweating out of nervousness of not being able to keep their dreams afloat.

Thus, the biggest losers of the ongoing violence, insecurity, and the inability on the part of the government to navigate the nation towards political stability have been the poor and downtrodden populace. The sons and daughters of rich politicians and businessmen can buy one-way ticket to Western countries but what about the children of poor that are forced to waste their precious human life due to the inability of politicians to provide required opportunity to lead a meaningful life?

One of the many reasons why the plight of the indigents is not taken seriously is because most of the politicians have no clue about what it means to be a poor. While some were well off to begin with and are not in a position to understand how debilitating poverty is, others have amassed enough wealth (which would have been impossible if pursued through legal means) and have forgotten those old days whereby they had a hard time meeting basic necessities. Like the majority of politicians, the new entrants in Nepali politics (the Maoists) who successfully sold the dreams of prosperity to the largely illiterate and economically deprived populace, are not doing enough to fulfill peoples' aspirations.

They seem to not realize that their propagandist politics alone will not be of any help when it comes to building an egalitarian nation. They have no well-tested developmental model, no proven strategy to spur economic growth, no clue about how to properly redistribute wealth other than redistributing land, and no desire to secure peace which is a prerequisite to prosperity.

For development to take place there should be peace in the nation. Prachanda's dismissal of existence of other forces such as MPRF and NIFIN and his social workers turned militias are the main obstacles towards securing peace in the nation. Thus, Prachanda's claim that he would turn this largely hungry nation into a prosperous and well-functioning democracy like Switzerland is simply ludicrous. Who in the world would like to invest in a nation where shutdowns of industries by cadres of political parties happen on a mere whim, with intimidation and extortion rampant?

It did not take very long for the gain of mass movement of 1990 to dissipate. Fifteen years and we are back to square one. Hard-earned democracy did not last long because the rent-seeking coalition between business and politics served to fuel corruption and violence in the body politic of Nepal. Easy money earned through illegal means was used to sustain a new class of political elites who remained immune from the forces of law enforcement because of their political status and connection.

Like in the past, the politicians do not appear to be driven by a sense of mission to transform the society in a particular direction this time around too. If not corrected, the lack of developmental vision and the ability to secure peace amongst the current leadership, who do not seem to have learnt lessons from the past, will be compounded by their weak commitment to realize the importance of such a vision. Popular disillusionment is sure to occur like in the past which the Maoists cashed pretty smartly in their favor, mainly due to the failure of the state to deliver expected democratization of local social relations and political authority, continuing poverty and a widening gap between the haves and have-nots.

The only question that kept on lingering in people's mind after the fall of King Gyanendra's regime was, "What would our leaders do differently than they did after the fall of Panchayat regime in 1990 that would strengthen democracy and make Nepal prosperous?" And, our leaders are not doing anything differently even though the political and social landscape is not the same as it was during the early 1990s.

The time is running out for the EPA government. All the constituents of EPA should realize their mistakes and pledge a non confrontational style of politics. For any meaningful change to materialize, the centrist forces should correct their laid-back attitude, understand the need for a changed political landscape, and realize the urgency to work towards fulfilling people's aspirations. As far as the political left is concerned, it should pledge non rhetorical style of politics and stop abusing parliament as an arena for rhetorical exchanges.

It should be rather used as a vehicle for political consensus building. Furthermore, it should find ways to keep its unruly cadres within its grip. It somehow got to teach its cadres rational and civilized ways of protesting. Indulging in immoral acts of burning and destroying public property that we built through the tax payers' money is mockery of our own achievement.

If political leaders fail to understand the gravity of the situation and continued with their old habits, coming generations too will have to fight for democracy again. Failure to deliver development benefits and meet people's aspirations shall invite February 1st over and again in some form or another.

Insurgencies will easily flourish as impoverished societies are hot beds for such movements. The Maoist insurgency by no means is an end to rebellion. The desire to rebel shall stay put until the Eight Party Alliance (EPA) and the subsequent governments in the future are able to ensure peace, prosperity, and pursuit of happiness.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 1, 2007

Maoist Terai wing for Madhesis' rights

KATHMANDU, June 3: The Madhesi National Liberation Front Nepal has made public various decisions passed in the context of the rights and interests of the Madhesis and the contemporary political developments.The extended meeting recently of the Front's Central Office, chaired by Matrika Prasad Yadav, convenor of the Front's second national convention organising committee, decided to consolidate the organisation and extensively expand it, distribute and renew membership, constitute a five-member action committee under the leadership of Mahendra Paswan and carry out a month-long peaceful programme for securing the rights and interests of the Madhesh and the Madheshi peoples in a phase-wise manner.

The Front has also taken the decision to organise peaceful protest programme from June 7 to July 9 with the objective of exerting pressure for proclamation of the date of Constituent Assembly election by declaring republic from the Legislature-Parliament itself, of immediately proclaiming the Madhesh autonomous provincial republic, of taking action against the criminals involved in the Gaur massacre and of making public the status of the people said to have been disappeared.Chairman of the CPN-Maoist Prachanda, in-charge of the East Command of the party Badal, deputy commander and joint in-charge of the Mithila Bhojpuri Bureau Baldev were also present in the meeting, the Front stated in a press release issued Sunday.

Source: The Gorkhapatra, June 5, 2007

The rise of a party

MALLIKA ARYAL

In 1997, a group of madhesi intellectuals and students banded together to discuss their concerns and issues. There was no formal membership in this Biratnagar-based group and participants included leftists and members of other mainstream parties. The common denominator was their disenchantment with the big parties and the sense that their debates were largely ignored. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum soon emerged as the most-respected, representative platform for madhesi issues. In the same year, the Maoists celebrated their first anniversary underground by intensifying their struggle in the mid-west, Nepal had three unstable coalition governments, and the human rights situation deteriorated as scores were detained by the state.

Ten years later, the Maoists have entered into the peace process, and the MJF has turned relatively violent. Both, however, are now registered as parties with the Election Commission and much of the fight for influence in the madhes is between these two fronts.
Insiders tell us that the Maoist leadership was sympathetic to the Forum at the start, and even instrumental in organising it. Around 1999 Upendra Yadav, then a regular member of UML, started becoming closer to the Maoists.

In February 2004, Upendra Yadav, Maoist leaders Matrika Yadav and Mohan Baidya were arrested in Delhi. Upendra Yadav was let go after a couple of months, while Matrika Yadav and Mohan Baidya were handed over to Nepali authorities and were released in 2006. Those close to Upendra Yadav say that during the time of his arrest he was already trying to distance himself from the Maoists because of discrimination he felt in the ranks within the Maoist hierarchy and because he did not agree with the Maoist plan to divide madhes into ‘Madhes Autonomous Region’ and ‘Tharuwan Autonomous Region’. Vijay Kant Karna, chairperson of Jaghrit Nepal says, “No one was happy in the tarai with the Maoists because they called it Madhes Government but high ranks in their party were given to pahadis.”

After the 1 February 2005 royal takeover Upendra Yadav and Jaya Prakash Gupta, former general secretary of the MJF and present Nepali Congress MP started travelling back and forth between India and Nepal to prepare for a movement in Nepal. After last year’s April Uprising Upendra Yadav returned to Nepal and in the eight months after Jana Andolan II, the MJF had successfully held meetings in almost all the districts of Nepal.

Since then, the forum and Yadav have been accused of both flip-flopping and forming alliances with Hindu fundamentalist groups in India, such as the Rastiya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In December Yadav attended a meeting of rightwing Hindu groups in Gorakhpur and spoke out publicly about making Nepal a Hindu nation again. A month later he was leading the movement for a secular federal republic.

