Maoist 22-Point Demand : Way To The Future

Vijaya Chalise

Following the Communist Party of Nepal-Moist (CPN-Maoist) protest programmes to press for its 22-point demand put at the eight-party meeting, some of the political leaders are saying that it could have an adverse impact on the peace process. The 22-point proposal to ensure that the CA polls are held on November 22 includes, among others, the declaration of a republican set up, proportional election system, round table conference with the different interest groups and implementation of the comprehensive peace agreement.

Pressing demands

One can presume that two of the demands are particularly pressing - declaration of a republic and a fully proportional election system. The party wants the proclamation of a republic by the Interim legislative parliament prior to the CA elections as it sees the monarchy as the main hindrance to the CA polls. Similarly, the Maoists believe that the state should first address the issue of the various indigenous, ethnic and Madhesi groups, and a round table conference alone could address their demands. Obviously, a round table conference might be a suitable way of assuring full representation of the oppressed ethnic and indigenous nationalities, women, dalits and Madhesis. The statement issued by the CPN-Maoist states that in the past, the party had shown flexibility over its demands for a republican set up and a federal structure for the country as well as proportional election system so as not to disrupt the peace process. However, the events following the developments in Madhes have shown that the CA poll is not possible unless the proportional representation of all the marginalised classes, castes, regions, communities and genders and civil society is ensured, the statement says.

However, some leaders from different parties argue that it was not necessary to come up with the demands as the eight parties have agreed to carve the country's political set up after the CA polls. They fear if the demands are not fulfilled it might have an adverse impact on the peace process, including the Constituent Assembly election. They even accuse the Maoist party of trying to stall the CA election by launching the protest program. But as the credit for declaring the Constitution Assembly elections and high people's awareness about it goes mainly to the CPN-Maoist and its long people's movement against feudal regimes in the past, doubts about their stance on the CA polls are irrational.Although the Constitution Assembly polls are now just 89 days away, most of the political parties do not seem to be mentally prepared for them. They have not prepared their election manifesto, although the CPN (UML) has formed a committee to prepare one. The Nepali Congress has not even formed a committee to draft the party's manifesto as they are waiting their unification. The Nepali Congress and Nepali Congress (Democratic) want unification prior to the polls as they think the NC will not wield enough influence if they go separate ways.

The Maoists, on the other hand, have reached a conclusion that the CA poll could face many hurdles until there is the existence of a conservative feudal institution, which sounds realistic. For this reason, the Maoist party has demanded the proclamation of a republican state. Obviously, until there is a power that is always creating obstacles against radical changes in the country, there cannot be a favourable environment for the CA polls.Undeniably, not only Maoists but all the people, including the political parties, should be aware of the reactionary forces that are busy conspiring to foil the achievements of the people's movement-2. Though the May 18 (2006) historic declaration of the House of Representatives (HoR) has confirmed the supremacy of the Nepali people, by giving a permanent structure of a republican federal democracy, the people are not fully assured.Thus, the need to bid farewell to the authoritarian elements from the national political arena cannot be denied. Therefore, as soon as the major political parties realise this objective reality, the aspiration expressed by the people through the historic Jana Andolan last year can be fulfilled. No one should, therefore, be hesitant about proclaiming the country a republic prior to the CA polls.

The need of the hour is not a verbal commitment. The need is of creating an honest environment that is favourable for holding the elections successfully. As time is running short, the political parties should realise that they have not yet been able to inform and educate the general mass about the importance of the CA poll from the political perspective. The parties and leaders must work hard to make the people aware about the importance of the Constituent Assembly elections. The CA polls are the main entrance for epochal changes and in the creation of a new Nepal. Obviously, there is no alternative to a republican democratic system. The current scenario presents evidences that conservative feudal forces led by pro-palace factions have been instigating different elements to derail the polls and create anarchism in the country.

