New Nepal in the making

Ashok KMehta

Not long ago, when Nepal was being described as a failing or failed state and sceptics were describing prospects as a tunnel at the end of light, its well wishers were pointing south to follow the Sri Lanka example - enjoying the peace dividend from the four-year-long Cease Fire Agreement and a functioning peace process. Then suddenly the tables turned and Sri Lanka was engulfed in war and Nepal transitted from a bloody people's war to a peaceful revolution en route to peace and a political process which is not trouble free but in its second year.

The Maoists have given up arms and pledged not to return to 'armed conflict'. An eight-party interim unity Government with Maoists on board is in place supported by an interim Constitution and an interim Parliament. Nepal is in transition mode to becoming a new Nepal for which the goal is electing a Constituent Assembly.

The popular picture beamed from Nepal is one of organised chaos and collapse of law and order, political deadlock and a rudderless Government encumbered by conflicting political agendas and incapacity to cope with newly roused political aspirations of the Madhesis and other disadvantaged groups. The fear, sometimes contrived, of the Palace and Nepal Army does not go away. The Maoists are part of the problem and the solution in ending uncertainty over elections and their 'bad habits'. The real picture is not so bad. Nepal is in a post-revolution period and making the Maoists, accustomed to jungle raj, play by the rules will take more time.

The eight-party alliance has covered considerable ground despite the delay over consensus-building and the failure of the Maoists to implement earlier agreements. None of these would have been possible without the sterling leadership and intuition of Prime Minister GP Koirala. He is one man who understands the problems but his age has robbed him of the stamina to deal with all of them. Breaking one deadlock is invariably linked to yielding on another issue. Outcomes are based on who blinks first - Mr Koirala or Prachanda.

Disarming the Maoists, confining them to barracks and their verification and registration under United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), normally a very complex mission, was achieved with relative ease, with 31,000 PLA having been located in seven cantonments and 21 satellite camps with their weapons locked and sealed in containers. The second phase of verification, to ascertain Maoists recruited after the ceasefire of May 25, 2006 and under 18 years of age, was held up. Prachanda linked his party's compliance to implementation of the political package and welfare of PLA, which includes better housing and salaries. Reluctantly, Mr Koirala conceded the demand on PLA. The second phase of verification is to begin in June.

The Maoists' eternal goal has been holding of Constituent Assembly election and declaring Nepal a republic. They now want abolition of monarchy to be delinked from the election and instead get interim Parliament to declare a republican state through a simple majority. Mr Koirala has stuck to the provision of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement according to which the fate of the monarchy was to be decided in the first sitting of the Constituent Assembly. In the run-up to the election this is likely to become the bone of contention between Maoists and other Left parties and the Nepali Congress though a proposal has been accepted to keep the King at bay.

The Maoists may have given up the gun but their unguided missile of mass mobilisation is the Young Communist League (YCL), many of whom are unregistered PLA. Maoist street power is quite formidable as frequent clashes between YCL and police have shown. This is further tarnishing the image of Home Minister KP Sitaula who has been disparagingly called Minister in Waiting to the Maoists. The depredations of the YCL are bound to undermine the reputation of the Maoists in the upcoming election.

The election was to be held in June but for a variety of reasons, it has been postponed to November though no formal announcement in this regard has been made. Mr Koirala is keeping people guessing on the election date and notification of a republic in order to secure better compliance - and certainly greater accountability, now that they are part of Government - from Maoists on the peace agreement. It was Mr Koirala's idea to lock the Maoists into the political process by inviting them to join the Government against the advice of the Americans and others who had insisted the Maoists first give up their 'bad habits' before qualifying for power-sharing.