“He can be highly influenced by others,” says Nepali Congress MP Amresh Kumar Singh, adding, “If you try to play with all the powers, you forget the cause you were fighting for.” Like most madhesi leaders who do not actively profess membership in the MJF, Singh too is said to have had a falling out with Yadav.

Jaya Prakash Gupta, who is close to Yadav, says the accusations of alliances with the palace and Indian fundamentalist groups are misguided. “If mainstream political parties meet with big Indian leaders, no one calls that an ‘unholy alliance’,” Gupta told us from Biratnagar. Gupta said that since Gaur, Yadav has not been allowed to move freely or explain “his side of the story”.

That Gupta and other moderate madhesi leaders took a careful line on Gaur while speaking to us is an indication of the pan-madhesi appeal that the forum still has. On the one hand, they argued, Gaur was ‘retaliation’ for months of harassment and disruption of MJF meetings by the Maoists Tarai Mukti Morcha. On the other, most admit it was a tactical mistake.

“If the MFJ had been willing to sit for talks right after the Madhes Uprising, they could have bargained their way into more madhesi representation and investigations of Lahan and Nepalganj, and pressured the prime minister to implement the promises made during his second address,” says Chandra Kishore, editor of Terai News Magazine in Birganj. “Now, after Gaur, everyone fears the forum as a criminal organisation.”

Sarita Giri of the Nepal Sadbhawana Party-Anandi Devi, says the MJF is not in the least militant. “They are not armed, Gaur was retaliation against the Maoists because they had disrupted their activities in Bhairahawa and Nepalganj,” she argues.

Meantime, there is said to be a few faultlines showing in the forum, one between the more left-wing members and Yadav, and the other between Yadav’s supporters who believe this was the right time to register a party and Gupta’s group, which argues that fundamental issues need to be settled before deciding to contest elections. There are signs of a split in the ranks—an insider tells us that of the 25 members in the working committee, only 13 members’ names were on the list given to the Election Commission during registration. Gupta pooh-poohs this and says that though his proposal lost out, he will support the MJF as a party.

Yadav gets the most publicity, but there are other prominent figures in the forum, such as veteran leftist leader Sitananda Raya, and MJF secretary general Ram Kumar Sharma. There are two vice chairmen Bhagyanath Gupta, a professor at Birganj’s Thakur Ram Bahumukhi Campus, and Kishore Biswas Tharu, a former member of Nepal Sadbhawana Party.

“As a political party our agenda is pretty clear—we want democratic system of governance, autonomous federal structure, proportional elections, and we want Nepal to be a republic” says Jitendra Sonal, MJF’s secretariat member.

Analysts say that given the lack of commitment seen on the part of the government to resolving madhesi issues, the MJF as a political party could take off stronger than those who call the forum irresponsible might imagine.

Source: Madhesi United, Blog, June 5, 2007

Joint Effort Needed

SPEAKER Subash Nemwang has emphasised the need for joint efforts from all political forces and others to hold the election to a constituent assembly. Speaking at the inaugural session of 41st annual general convention of the Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry in Kathmandu the other day, Speaker Nemwang said that constituent assembly election is a must to restructure the state, ensure inclusive democracy and complete the political and peace process. The remarks of the Speaker are absolutely correct as the constituent assembly election alone would institutionalise the achievements of the Jana Andolan II and create a new Nepal. The government and the eight political parties are committed to hold the election by November 2007. It had earlier been agreed to hold the election by mid-June. This deadline could not be met due to various reasons. Thus, the eight political parties recently decided to hold the election by November this year and the government was mandated to fix the convenient date for the election after making due consultation with different stakeholders. There are some important works, which need to be done before announcing the dates for the election. Firstly, the interim constitution has to be amended.

Secondly, some laws concerning the constituent assembly election need to be formulated. The delineation of the electoral constituencies is yet another job to be done before the date for the election is to be announced. Thus, the government is now seriously working to complete other processes for announcing the dates for the election. The constituent assembly election is the priority of the nation and all sectors including the civil society have been demanding early constituent assembly election so that the achievements of the Jana Andolan II would be duly safeguarded. Since the eight political parties have unanimously agreed to hold the election by November 2007, they should work collectively with one voice to hold the election in time and in a free and fair manner. But the constituents of the eight parties and partners of the government are trying to blame one another for the delay in holding the election. This blame game would not help conduct the election in time. It would only create division among the alliance partners. It is high time that the eight parties must consolidate their unity, which alone would help complete the ongoing political process. Thus, the political parties and leaders, as observed by Speaker Nemwang, need to rise above the partisan interest and work together for the common cause of the nation. '

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 5, 2007

Achievements Of Last SAARC Summit

Sharad K. Shrestha

THE 14th SAARC Summit was held in New Delhi, India on April 3 ? 4, 2007. The Heads of State and Governments of Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka took part in the Fourteenth SAARC Summit. The Heads of State or Government welcomed the entry of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan into SAARC. They reiterated their commitment to the principles and objectives noted in the SAARC Charter. It was agreed to build a partnership for prosperity and work towards shared economic cooperation, regional prosperity, a better life for the South Asian people and equitable distribution of benefits and opportunities of integration among the peoples and the nations.

Objectives

To meet the objectives enshrined in the Charter, first better connectivity within South Asia is vital and then with the remaining nations of the world. It was agreed to improve intra?regional connectivity, mainly physical, economic and people to people connectivity. Agreement was also there for the vision of a South Asian community having smooth flow of goods, services, peoples, technologies, knowledge, capital, culture and ideas in the region. It was recognized that the remarkable rise in economy of SAARC nations has created new opportunities to face poverty with great effort. There is a wide range of homegrown best practices and innovative solutions for transforming the lives of peoples in South Asia. It was decided to earmark one rural community as SAARC village in each Member State to showcase these innovative models of development in order to further replicate these across the region.Recognition was made on the implementation of the Social Charter with due attention. The National Coordination Committees (NCCS) were directed to formulate concrete programs and projects to complement national implementation efforts. The Heads of State or Government underscored that civil society organizations have an important role to play in driving forward the implementation of the Social Charter and directed the NCCS to mobilize these organizations for the achievement of this end. They praised the Independent South Asian Commission on Poverty Alleviation (ISACPA) for its elaboration of the SAARC Development Goals (SDGS). These goals reflect the regional determination for making quick progress towards achieving the Millenium Development Goals (MDGS). They also agreed that the national plans for poverty alleviation should appropriately mirror the regional concept in the form of the SDGS and the Plan of action on Poverty Alleviation. The two ? tier Mechanism on Poverty Alleviation was entrusted to monitor the progress and fine tune the approaches towards pro? poor growth process. The plus points of an Integrated Multi modal transport system was recognized in the region.