Lasting Solution

This provides an opportunity for foreign forces to convert Nepal into a playing ground. Keeping this in mind, it is time for the political parties to come out with their manifestos so as to intensify the debates and discussions on the future of the Nepali state under a new republican constitution. It is a high time to seek a lasting political solution, as people are pinning high hopes on the success of the peace process, with all the political forces of the country, including the Maoists, expressing flexibility in their past stances. One hopes the meeting of the eight-party leadership will sort out their differences and stand united to fulfill the people's aspirations.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 24, 2007

Hindu righteousness

Not this king, but India’s religious right still wants the monarchyc

Prashant Jha

India’s Hindu right which has been traditionally sympathetic to the monarchy and opposed to Nepal going secular is split about Nepal policy. There are differences in approach between the Rastriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). about the political approach to Nepal. The RSS is reassessing its past policy on the future of the monarchy and say putting all their eggs in the royal basket was not a wise move. Besides being a Hindu king, they believed only the king could fight the Maoists. Now, senior RSS leaders admit the erosion of the king’s credibility in Nepal has damaged them as well.

We depended on proximity with the king for our influence, now with the king gone we have lost our strength on the ground,” one senior RSS leader told us. Despite this, the RSS would like the institution of monarchy to remain. While more radical groups in the Vishwa Hindu Parishad still hope for an active monarchy, most in the Hindu right in India know that the days of an assertive king are gone.

"We would be quite happy if the institution remains, it is a symbol of unity and is the only Hindu monarchy in the world. We know Gyanendra and Paras are unacceptable but then the grandson formula could work,” says an RSS leader who has tracked Nepal for decades. BJP leaders, including Atal Bihari Vajpayee, have said they will not actively push for retention of monarchy, and will decide on their stance based on the public mood in Nepal. The rightwing in India has kept the channels of communication open with king Gyanendra who has met three intermediaries in the past few months: a former minister from Tamil Nadu close to the RSS, a journalist with a Delhi-based pro-BJP paper, and a former intelligence official. All have returned with the impression that the king is relatively calm but at a loss about what steps to take. It appears he has been advised that a four month retreat, possibly a pilgrimage to India, would be in his interest as this would take the sting off criticism that he is obstructing elections.

More than saving the monarchy, the RSS wants to contain and curb Maoist influence and begin a political campaign in favour of reverting to a Hindu state. It is on these two issues they are willing to invest energy and capital, not on the monarchy. Utterly convinced of Maoist insincerity, the Indian right is, contrary to popular perception, keen on constituent assembly elections. The RSS is convinced that the Maoists would fare miserably and see the polls as the right way to expose them. They believe that Maoists are keen on derailing polls and using the ensuing uncertainty to organise violent street agitations. Like many others in India, the RSS was happy with the madhesi movement because it eroded Maoist support along the border. On the ground, especially in Raxaul and Gorakhpur, some RSS activists provided support (political, logistical, and possibly, limited financial help) during the movement through the Seema Jagaran Manch, a front organisation. Upendra Yadav has met senior BJP leaders in Delhi through RSS interlocutors.

But this support is limited and they neither have the will nor capacity to drive the movement. “We realise there is limited benefit for us out of the madhesi agitation. There is a crisis of leadership. Upendra Yadav is playing too many games with too many people and can’t be trusted. No madhesi group is willing to boldly say they are for a Hindu state. "What’s in it for us?” asks an RSS activist. The RSS’ opponents tend to over-estimate its strength, and even the RSS leaders know their capacity to influence domestic politics in Nepal is limited. But its leaders are aware there is strong sentiment in Nepal opposed to secularism. For now, the Hindu right in India is waiting for a strong anti-Maoist leader with a popular base who can publicly declare he is for a Hindu rastra.