To checkmate the Maoists, Mr Koirala has sought to improve the morale and image of the discredited security forces. He knows that in a future crisis they remain both the sword and shield against Maoists and Madhesis. At the same time, the Army's allegiance to the Palace is being systematically rooted out. The Americans and the British - and not the Indians who are equally qualified - are engaged in democratising the security forces and educating them on human rights and clearance of mines and IEDs. With historical links with the Gurkhas, the British have deployed two teams - Security Advisory Group to restructure MoD and make the Army responsive to civil political control; and a Post-Conflict Reconstruction team to rework the MHA and make the police more efficient. There is a red line of sorts prohibiting the use of the Army till the election. A matching number of Army soldiers and weapons as was done for the Maoists has been put beyond use.

With Mr Koirala in charge, things are not as bad and disorderly as they appear from Delhi or Washington. Both the peace and political processes are on track. A great deal of work has to be done for the election - from finalising voters' lists to deciding on the model to be followed to passing Bills in Parliament and raising auxiliary forces for its conduct.

Election apart, the most serious problem confronting the Government is the six-month old stalemate in the Terai where three separate forces have raised their flag - the Terai Maoists who broke away from the mainstream two years ago and are split into two groups, the Madhesi Jan Adhikar Forum (MJF) and the indigenous Tharus. The most powerful of these is MJF. Its demand for autonomy, proportional representation and fresh delimitation has been accepted but formal negotiations have not started. Every other day a bandh is declared, paralysing land-locked Nepal's strategic underbelly and communications hub. Terai's contiguity with lawless Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar makes the threat more ominous. It has the potential of turning into a Pahari-Madhesi conflict.

With no external monitors in Nepal the indigenous political process is creeping forward. It requires outside support but without anyone fishing in troubled waters. People like US Ambassador James Moriarty are necessary and important to paste warnings on the Maoists. So are the Sitaram Yechuris - to mind the Maoists. And there is need for a Nitish Kumar - who has resolutely refused to dabble in Nepal politics - for the Terai. Colombo can take a leaf from Kathmandu's book on power-sharing.

source: The Pioneer, May 30, 2007

Reforms In Education

MINISTER for Education and Sports Pradeep Nepal has underlined the need for keeping universities and academic institutions free from political influence so that they can genuinely engage in academic activities. Speaking at an interaction programme organised by Pokhara University Teachers' Association in Pokhara on Monday, Minister Nepal called upon all, including the political parties, their sister organisations and others, not to carry out activities that exert unnecessary pressure and disturb the teaching and learning activities. The remarks and request of the minister are very significant, coming as it does at a time when the universities and academic institutions have become a victim of political pressure. The universities were without heads and responsible authorities for almost one year due to political reasons as the political parties wanted their appointees as heads and other office bearers of the universities. Thus, the universities and other such institutions were severely affected. This practice must end as a new culture must evolve in order to develop academic institutions as truly independent institutions. Against this background, there is need for change in the mentality of the political parties. At the same time, total reform in the education system is also the need of the hour - right from the pre-primary level to higher education.

Considering this need, the Ministry of Education is mulling change in the organisational structure of the entire education system. At present there are four tires of school education - pre-primary, primary, secondary and higher secondary. The government is planning to have just three tiers in school education. Besides, the government has also taken some other important decisions, which are likely to have a far-reaching impact on the education sector, if they are to be strictly implemented in accordance with the inherent spirit of the change. So far decisions in the education sector have been taken on an ad hoc basis. With the change of government, the policies in the education sector have also changed. As a result, the quality of Nepal's education has been under serious scrutiny. The education system in Nepal has so far produced more certificate holders than qualitative and skilled human resource. Thus, our education sector requires serious reforms and changes in order to enhance the quality. First and foremost, we must free our education sector from politics. The politicians and parties need to strop interfering in the education and academic institutions for their partisan interests. If education were to be freed from politics and political interference, half the problems in the education sector would be solved automatically.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 30, 2007

Agree On Date For CA Polls

The political parties are trying to tackle issues relating to the election to the constituent assembly. As several conflicting interpretations and positions are involved in the declaration of the date for the polls, the political stakeholders are determinedly seeking to sort them out quickly and reach an understanding with a sense of unanimity. The meeting of the eight-party leaders that is taking place should be seen as a case of seriousness demonstrated by the leaders to reach an understanding and consensus in addressing the relevant issues. As political interests vary among each other, it is natural that discussions are prolonged, and some delays are incurred for arriving at a settlement. However, the political leaders should not seek to construct new excuses to circumvent and derail the process. As insisted by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, the leaders should zero in on finalising the date for the constituent assembly polls. The decision on the polls for the constituent assembly would indeed rivet the attention of all the political stakeholders to building a strategy for demonstrating popular support in one's favour.