SAARC must move from declaratory to implementation phase for collaborative concrete and effective projects. The SAARC Development Fund (SDF) is an important pillar for bringing concrete benefits to the people of the region. Focus is made on the consistency of decision making and working of the fund with the charter. Priority is required for the early identification and implementation of regional and sub?regional projects under this fund. Early implementation of the recommendations of the second SAARC Energy Ministers' Meeting is required to enhance regional cooperation. Concerted efforts should be made to implement various initiatives under the SAARC Plan of Action on Environment due to the continued degradation of environment. Deep concern should be made over global climate change and the consequent rise in sea level and its impact on the lives and livelihoods in the region. It was agreed to commission a team of regional experts to identify collective actions in this matter. Agreement was made to take measures to facilitate rationalization of telecom tariff on a reciprocal basis. It was also agreed that national and regional telecom infrastructure should be upgraded to boost people to people connectivity in the region.Focus was made on the need for ensuring effective market access through smooth implementation of trade liberalization program. The SAFTA bodies were directed to review the progress on a regular basis. SAFTA should be implemented in letter and spirit. Its successful implementation will prove as catalyst to other areas of regional economic cooperation. To realize its full potential, SAFTA should integrate trade in services. A finalization of an agreement in the services sector should be made at the earliest. The agreement on Investment Promotion and Protection is also required to be finalized.

A comprehensive agreement on harmonizing customs procedures should be finalized. The SAARC Standards Coordination Board would function as a precursor to the SAARC Regional Standards Body. The framework of cooperation on financial issues in the region was finalized. People ? to ? people contact is a key constituent in regional connectivity. Annual SAARC festivals for cultural exchanges should be institutionalized. Scholarship Scheme in ICT and related areas need to be instituted. The South Asian University would be established in India through the signing of intergovernmental agreement. Intergovernmental Steering Committee would be set up at the earliest to complete its tasks related to the Charter, by Laws, rules and regulations curriculum development, business plans and other issues. On educational matters, cooperation and dialogue would be strengthened. Regional projects should focus on women and children related issues. Women's empowerment should be a major objective of regional cooperation. Countries of South Asia must work together to deal with the challenges of poverty, disease, natural disasters and to monsoon for the region's prosperity. The SAARC Food Bank will supplement national efforts to provide food security to the people of nations of South Asia. South Asian Agriculture must benefit from collaborative efforts within and among SAARC nations in developing an effective agriculture research, extension and farmers' linkages and exchanges of farm technology.

While urging continued efforts to combat terrorism, the Heads of State or Government also called for urgent conclusion of a comprehensive convention on International Terrorism. It was agreed to work on the modalities to implement the provisions of the existing SAARC conventions to combat terrorism, narcotics and psychotropic substances, trafficking in women and children and other trans ? national crimes. India took initiative to prepare a draft of SAARC convention on mutual assistance in criminal matters and Sri Lanka offered to hold a meeting of legal advisors to examine the idea of a draft convention, before the second meeting of SAARC Interior/Home Ministers scheduled to be held in October 2007 in India. Regular follow up and implementation of the decisions taken should be ensured. Tackling CorruptionIt was agreed to exchange information on national experience in combating corruption as an issue of serious concern. All members of WTO should show commitment for a successful conclusion of the Doha Round. The region would benefit from the participation of China, EU, Japan, ROK and the USA as observers to SAARC and help its economic integration with the international community. Iran was also welcomed to be associated as observer to SAARC. All the member nations should work jointly for the successful implementation of the declarations made in this summit. Let us hope for the success of the 15th SAARC Summit Meeting to be held in Maldives.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 5, 2007

New Basis For Unity : Rescheduled Time For CA Polls

Yuba Nath Lamsal

THE cloud hovering in Nepal's political landscape has now been clear with the consensual decision among the constituents of seven-party alliance and the Maoists regarding the election to a constituent assembly. There should be no doubt from any quarters about the intention of the government in holding the constituent assembly election in a free and fair manner.

Agreement

The government, of course, failed to hold the elections in mid-June this year as it was politically agreed right from the signing of the comprehensive national peace agreement between the government and the Maoists that formally ended the decade long-Maoist armed insurgency. The basis of all political agreements and understandings between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists was the constituent assembly election. Thus, it was also mentioned in the interim constitution to hold the constituent assembly election by mid-June. Failure to hold the election by mid-June is not only a violation of the interim constitution but also a breach of the political understanding and basis of unity among the eight parties.

Delay in holding the constituent assembly has been attributed to various factors. However, it was the slow pace of the government in taking decision is the prime cause for the delay as all the political decisions were not taken on scheduled time that were necessary for the timely election. Be it the promulgation of the interim constitution, formation of the interim parliament, management of arms or formation of Maoist included interim government, all processes were delayed. Given the delay in taking political decisions in time as per the agreement reached early that set specific schedule for every decision, it appeared as though the major constituents of the seven-party alliance were not prepared and willing to hold elections. The reason is obvious as these parties were not confident of their position in the constituent assembly election.

The external factor has always played a crucial role in Nepal's political and other decisions. The international community has always been supportive for democratic movement and social and economic development. Be it the political changes in 1951, 1990 or 2006, the international support and influence was important. The 2006 April Uprising, which forced the king to bow down in 19 days, would not have been successful in such a short time without the strong support from the internationals community and friends. For this, Nepalese people are thankful to the international community and friends of Nepal.

However, the role played by some foreign powers especially after the success of the Jana Andolan II has been unfortunate for Nepal and Nepalese people. Some foreign powers do not appear content with the emerging political equation in Nepal and growing influence of the leftist forces in general and the Maoists in particular. The foreign powers want a rightist alliance to contain the leftist forces in Nepal. It has been agreed that the first meeting of the constituent assembly would decide the fate of the monarchy. Given the current mood of the people nationwide, it seems that the constituent assembly would declare the nation a republic. The rightist and feudal elements that have thrived in Nepal for over 238 years under the protection and patronage of the monarchy will have to wash off their hand from political, administrative and military power if monarchy was abolished. This force is now seeking interference from the external forces so that the rightist forces can retain their existence in Nepal. At the same time, these elements are trying to create chaos and uncertainty in order to thwart the process of constituent assembly election on the one hand and seeking foreign interference on the other with the hope that delay in constituent assembly polls would given them time to regroup and sabotage the entire process. The external forces are acting at the behest of the feudal and rightist elements to sabotage the new political and peace process in Nepal which is a main reason in the delay regarding the constituent assembly elections.

This is interference in the internal affairs of Nepal, which is unfortunate and condemnable as it is against the normal diplomatic norms and values. More unfortunate is the attitude of some of our political parties that seek foreign interference to go to power and retain it. This attitude of the political parties is an insult to the sovereign people. All political parties, irrespective of their ideology and political leaning, must be united on national issues and guard collectively against any kind of attempts from anywhere to interfere in our national affairs. Nepalese people are capable enough to decide their own affairs so that political forces need to settle their differences and take decisions on political affairs on their own for the larger interest of the nation and the people. The tendency of seeking external influence and interference in Nepal's affairs for the partisan interest would ultimately put the national sovereignty at stake, which we have seen in several countries both at our next door and beyond.

Now the eight parties have agreed to hold the constituent assembly election by November this year and it must be held within the rescheduled time. The constituent assembly election is directly linked to the political and peace process that began after the success of the Jana Andolan II. The political and peace process would not be complete until the constituent assembly election is held that would restructure the state, ensure a genuine inclusive democracy and establish sustainable peace in the country.