Source: Nepali Times, Issue No. 363, August 24-30, 2007

Press Release of CCOMPOSA

Ccomposa calls on South Asia peoples to oppose Indian rulers’ growing intervention in neighbouring countries

13 August 2007. A World to Win News Service. Following is a press release sent out by the Coordinating Committee of Maoist Parties of South Asia (CCOMPOSA) dated 25 June 2007.The Indian rulers seek total domination of the countries of South Asia acting as the gendarme of the US in this region. At the SAARC (South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation) Summit in April, they went so far as to propose a South Asia Parliament, seeking to undermine even the existing limited sovereignty of the South Asian countries. Earlier they had proposed a common currency for the region to further consolidate India’s economic hegemony in the region. At the SAARC Summit they continued to push their SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Association), in order to dominate the markets of the region and allow the unhindered free flow of goods made in India (mostly by the big comprador houses and the transnational corporations) to all countries of South Asia.

CCOMPOSA calls for the disbanding of SAARC and the setting up of genuine forums of people-to-people relations between the countries of South Asia.Lately the Indian rulers have been even more crudely intervening in the internal affairs of neighbouring countries and even more crudely crushing the national aspirations for self-determination of the peoples of Kashmir, Naga, Manipur, Assam, etc.

In Nepal they have been playing an active role to diffuse the democratic aspirations of the Nepalese people and prop up the reactionary elements after isolating the Maoists. They have been instigating the Madheshi people of the Terrai (Nepal’s southern plains) region against the Maoists, in league with the Nepalese monarch. Hindu fundamentalists have been particularly active in setting up vigilante gangs to murder activists, as happened in Gaur where 28 Maoists were killed. Recently these gangs murdered a YCL (Young Communist League) Central Committee member in the Terrai region, together with another comrade. The Indian ambassador has, of late, been pro-actively roaming the interior of Nepal, offering large sums of money for schools, hospitals, roads, etc., in order to wean the masses away from the influence of the Maoists. In addition, the Indian paramilitary have fired on and killed Nepalese of Bhutani origin (to prevent them) from returning to their motherland, and have been fully involved in the US conspiracy to transport 60,000 refugees to the West as a modern-day form of slave labour. The US imperialists and Indian rulers have been working to prop up the reactionaries and neutralize the Maoists.

CCOMPOSA strongly condemns the role of the Indian rulers in Nepal and demands that they stop meddling in the affairs of Nepal and that the Indian people bring to justice the murderous gangs operating across the Nepalese border.In Bangladesh, the Indian rulers have not only openly backed their stooge Sheikh Hasina but have utilised the present army-backed caretaker government to push through massive deals for Indian big comprador houses. They have sought to help the Tatas (an Indian monopoly capitalist group) to make massive investments there and lately the Mittals (an internationally powerful Indian steel monopoly) have signed a gigantic deal in the energy sector of Bangladesh. The Indian ambassador has been actively working in the country together with the US ambassador in the dealings between the various political parties and the caretaker government.

CCOMPOSA demands that the extensive natural wealth of poverty-stricken Bangladesh be utilized for the development of their own country and not robbed by Indian compradors and the US imperialists.In Sri Lanka, they openly threatened the government when it sought arms from China and Pakistan. The Indian rulers have already imposed humiliating free-trade agreements on Sri Lanka. They have also surreptitiously been assisting the Sri Lankan government to crush the just aspirations of the Tamil people for a Tamil Elam.CCOMPOSA demands the scrapping all these unequal agreements and supports the just struggle of the Tamil people for their self-determination from the jackboots of the Indian ruling classes.

In addition, the Indian rulers continue to maintain and tighten their vice-like grip over the small countries of the region like Bhutan, Sikkim, the Maldives, etc., and continue their attempts to bully Pakistan utilizing the Kashmir card. Particularly they continue to forcibly maintain the oppressed nationalities within Indian hegemony. Not only does the Indian army of occupation crush their just demands with utmost brutality, they have been pitting one section of the people against the other to drown their just struggles in oceans of blood. This is to be seen in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, Kashmir and elsewhere.CCOMPOSA demands that the people of these oppressed nationalities be allowed to determine their own future and the immediate and total withdrawal of Indian army and paramilitary forces from all these regions.South Asia has become a burning cauldron of revolutionary, democratic and nationality movements. CCOMPOSA supports all these just movements and calls on the peoples of South Asia to unite against their common enemy and not fall prey to the divisive policies of the rulers and their US imperialist backers in the region.