The task that lies ahead of the political parties is, therefore, to create a healthy framework for all shades of opinions and take the process forward so that the polls to the election assembly is not delayed. The Maoists had fought for the cause of the CA polls, and it is they who made the agenda very popular among the political and social stakeholders. Any lessening of the commitment or diminishing of interests on their part cannot be excused. As called by the prime minister, they should join hands with the other forces to finalise the date for the polls so that all confusions and concerns are allayed. It is natural for the political parties to seek a larger share in the power enhancing arrangements, but they cannot go in for creating issues out of non-issues. Since the Maoists are yet to face the test of popularity, it is incumbent upon the party to ensure fuller integration in the mainstream democratic process. They should help to accelerate the process for normalisation of the political situation in the country through election to the constituent assembly. Posts and positions are less significant when it comes to joining hands to lend a hand in the process of nation building.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 30, 2007

Nepal-France Relations : Possibilities Of Co-operation

Madhavji Shrestha

The status of Nepal-French relations at the moment is said to be normal. No new dimension in the bilateral ties is likely to emerge soon. A new government headed by Nicolas Sarkozy is on the saddle of the government after his spectacular victory in the presidential elections. The latest opinion polls predict his party will also make decisive gains in the assembly elections slated for next month. Observers of the French political scene, however, say that no new initiative will emerge in its foreign policy towards Asia, in general, and South Asia, in particular, because our region does not figure prominently in the scheme of French foreign policy since long.Nepal's dramatic political transformation last year has not been able to add any perceptible new element to the bilateral connectivity between the two countries. Nepal still remains plunged in the political impasse. One very lamentable concern is that Nepal has not been able to make a good choice for an efficient and effective ambassador to France for the last five years. Hence, the level of relationship has stayed at a low key as if no interactions are working between the two.

Global roleBut France has maintained its presence with an ambassador in Nepal without a break since the establishment of its embassy in Kathmandu. Evidently, France does not have any strategic partnership with Nepal nor are there any good linkages of political and economic concerns. Requisite components of connectivity between the two are conspicuously absent to have a good friendship. However, consistent efforts to identify appropriate areas of co-operation will help to improve the relationship and widen its scope.Experts of recent French history and politics say France aspires to be a universal country, and to achieve that, it has charted a map for a major global role. Naturally, aspiring for a greater role means having a great vision and implementing the policies in true form. Undoubtedly, France is very proud of its culture, literature and, above all, its language. It is for these reasons that France had taken the initiative a few years ago to establish in Vietnam an international organisation of 42 Francophone countries, with the appointment of former UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros Ghali as its founding Secretary General. This shows how France wishes to play its role in the global arena. Undeniably, the sizeable quantum of resources and capabilities at its disposal are the pre-requisites for materialising its global role.

France as an influential nation exhibited its diplomatic prowess in maintaining stability and peace in Europe in post World War II period. Along with a democratised Germany, it has also made great contributions with its diplomatic ingenuity to establish the European Common Market, which has now grown into a politically homogenous European Union. At present, this Union is the single largest trading bloc of the world with a total GDP of about US$ 13 trillion. France stands tall in the European Union and plays a crucial role in its foreign and defense policies and, more visibly, in trade and developmental co-operation.France is endowed with enchanting landscapes in the whole of its territory bordered by the Atlantic Ocean in the west and the Mediterranean Sea in the south. It is also rich in ancient and medieval heritage, arts and music. The geographical attraction coupled with its aesthetic inheritance have made France a truly global centre of tourism. Each year, tourist arrivals from around the globe exceed its total population. Today, France enjoys a position of envy, which remains unbeatable despite severe competition from various countries of Europe and other continents. It has remained so because tourists wishing to make a trip abroad can find every object and comfort of their choice in the sprawling lands of France.