Basis

The Maoist chairman Prachanda has repeatedly said that the basis of the unity between the seven-party alliance and the Maoists is the decision to hold the constituent assembly election by mid-June 2007. Since the constituent assembly election is not going to be held in mid-June, the basis of unity between the seven party alliance and the Maoist has been broken. Thus, the Maoist chairman has sought a new basis for unity. In the present context, the unity of the eight parties must be kept intact in order to safeguard the achievements of the Jana Andolan II and complete the political and peace process. Thus, eight parties need to make the rescheduled dates for the constituent assembly elections a new basis of unity and work in a collective and cooperative manner to complete the political process.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 5, 2007

Unfair deal

The promise of 10 percent free energy to Nepal from the 750-megawatt West Seti hydroelectric project, awarded to Australia's Snowy Mountain Engineering Corp (SMEC) a decade ago, has turned out to be a hoax. Clauses in the agreement between the government and SMEC, which was kept a secret from the public, deprive the country of any free energy, and even give rise to a distinct possibility of no benefit to Nepal at all. The government put West Seti project on fast track stating the project would provide 75 megawatts of free energy to Nepal. That was the original arrangement with SMEC, and that was what the government as well as the project's developer had been saying in public. However, a renegotiated deal does not require SMEC to give Nepal any free power. Instead, SMEC is required to pay the country in cash, that too only in the event it has money after paying back its debt participants, and bearing its operational cost. This is sheer treason.

SMEC took a decade to bring the storage-type project to the construction stage since signing a project agreement in 1997 to develop and operate the project for thirty years. In other words, SMEC got hold of the project without having the ability to fund it. A decade down the line, SMEC has convinced four countries and two international banks in areas of investment, construction, insurance, and transmission. It has also made an arrangement to sell all power generated from the project to India through PTC India Ltd. If Nepal is getting no free energy, and if the cash benefit is also uncertain, why is the government hell-bent on re-awarding the project to SMEC, despite the length of time it has spent without laying even the foundation stone for the project. Signing an agreement that will put at risk any benefit Nepal might get from a project is totally unacceptable. Therefore, the agreement the government has with SMEC is totally unfair.

The government, therefore, should initiate an impartial investigation to figure out officials involved in signing and renewing such suicidal agreement with SMEC. When it comes to deals on big infrastructure projects, Nepali officials have always failed in the negotiating table. This has to be ended once and for all. The least that the country demands is that our negotiators uphold national interest. A mistake that will leave Nepal regretting for thirty years is the last thing we need now. There is no question of re-awarding the project to the developer if Nepal's rightful benefit from the project is not ensured. The best way to ensure that benefit is through an arrangement for free power, and not through the tricky course of cash benefit.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 5, 2007

Maoist mayhem: Nepal's image takes a beating

KATHMANDU: After the Asian Development Bank washed its hands of a major development project, Nepal's image took another beating in the eyes of the world with 15 foreign governments condemning a Maoist attack on the US ambassador to Nepal and expressing concern about diplomats' safety. "The diplomatic corps of Nepal is deeply concerned by an upsurge in recent weeks of security incidents that have threatened foreign diplomats or otherwise impeded their work in the country," a statement signed by 15 embassies in Nepal said. "We condemn any and all attempts to harm, threaten, or interfere with foreign diplomats working in Nepal."

The 15 embassies include some of Nepal's biggest donors, like India, the US, Japan and European Union countries. While Pakistan, that allied itself with Gyanendra in 2005, when the monarch seized total power with the backing of the army, also joined in the condemnation, China, another supporter of the 15-month royal regime, however was conspicuous by its absence. It was an acutely embarrassing situation for the Nepal government that claims an improvement in the security situation and announced elections in November, when cadres of the youth wing of the Maoists, which is now the third largest party in the coalition government, attacked the UN vehicle carrying the American ambassador to Nepal, James Francis Moriarty.

The incident occurred on May 25 when the envoy, accompanied by the UN High Commissioner for Nepal's representative Abraham, who was returning from Jhapa district in eastern Nepal after a meeting with the Bhutanese refugees living there. Nepal's Diplomatic Corps said it was the government's role to ensure security and safety for diplomats. "Targeting or threatening diplomats on their countries' official business is unacceptable," the statement said. Besides the statement, a US official, who winded up his four-day visit to Nepal Saturday, has also expressed concerns about the attack and the activities of the Young Communist League of the Maoists.

US assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labour, Barry R Lowenkron, who conveyed Washington's misgivings about the Maoists to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, foreign minister Shahana Pradhan and speaker Subhash Chandra Nembang, said one can't have both bullets and ballots. The Maoists and their sister organisations are still banned as terrorist organisations in the US and recently, a senior Maoist leader was denied visa to travel to New York. The government has also come under attack at home for failing to protect its own citizens. Nepal's supreme court on Friday asked the state to pay an interim compensation of NRS 200,000 to the kin of people killed in the custody of security forces, and NRS100,000 to the families of those missing since their arrest. Judges Khilaraj Regmi and Kalyan Shrestha gave the collective judgement after hearing petitions about 83 people missing during the Maoist "people's war".

Source: The Times of India, June 3, 2007

US Official Calls on Maoists in Nepal to Renounce Violent Ways

Liam Cochrane

Kathmandu,

A U.S. government official has called for an end to Maoist violence in Nepal, where the country's former rebels are making a jerky transition from armed insurgents to mainstream politicians. Liam Cochrane has more from Kathmandu. 2006 was a year of hope for Nepal, but Barry Lowenkron, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for democracy, human Rights and labor, says the peace process is being undermined by the actions of some of the former Maoist rebels.
Lowenkron, who spent the past four days in Kathmandu assessing the political and human rights situation, was especially critical of actions by the Young Communist League, or YCL.

The YCL is led by former Maoist fighters, and has attacked several government offices in the countryside since the Maoist leadership signed a peace agreement and entered the government. Last week, YCL members threw stones at a United Nations vehicle carrying the U.S. ambassador to Nepal.

Lowenkron said Saturday that there is no room for violence in a democracy. "To me, their actions indicate they have yet to make the strategic decision to abandon violence, to abandon coercion, to abandon intimidation and to seek their success in a political arena that is peaceful," he said.

Lowenkron congratulated Nepal's Prime Minister, G.P. Koirala, for his leadership in securing an approximate date for constituent assembly elections. The elections are now scheduled some time in late November or early December, and the winners will write a new constitution and decide on the fate of Nepal's monarchy. But Lowenkron warned that there was still much work yet to be done before Nepal's transition, from a decade-long civil war that killed 13,000 people to a peaceful and inclusive democracy, is complete.

"The message of my government is clear: one cannot have ballots and bullets in a democratic process," he said. Lowenkron also called for full investigations into the 937 people who disappeared during Nepal's conflict and remain unaccounted for.

Source: Global Security, June 2, 2007

NEPAL:KOIRALA SAYS, MONARCHY A VITAL PART OF THE SOCIETY

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala was expected any day to disseminate words for the rescue of the Monarchy in Nepal. He visited the eastern region twice within two-month period but both the time he had bitter words for Monarchy. Third time Girija said what he really had in his mind, he said “Monarchy can exist within a republican order”. He said this in Birtamod, Jhapa District in Nepal amid a party mass meet.

In our endeavor to transform the society and the country as a whole, the monarchy can take a new form too, Koirala added. “The Monarchy too is a vital part of this society”, PM Koirala said.
He said if a republican order is established, the King may not be abdicated.
He said, but to declare Nepal a republic needs a process, we all have to follow. He however, confused the mass when he said the “Monarchy will slowly transform itself into a republic”; it’s just a matter of time.

Violence may not establish monarchy, even if it is established through violent means it may not last long, PM said further.
He said in the process of taking responsibility of the country he can take any bold decisions. He almost in a threatening tone targeting other political parties said they must now remain prepared to face such decisions. “Without creating favorable atmosphere, CA polls can’t be held”, he added. Prime Minister said further, to conduct the CA polls I can go to any extent. He alleged the rest of the parties in the alliance for creating hullabaloo in the name of CA polls. Making unnecessary noise won’t transform the society, a CA poll is the only legitimate way to do it, he continued.