1) Proletarian Party of Purba Bangla-CC – PBSP (CC) [Bangladesh]

2) Communist Party of East Bengal (ML)(Red Flag) – CPEB (ML)(Red Flag) [Bangladesh]

3) Bangladesher Samyobadi Dal(Marxist-Leninist) – BSD(ML) [Bangladesh]

4) Communist Party of Bhutan (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) – CPB(MLM) [Bhutan]

5) Communist Party of India (Maoist) – CPI(Maoist)[India]

6) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari – CPI-ML (Naxalbari) [India]

7) Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) – CPI(MLM) [India]

8) Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) – CPN (Maoist) [Nepal]

Source: Maoist Information Bulletin, June 25, 2007

UN Support For Polls

The United Nations has given full support to the process of holding the polls for a constituent assembly in Nepal. The UN has established its full presence in Nepal and is backstopping and overseeing the peace building and democratisation process in the country. The UN general secretary Ban Ki Moon, like his predecessor Kofi Anan, has evinced keen interest in the peace and democratisation process in Nepal. At one end, the UN is involved in the verification of the Maoist combatants to pave the way for their demobilisation. The global organisation is putting its weight behind making the polls to the constituent assembly a success. It needs to be mentioned that the UN has been consistently helping the country to ensure that the election to the constituent assembly is held during November and a democratic and peaceful Nepal is constructed. The UN voter education specialists are at work to assist the Election Commission to design and implement a strategy for empowering the Nepali electors to make informed choices in the polls.

Moreover, the UN has set up an advisory unit to provide technical and intellectual resources in the process of framing a new democratic constitution in the country. High level UN officials have been visiting Nepal to oversee and encourage the process for conducting elections to the constituent assembly. The visit by B. Lynn Pascoe, UN undersecretary general for political affairs recently, has been crucial in boosting the prospects for the constituent assembly polls in Nepal. At a time when pessimism and frustration have been heightened due to feuds and fissures among the political actors, posing serious questions on the prospects and possibilities of the polls for a constituent assembly, the positive remarks given by the high level UN official with regard to the polls should be commended. The UN official remarked that the political process for holding the constituent assembly elections in Nepal is moving on the right track and spoke with certainty that there was no room for despondency and pessimism. These observations have contributed to giving the political situation a positive direction. The political actors are expected to work in concert to make the scheme of the constituent assembly a success.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 23, 2007

Overcoming Poverty

Lok Nath Bhusal

Indeed, time has come to put the poverty alleviation agenda at the heart of the development debate and action for since a long time, poverty has been a major hurdle to prosperity. Broadly, poverty is a human situation in which people lack what they need to possess - economic well-being, political awareness and social inclusion - for their meaningful and dignified existence in the society. Therefore, it embraces the whole gamut of economic, political and social dimensions; not necessarily only their incomes but capabilities as a whole.

Policy failures

For advanced economies, poverty is generally a relative concept whereas it is an absolute one for developing countries like Nepal. People hate poverty and wish to come out, but some unfortunate ones are destined to live under the shadow of poverty and suffer it. This situation is basically attributed to the failure of state policies and their proper implementation. Since poverty is one of the major reasons for socio-economic instability, the state must make systematic interventions to fight against this socio-economic ill. First, the current subsistence agriculture must be transformed into a competitive and wealth-yielding business to tackle the poverty systematically. Our agricultural productivity is the lowest in South Asia. Over two thirds of the economically active population works for agriculture, but its contribution to the GDP is a mere 40 percent. Hence, majority of the poor people come from agriculture. Again, the Economic Survey 2005/06 reveals that in the last fiscal year, the entire production of food crops was adversely affected due to the vagaries of the weather - drought. Indeed, farmers should be able to receive extra income, and conventional agricultural practices must be by more profitable techniques and marketisation of agro-products through the development of physical infrastructures.