He said, now other leaders in the alliance are treating me like an old tree that does not give fruits, thus they are trying to cut it. I know what I am, so I am not afraid of any one, I talk what my heart says. “After I successfully conduct the CA polls my importance will be finished” PM concluded. June 3, 2007

Source: The Telegraph, June 4, 2007

Maoist Homophobia?

Gary Leupp

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), leading what many have considered the most advanced Maoist movement in the world for the last decade, has recently been accused of attacks on gay people and of indulging in anti-gay rhetoric. Unfortunately, the reports seem valid. In January, a senior party leader, Dev Gurung, now Minister of Local Development in Nepal’s transitional government, was quoted in the press as stating: “Under Soviet rule and when China was still very much a communist state, there were no homosexuals in the Soviet Union or China. Now [that] they are moving towards capitalism, homosexuals may have arisen there as well. So homosexuality is a product of capitalism. Under socialism this kind of problem does not exist.”

The statement seems quite un-Maoist in its description of any twentieth-century socialist experiment as truly “communist.” Mao broke from Stalin in emphasizing the long-term nature and fragility of the construction of socialism as a transitional stage between capitalism and the classless society of communism theoretically posited for the human future. And it seems oblivious to historical reality in denying the existence of homosexuality anywhere, anytime in human history. Dangerously foolish (if I can assume that it was indeed said), it was made in the context of reported abuses of gay men and lesbians by Maoists in areas under their control.

Such mistreatment has not been particularly associated with the Maoists in recent years but indeed more with the old security apparatus of King Gyanendra. It’s not clear that it represents a clear party line; Hisila Yami, a Maoist member of parliament, Minister of Physical Planning and Work and wife of party leader Baburam Bhattarai told a Nepali gay organization, the Blue Diamond Society, in January that the party’s policy was “not to encourage homosexual behavior but not to punish homosexuals either.” But plainly there is cause for the sort of concern recently expressed by Human Rights Watch in a letter to Khadga Bahadur Biswokarma, a CPN(M) member and now Minister of Women, Children and Social Welfare. The letter claims that in December 2006, Maoists in Katmandu ordered homeowners not to rent rooms to gays or lesbians, and that Amrita Thapa, general secretary of the Maoist women’s association, told participants at a national conference in March 2006 that homosexuals were unnatural and were “polluting” society.

I’ve sometimes been critical of Human Rights Watch, which has little sympathy for revolutionary movements and has sometimes sided overtly with repressive regimes. (It congratulated the government of Alberto Fujimori in Peru for capturing Maoist leader Abimael Guzman in 1992 and has done little to protect the human rights of Maoists imprisoned under successive Peruvian regimes.) But here HRW seems to be on target in its criticism.

The communist movement of course has a long sordid history of homophobia — just as does bourgeois liberalism. Up to 1962, homosexual sex was punishable by lengthy jail terms everywhere in the U.S., and it was only in 2003 that the Supreme Court invalidated the “anti-sodomy” laws operative in Texas and several other states. The sentiments expressed by Gurung and Biswokarma are obviously not unique to communists but part of an historical continuum of intolerance that crosses all kinds of ideological lines.

Marx and Engels themselves were, as their private correspondence clearly establishes, distinctly hostile to homosexuality, which they viewed as “unnatural.” On the other hand, in the 1890s, the German Social Democratic Party leaders Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky, and the socialist Reichstag deputy August Bebel, called for the repeal of the German statute criminalizing sex between consenting adult males. Bernstein called for “a scientific approach” to sexuality rather than one based on “more or less arbitrary moral concepts.” (Meanwhile the British socialist Edward Carpenter, influenced by the work of German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld, argued that “uranians” — or members the “intermediate sex” — served in a positive role as a bridge between [heterosexual] men and women.) Adolf Thiele, a socialist deputy in the German parliament in 1905, declared that he “wouldn’t even admit that [homosexuality] is something sick.” It was, he opined, “simply a deviation from the usual pattern nature produces.”

Between 1917 and 1933, the USSR pioneered in sexual legal reform. The Bolsheviks in power rescinded all the anti-homosexual statutes in the czarist legal code and sent Soviet delegations to international sexual reform congresses in Europe. The early Soviet state officially declared “the absolute non-interference of the state and society into sexual matters, so long as nobody is injured, and no one’s interests are encroached upon.” Soviet law regarded homosexual intercourse as the same as “so-called natural intercourse” and was far ahead of (for example) U.S. law at the time.

All this changed in 1933, when the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party introduced a statute penalizing consensual homosexual activity (muzhelozhstvo or sodomy) between men; thereafter Soviet writers increasingly conflated male homosexuality as indeed “unnatural,” and associated it with German fascism. Not all Marxist theorists followed the Soviet lead in castigating homosexual activity, but the most prestigious of Marxist psychoanalysts, Sigmund Freud’s student William Reich, wrote in 1934 that men of a “homosexual tendency” were easily “drawn toward the right.”

Gurung’s association of homosexuality with capitalism echoes the Stalinist line that homosexuality represents “bourgeois decadence.” But Gurung should realize that Maoists outside Nepal have largely abandoned the Stalinist legacy on this issue. The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, a close ally of the Nepali Maoists, up until 2001 stated in its program that under socialism “struggle will be waged to eliminate [homosexuality] and reform homosexuals.” But the RCP now accepts homosexuality and renounces its past position on the issue (if without adequate self-criticism or explanation for why a bankrupt line was held so long). The Communist Party of the Philippines, another Maoist party with cordial ties to the CPN(M), officially recognized gay relationships among its members in 1998 and has been conducting same-sex marriages since 2005. The Nepali party lags embarrassingly behind.

Many have derived inspiration from the People’s War in Nepal, which in a mere decade acquired control over about 80% of Nepali territory and proved to the world that revolutionary communism remains the hope of the hopeless. I myself was happy to endorse Li Onesto’s first-person and very sympathetic account of her Maoist-sponsored visit to Nepal, Dispatches from the People’s War in Nepal (Pluto Press, 2005). The party now shares power with its former foes, heading six ministries in the provisional government. Some who have supported the CPN(M) are expressing grave concern that the party is abandoning its commitment to socialist revolution by its deal with the seven mainstream parties and its abandonment of the People’s War.

The Nepali Maoists deny that that’s the case, and I’d just as soon withhold judgment on that issue. But if the sentiments of Comrades Gurung and Biswokarma are at all representative of party sentiment, and if measures against gays are part of the party’s agenda, the outlook for a new revolutionary model in Nepal is looking worrisome.

Source: Krantikari Nepal, June 3, 2007

Positive Talks

THE long-awaited talks between the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and a government talks team have finally materialised, and there has been genuine appreciation from all quarters as they were held in a cordial atmosphere. The talks that were held the other day in Janakpur are learnt to have been positive, laying the foundation for reaching a compromise in resolving several contentious issues.

During the talks, the MJF has put forth a 26-point demand that include, among other things, the federal system of governance and also the inclusion of Madhesis in all the organs of the state. The government, for its part, was also asked to withdraw the charges against the MJF leaders.

Demands were also made to provide compensation to all those who were injured during the Madhesi movement. Some issues raised came close to an understanding during the talks, and at the same time other demands were also discussed. As the country is headed towards the constituent assembly polls, it is highly essential to create an environment where such polls can be held in a free and fair manner and in an atmosphere without fear.

The country belongs to all the communities that inhabit it, and it is only fitting that all their grievances should be addressed. The talks should be seen in this light and the achievements made by the two sides to categorise the demands into those which could be met immediately and others that need further preparation and discussion should lead to an amicable solution agreeable to all.

The talks had been stalled for a long time, and as a result, the people suffered. There was much apprehension about these developments, particularly as the country is a transition phase, and untoward incidents could take place, playing into the hands of the regressive elements that have ulterior motives in their mind. The talks focussed on such burning issues as providing compensation to the families of those who died in the agitation and providing relief and treatment facilities to the injured. These are humanitarian demands and should be treated as such.

Furthermore, agreement to hold further discussions on seeking technical assistance from the United Nations to facilitate the talks also figured. The talks are a good beginning and bodes well for the peace process that the country envisages for the resolution of all the problems of the various communities so that all are accommodated in the New Nepal that has been envisaged where there would be no discrimination.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

PM Koirala

PRIME Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has assured visiting US Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labour, Barry R. Lowenkron that there would not be a repeat of incidents of attacks on foreign diplomats and that they would be safe in Nepal. Prime Minister Koirala and the visiting US official were discussing the peace process in Nepal, which has received a significant boost following the eight-party consensus to hold the constituent assembly election by November this year. The eight parties have shown their commitment to the peace process while they are sorting out minor differences and disputes as the nation decidedly moves towards a new political beginning to be chalked out by the constituent assembly. There had been some lingering uncertainty over the new date of holding the constituent assembly election after the Election Commission demanded time beyond the earlier date scheduled for June 20 stipulated in the interim constitution. As per the new decision, the government will fix a suitable date for the election, which would not go beyond November 2007. The US official has welcomed the eight-party commitment.

There are several things that the government and the interim legislature parliament will have to accomplish before fixing the exact date for the polls. First of all, the interim constitution has to be amended. The government will need to introduce a proposal in the legislature-parliament for the amendment of the constitution, which it is set to do soon. Moreover, some election-related laws need to be formulated to enable the Election Commission to start preparing for the crucial polls. The eight-party meeting has asked and mandated the government to take these decisions on its own. Furthermore, election constituencies have to be delineated to address the demands of the various political groups, Janajatis and Madhesi people. The government had earlier formed the constituency delineation commission, which has already submitted its report. However, in light of the demands of some political parties and other groups, the eight parties have agreed to review the report. All these are important decisions because they allow for the election-related works to be carried out without further glitches. The mandate of Jana Andolan II is to take the country into a new era of full-fledged and inclusive democracy for which many important and historic agreements have already been made. The comprehensive peace treaty, that put behind a decade of armed insurgency by the Maoists, was a landmark achievement, which makes it possible to restructure the state to build a new Nepal. There are many issues waiting to be addressed. But the topmost is to maintain law and order and create an environment where the constituent assembly polls are held in a free, fair and inclusive manner. The support of foreign friends for this is vital, and Koirala?s pledge to ensure their safety counts a lot at this juncture.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

New Nepal Transfiguration Of Nepalese Society

Dr. Panna Kaji Amatya

Nepal is in the thick of strife, conflicts, clashes, crimes, corruption and lawlessness. The country is beset with so many problems that to try to stupidly solve any one of them without taking into account other factors may itself be another cause of further problems. The main reason is that the people at large have an aggrieved feeling. Unequal distribution of resources, comforts and luxuries lies at the root of this wounded psyche.Ever since the creation of modern Nepal, the rulers have been utterly ignoring the interests of the people, thereby abusing power and misusing national resources for their own sake.

As a result, Nepal has remained one of the poorest countries in the world, if not the poorest one. This brings about glaring socio-economic inequalities, with nearly half the population living in abject poverty. Today, Nepal?s economy bumps along the bottom. The poor become poorer. It is only the rulers, past and present, who have immensely enriched themselves and still live off the backs of the poor people.

Justice

The masses, on the other hand, live on the hope of securing justice and a fair deal through the courts and democratic institutions but face disappointment at every step. They remain deprived of even the basic necessities of life. The net result of all this is that the aggrieved parties start abhorring every established authority and, therefore, are overtaken by a mood of defiance of that authority. This intensifies struggle. Attacks and counter-attacks, massacres and revenge, accusations and counter-accusations accrue from them.

There are perpetual crises. Lawlessness has become the hallmark of Nepalese society. Shootings, stabbings and murders are now daily occurrences. Any group, if determined base-mindedly, can take the law unto its own hands. Small weapons are in the possession of many an unscrupulous group that indiscriminately uses them for the destruction of people?s lives and property. The number of such groups is mushrooming. This is a serious threat to the very existence of Nepal?s statehood.

Those who enjoy money power, political power, muscle power or even nuisance value go about committing high-handedness and atrocities at will. Even those who are supposed to provide security to the people and to maintain law and order are found demanding that they be given adequate security. What a great joke!The law and order situation has hit rock bottom. Hard-headed lawbreakers and criminals almost always make their gateway with impunity or get off lightly. Some law enforcement authorities are reportedly defending and siding with the criminals and harassing the victims. What is worse is that even the rulers themselves appear to have no will to strictly observe the law and rules they say they adhere to.

If the Seven Party Alliance and CPN-Maoist can shake the powerful monarchy to its foundation, why cannot their government control the law-breakers? Is destroying, not constructing, the only thing they know? Each of them must answer these questions.Amid all this disorderly state of affairs, the people take a fancy to the over-repeated slogan of ?new Nepal.? However, this term has different meanings for different persons. This expression is on the lip of everybody, particularly those politicians who aspire to lead their parties to victory in the elections to be held for the Constituent Assembly, but they have failed to spell it out clearly. The reason is obvious; they seem to be unable to make themselves clear. Still, they have made great strides towards establishing a new Nepal by declaring it secular and agreeing to the establishment of federalism there.

Surprisingly enough, some leaders, by way of describing a new Nepal, talk about reversing the positions of the rulers and the ruled, and the exploiters and the exploited. Such personal and emotional urge to wreck vengeance against each other may go endlessly to the detriment of the country. If it becomes a reality, they may not inherently differ from the erstwhile cruel, undemocratic rulers. Here, what Albert Camus says is worth pondering over: ?All modern revolutions have ended in a reinforcement of the State.? In fact, any highly centralised, unitary state typically makes all rulers alike. Under such a state, innocent people always suffer and get exploited again and again. Hence the necessity of transforming the old order into the new one - politically, economically and socially. This may pave the way for the new Nepal. There is no doubt that the old are notorious for their misrule in the past. When the present-day rulers, most of whom belong to the same old stock and who have already tasted power, purse and perks under the old order, talk about a new Nepal, it merely means a pie in the sky. Jam tomorrow! But tomorrow never comes; the troubles never end; and the ill luck does not desert the masses.

Indeed, most of them may not like tomorrow because they are uncertain of their returning to power tomorrow. They are comfortable with today. What can be expected from them? Their promise of better things may be merely a promise which is unlikely to be fulfilled and a promise to be in power and repeat what they did in the past - enriching and empowering themselves. That is their habit; old habits die hard.Building a new Nepal requires new visionary, national, honest leaders. Promising the moon to the people is not enough. There should be no room for the petty politicians with fissiparous tendencies who hanker after loaves and fishes, and do not have the welfare of the masses in mind. Sadly enough, there is a dearth of such leaders.