A Green Revolution through the use of high-yielding varieties, expansion of irrigation facilities and availability of reasonably-priced chemical fertiliser, comprehensive land reforms and expansion of extension services must materialise. Furthermore, economic development throughout the world suggests that rapid industrialisation must be supported by a strong agriculture sector as the latter has backward and forward linkages to the development of the former. In the context of Nepal, since the agriculture sector is the topmost contributor to the GDP, positive state intervention is most crucial and urgently required to successfully compete with other countries, especially India. This is why farmers of the developed countries are enriched by the state, and much of the trade impasse is concentrated around reducing agriculture subsidies provided by the state.Second, disparity in the distribution of income and resources must be reduced to uplift the penniless population. Our average per capita income has risen to US$ 311, but it is an understatement of the degree of income inequality; averages have great significance in statistics, but they can be dangerous. For example, there have been frequent reports that 20 per cent of the population captures 80 per cent of Nepal's resources whereas the remaining 80 per cent population is stuck with 20 percent of the national income. This has been largely supported by the Nepal Living Standard Survey (NLSS) conducted by the Central Bureau of Statistics.

Alarmingly, the Gini ratio, which measures the inequality in the income distribution, was 0.34 for the first NLSS carried out in 1995/96. But this jumped to 0.41 in the second NLSS of 2003/04, suggesting an economically more asymmetric society. Moreover, there are colossal income gaps between the rural and urban population and the people working in the formal/organised and informal/unorganised sector. Clearly, this is a threat to a civilised society. Hence, the state must ensure a more equal and inclusive society through a progressive tax system so that those who can afford pay more, and thus help freeing the poor people from poverty.Third, enhancing social and political consciousness among the people is an equally important determinant in effectively tackling poverty. So far, age-old laws and conventions based on the feudal system and with ill-intention have been able to suppress the people in the name of religion, race, caste, ethnicity and gender. Social change has been terribly slow due to strongly grounded vested conventions designed to promote the elite. As a result, the so-called lower caste people, minorities, various ethnic communities and women have been deprived of their social rights. Consequently, poverty has been hovering around them. However, overcoming such a situation through ethnic autonomy as proposed by some political forces is more likely to aggravate the situation rather than truly addressing the issue.

Precisely, the politics of ethnic autonomy cannot be justified in the 21st century. In fact, it must be realised that the unprecedented economic success made recently by Japan and South Korea has been largely attributed to their homogonous society. Precisely, in developed societies we do not observe informal institutions such as caste, race and ethnicity. This reflects that the ultimate cure to the problem is social transformation, not the autonomy based on ethnicity. Clearly, ethnicity unknowingly invites disintegration which has been proved as a major barrier to rapid socio-economic development. As a solution to these maladies, we need to decentralise, delegate the central power and resources to the people and make them responsible to understand their local problems and to identify alternative local solutions. For this, the notion of home-rule and local government as a fundamental right must be ensured in the upcoming interim constitution. Also, promotion of human rights, building strong communities and strengthening civil society organisations and local bodies are very crucial engagements required to improve the demand side of the equation. Such an unequivocal and inclusive social and democratic political system helps to reduce the poverty in a sustainable manner.

Challenges

Finally, poverty mitigation has been the single goal of the Tenth plan and all our development efforts for quite a long time. However, the progress made so far has not been very satisfactory. Agricultural, economic and socio-political challenges must be overcome to eradicate the extreme poverty. More aggressive state intervention in the form of crafting and implementing pro-poor programmes is extremely desirable to maintain socio-economic stability and national prosperity. Given the recent political developments, the poor population is likely to decrease significantly in the next couple of years. For this, it is quite understandable that an economic agenda, one that particularly focusses on the above issues, must go simultaneously with the ongoing political transition.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 23, 2007