The so-called leaders of the political parties have already passed their sell-by date. The geriatric leaders cannot build the new Nepal; they can not cut the umbilical cord with the old. They always relapse into the old habit of joining traditional forces. In the first instance, those aspiring to a new Nepal must get rid of the good-for-nothing fellows whose numbers are legion in the political parties. If the old leaders are honest and owe a great deal to their supporters for their being in power for a long time, now it is high time that they transferred their responsibility to the new at once. The New Nepal will be a dream come true if it is characterised by peace, progress and stability. Excessive optimism cannot build a new Nepal. A New Nepal does not and can not mean instant rich, prosperous and abundant Nepal because it cannot be made so in the foreseeable future. Yet, this goal should not be lost sight of.

The only practical solution at this moment is the establishment of peace which is a pre-requisite for the solution of other national problems - economic, social and political. Peace, which lacks today, should be the immediate objective of the new Nepal, for without peace nothing better and finer can be achieved. Here, the people demand that the political leaders be serious and single-minded. Whether they succeed or not will be measured by the degrees of their achievement.Peace once established on secured foundation has to be strengthened and reinforced by good governance, fundamental and human rights, efficient administration, federalism, secularism, inclusive democracy, and equity in the distribution of the gains of development. Empowering women, educating the people and improving their economic conditions, providing employment opportunities particularly to the hitherto excluded and marginalised groups are the sinews of the new order.

Reform in onese

lfBesides, criminalisation of politics and politicisation of crimes must be done away with at any price. The perpetrators of corruption, crime, violence and lawlessness should not only be discouraged but also punished.In fine, a new Nepal implies a changed Nepal. A new Nepal means nothing more than a better and finer Nepal. In order to achieve this goal, every stakeholder, instead of talking about reforming others, must think about reforming themselves without waiting for others to start doing so. Everybody dreaming a dream of a better Nepal had better act wisely so that the newly restored hard-fought democracy remains secured.

Equitable Society

THERE has been much activity in the political front in the country but many other sectors, such as the socio-economic sector, have not been able to keep up in pace with it. The social sector is still lagging behind unable to reap in benefits that should have accrued from the political changes that have taken place. Progress in the political sphere should go side by side with socio-economic advancement. This was observed by Foreign Minister Sahana Pradhan at a programme the other day where she aptly noted that the political changes that have taken place have not been supported with socio-economic development programmes. This is indeed disconcerting for the country is mired in poverty with archaic values that have impeded the development endeavours that basically has the objective of ameliorating the lot of the people. Disparities can still be glaringly seen in society, and there is dire need to do away with the anomalies and aberrations that are prevailing in society at large so that it is possible to build an equitable society.

Economic programmes should be accorded the high priority it deserves if the country is to succeed to catch up with the rest of the world, which is developing at a rapid pace. Political changes alone would not suffice to change the lifestyle of the people. The government programmes in the socio-economic front would amount to nothing without the wholehearted support of the people. For this, the social organizations and the intellectuals have a crucial role cut out for them so that an equitable society is possible. So far, the working of the social organizations appear to be inadequate and unable to meet the challenge. They should serve as catalysts to change the mindset of the people that would ultimately succeed in creating an equitable society. Exploitation in any form is detestable, and it is very tragic that such practices are still prevalent. Despite the knowledge that this is not right there are some who are still practicing it. These abuses should be opposed from all quarters and those found guilty of them should receive the harshest punishment. There are various form of socio-economic exploitation that have continued for long that are obstacles to the creation of an equitable society. One way to deal with the problem is educating the people so that are made aware of their rights and their responsibilities as well. The political changes that have taken place in the country should be utilized to the utmost for the socio-economic uplift so that headway is made in creating an equitable society in the building of a New Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Commitment Reiterated

PRIME Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, speaking at a mass meeting organised by Nepali the Congress Jhapa Disrict Committee, in Birtamod Saturday reiterated his commitment to the constituent assembly (CA) polls. Prime Minister Koirala also said that the government wold not hesitate to take harsh measures to strengthen law and order without which the CA polls cannot be held within the given timeframe. This is an indication that every measure will be taken so that the polls will be held as per the agreement of the eight parties. Koirala without mincing words made it clear that the mandate given by the people for the polls will be held in time. However, the recent spate of violence has to be controlled so that a conducive environment could be created to hold the said elections in a fair, free and impartial manner. Much hope is pinned on the polls as it will have the responsibility of drafting an all-inclusive constitution of the country. Premier Koirala was stern in his speech and said that he would not waver from stringent measures to restore peace and order. What the country needs now is stability, complete democracy, human rights, freedom and prosperity. But for all this to be realised, national unity and conciliation are very necessary. The question of lasting peace is also equally important.

On the question of declaring a republic right now, Prime Minister Koirala said that some people had been pressing him on this issue, but he revealed that he would speak in its favour through the right course. When the eight parties had agreed that the first meeting of the constituent assembly would do the needful, it is futile to talk of it at this moment. The first and foremost focus should be on creating the right environment for the CA polls to be held within a set timeframe. For this, the eight party leaders must sit down and thrash out the solutions so that the date for the polls could be announced as soon as possible. Consensus must emerge among the top leaders on issues over which the eight party meetings have been pondering. It is the duty of all the leaders to remove any confusion or doubt that exists regarding the polls. As the future of the country rests on holding the polls, the leaders need to be serious instead of bickering over petty issues. Meanwhile, the other issues regarding the demands of the agitating groups must also be looked into by the government so that the right atmosphere can be created for holding the polls. Also everyone must behave responsibly instead of trying to create situations that are not in the interest of the people and the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Rambling Through Kol-Kath Cultural Similitude

Vinay Jha

If you ever toured or lived in both Kolkata and Kathmandu, you would, most probably, find it difficult not to deem yourself lucky and privileged on having had some of the best experiences of your life, especially with reference to their cultural grandeur. Separated by about 75 minutes' flight, or about 25 hours' drive, Kolkata and Kathmandu are counted among some of the most beautiful cities in the world. Situated in the eastern region of South Asia, these two places are richly endowed with unique natural panoramas and man-created cultural landmarks. The serene mountainous surroundings of the city of Kathmandu, and mesmerizing Bay of Bengal coastline of the city of Kolkata, both silhouetted against the bewitching blue sky, are ravishingly seducing in their appeal to travellers and tourists around the world.

Hindu way of life

Even though these two wonderful cities belong to two nations of South Asia, India and Nepal, they share between them immense cultural similitude, primarily because of the fact that both are rooted in the mainstream Hindu ways of life, of course, always open to and assimilative of other religo-cultural influences. Both cities are capital cities; the former of an Indian state (West Bengal) and the latter Nepal's capital, and, interestingly, both are historic. Is it merely fun to think of the co-incidence that they share the same initial sound in their names or something else, too? When we talk about the rich cultural heritage of a place or society, we talk about the underlying and abiding features of things that please, delight, sustain, unify, challenge, encourage and, most importantly, connect the whole of the material world with the whole of the spiritual world. In my opinion, no culture, worth its essence, can ever exist or appeal that is devoid of spiritual dimension. No society, irrespective of its geographical location, could be called culturally rich and inspiring, unless it is capable of looking beyond all barriers and limitations, even beyond what is comprehended as 'infinity'.

Higher and richer a culture, the deeper and stronger its appeal, its wisdom, its foresight, its integrative capacity, its cosmic vision, and finally its faith in the eternity of the existence of body and spirit in one form or the other. The two cities - Kolkata and Kathmandu - rejoice in the upkeep of this faith in eternity. Beautifully dotted with hundreds of temples, shrines, domes and stupas, related not only to one faith but to different faiths, graciously astir with pilgrims, travellers, tourists and local devotees, tastefully decked and fragrant, especially during the festive seasons, such as Vijaya Dashami, Diwali, Shivaratri, Christmas and Holi, variously flavoured with: dash and dynamism, fun and frolic, determination and expectation, contemplation and expression, and all these strung intimately through the unbreakable thread of passion and flair for life, Kolkata and Kathmandu present an example of superb homogeneity, in spite of being places apart. What strikes the visitors to both these places the most is the pristine ambience of their temples, shrines and meditation centres, evocative of the lives and hermitages of the ancient saints and sages.

Needless to say, the hallmark of any glorious culture is its natural inclination towards creativity, scholarship, art and music and all that is universally associated with Apollonian ethos. This natural inclination constitutes the core around which other invigorating and progressive ingredients keep on interacting and intermingling to sustain and sharpen the organic whole. As the one who has been fortunate to live in and who has curiously and creatively observed the cultural aspects of both the cities, I have no hesitation saying that these are the cities of joys, because the dwellers and lovers of both these places are creative sufferers; they enjoy absorbing the woes and worries of life in their stride; they are doggedly unbeatable, their sense of future is exemplarily strong. And above all they are steeped in broad human compassion.

Both Kolkata and Kathmandu are vibrant hubs of higher education and cultural activities. For the whole of Nepal, Kathmandu is not only the political capital, but also an unrivalled seat of higher education and cultural pursuits. Most of the useful world languages are taught and learnt here as it is done in Kolkata. Dance, drama, music, festivals and art exhibitions are regular cultural happenings in both these places. Various international seminars and conferences are organised in these places that help the people know more and more about global affairs, and promote among them a sense of global brotherhood and cosmopolitan attitude to life in general.

Appreciation

My observation and study of the ways of life of these two cities, I must say, is like that of a zealous self-proclaimed and self-believing explorer or journalist. My informal brief chats with people in both these cities, particularly with the pilgrims and tourists, over a considerable period of time, at various intervals, and on different occasions, have revealed to me that most of them carry a very deep appreciation of the cultural heritage of both these places.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Debating International Trade And Aid

Lok Nath Bhusal

Despite alarming methodological limitations, evidence uncovers that benefits of economic openness and incursion of globalisation have been skewed. Precisely, economic openness has been costly for economies with weak domestic markets, negligible support for domestic producers and in which a significant proportion of the population is engaged in subsistence production. Additionally, despite more than a quarter of a century of extensive research and evaluation on trade liberalisation experiments affecting billions of people across the developed and developing world, there remains little consensus about the effects of neo-liberal policies on most macroeconomic and social indicators. For instance, trade has always accounted for a relatively small percentage of GDP, and the relative underdevelopment of Nepal's agricultural and industrial base has so far badly impeded the potential profitability of trade liberalisation. Obviously, there cannot be a fight between a tiger and a cat; globalisation is clearly unfair.

Global village

UNDP states that, although enthusiasts who have been trying to quantitatively emphasise the positive aspects of globalisation and increasingly use the language of global village to describe the new order, the global village appears deeply divided between the streets of the haves and those of the have nots, when viewed through the lens of human development. However, policies that encourage investments in human and physical capital, and support technological change, are more likely to promote export-growth and, thus, the wealth of a nation.

Henceforth, FDI (foreign direct investment) and aid for trade is likely to offset the inequalities emerging from globalisation. The common development strategy should recognise the sheer importance of foreign aid in our development efforts. The development partners who have funded development in Nepal have had their own agenda and interests other than solving the overdue structural problems of the country.

Up until the present time, Nepal received funds only when it has been in accordance to the plans of the donors. The agenda and interests of the latter have obtained easy entry into the national development discourse, as the country's own political parties and bureaucratic structures have blindly supported them and have themselves failed to come up with a commonly-shared agenda of a pro-people's development process led by the poor themselves. Indeed, the concept of "aid for trade" should be materialised to sustainably benefit from foreign aid as aid for trade enhances trade-related capacity, expands exports and creates new jobs.

At the international level, the eighth Millennium Development Goal ? develop a global partnership for development ? aims at altering aid, trade, business and debt-related policies in the developed countries that now obstruct poverty reduction efforts in developing countries like Nepal. More specifically, the targets under Goal Eight aim at increasing developed countries' commitments to relax trade restrictions to enable market access, especially for developing countries' agricultural commodities and labour-intensive manufactures, along with expanded provisions of debt relief and transfers of technology.

Despite the commitment to the eighth goal - the critical area of financing and sustaining development in poor countries - it is neither time-bound nor measurable by the kinds of indicators specified for the other goals. The World Bank states that aid has rarely been a simple transfer of resources from the affluent to the deprived economies. Rather it comes along with a number of conditional ties. These conditions explicitly or implicitly fulfil the interests of the donors; donors use aid to advance their values, their commercial interests, their cultural aspirations and their diplomatic and political objectives rather than the developmental needs and priorities of developing countries.

Furthermore, in 1970, the world's rich countries agreed to provide 0.7 per cent of their gross national income for development assistance, but only five have met or surpassed the target ?Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. Consequently, coupled with this, Nepal is unlikely to meet several MDGs targets, in part because of the poor economic growth rate limited to the urban areas, poor implementation of public services and support mechanisms, and low agricultural productivity.

Not only the economies of the low-income bracket, even the middle-income countries have been arguing for increased support, mainly for enhancing their trade-related capacity from the developed countries. The G-11 has identified four areas where international support can help consolidate the gains and move forward. The first is promotion of investment, which supports higher productivity and trade-based growth. Second is trade development, including market access and technical assistance. Third is debt-burden alleviation, to reduce pressures on financial and budgetary space. Fourth is targeted grant assistance, to address global crises such as poverty and health, but just as urgently, to support education, infrastructure and other initiatives that enable developing countries to maximise the impact of knowledge, technology, innovation and economic liberalisation.

Aid for trade

Since expansion of trade leads to sustainable growth, the World Bank and the IMF have jointly proposed an aid for trade package for the provision of financial and technical assistance to developing countries to address supply side constraints and to assist them in copying the adjustment costs raised from the liberalisation of economies. Therefore, there is a growing need to assess the benefits of global trade more holistically through rigorous intellectual exercise, particularly for serving national interests. Nepal and other developing economies should focus on aid for trade for development rather than relying on conventional aid.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Maoist message with raid in village

Giridih, June 1: Two villagers in Dumerjhahri village were killed and six injured when the Maoists raided the village bordering Bihar last evening.

The Naxalites also burnt houses of at least five villagers in an attack reportedly to send a message to former chief minister Babulal Marandi. “Around 7 pm, they came in hundreds with women outnumbering men. They challenged us and said that on the instigation of Babulal Marandi, we stand against them. ‘Now call him to save yourselves’.

Thereafter, they started firing bullets, hurling bombs and throwing arrows,” said Sahdev Bhulla, the father of Govind Bhulla (17) who was injured from one of the arrows.
Those killed were identified as Kuwar Bhulla (18) and Narayan Pandit (22).

“As part of the gram suraksha dal,we had retaliated but soon they took control and the rebels killed two people while the women members beat several women, including Hulia Devi, Lilavati Devi and Horil Devi,” Sahdev added. The condition of the women is stated to be serious.
A police team led by superintendent of police A.K. Singh visited the village and assured the villagers of police co-operation to the villages in Tisri.

Source: The Telegraph, June 1, 2007