The ties between Nepal and France are one of an underdeveloped country with a highly advanced nation. The situation in the two is indeed different from every socio-economic aspect. On the political front, too, there is a high degree of difference. If Nepal is toddling with a multi-party system, France has already reached the pinnacle of democratic maturity. Under such circumstances, Nepal as a country trailing far behind in socio-economic progress needs to search for possibilities of co-operation.France is a core member of the European Union with great influence on the co-operation that the Union extends to underdeveloped countries like Nepal. An appropriate approach with the concerned authorities of France dealing with EU affairs would certainly enhance broader understanding, besides paving the way for strengthening democratic linkages with many member states of the European Union. Such efforts would, no doubt, escort the Nepali mission accredited to the European Union in Brussels to move ahead with reinforced synergy. As a result, co-operation can be expected to grow to the advantage of Nepal.

France is also a country that takes great pride in its educational and cultural attainments that are of excellent standard. The one important step Nepal needs to initiate is to move ahead with an avowed purpose of establishing good contacts with the educational institutes of France. France is the only country in the world that allocates the largest share of its annual budget for cultural activities abroad. Nepal can, if approached with convincing and well charted programmes, make good progress in pushing our educational level upward.Nepal has yet to make its bureaucracy self-sustaining and functioning for the country's cause. For bureaucratic management and efficiency, France is at a highly advanced stage compared to other democratic countries of the European Union. Its effective bureaucracy showed the world how the momentum of technical and economic progress could be achieved even during the years of political instability after World War II until the advent of the fifth republic in 1958. The efficacy of the French bureaucracy is considered very high. Nepal can improve its bureaucracy by learning from France and sharing their experiences.

Co-operation in Tourism

Nepal possesses large potentials for expanding tourism and related activities, which can contribute to economic growth and create jobs. Regrettably, this sector has not made worthy achievement. France is undoubtedly an appropriate country to turn to for technical assistance as it has valued experience and technical capability. France is among the top five countries from where large numbers of tourists come to Nepal. This is one of the good points to enhance our co-operation in tourism promotion. Noticeably, a very important point, among others, is that Nepal should be receptive to attaching importance to the mutually advantageous introduction of the French language and their educational technicalities in Nepal. This will certainly contribute to the growth of the cordial relations between Nepal and France. Are we prepared to do something positive for the sake of giving a good touch to Nepal-France relations instantly?

Myopic parties

The political parties managed to sustain democracy and freedom for 12 years after the 1990 successful revolution. It has hardly been 12 months since the April uprising restored the parliament, and the political parties are already on the brink of losing democracy, freedom and sovereignty. Thanks to the myopic leadership. The political parties, especially Nepali Congress, UML and CPN (Maoist) are responsible for bringing this situation. The double standard of the parties and crisis of confidence coupled with the personal ego and ideological differences have brought this situation. If the eight political parties fail to reach an agreement in a day or two to smoothen the country's political transition, we will face serious consequence similar to Bangladesh, or the country may split into different warlord-ruled zones. The possibility of neighboring army marching into the country cannot be ruled out. The people are forced to sit over this time bomb because of the myopic attitude of our leaders.

NC committed a mistake by failing to recognize UML as a strong pillar of democracy. Prime Minister Koirala and his kitchen cabinet thought that everything would be in control by appeasing the Maoists. Unfortunately, after snatching 83 seats in the parliament, promulgating the interim constitution, and bagging lucrative ministerial berths, the Maoists are mulling to topple Koirala's government and capture the power with UML's support. The UML leadership has shown very immature behavior, throughout. It is behaving more like a bickering baby. The emergence of the Maoists has shocked UML. It has lost confidence. It is unnecessarily trying to be too radical to prevent the Maoists from snatching its cadres. The party that earned good national and international reputation as a democratic force suddenly has been fooled by the Maoist leadership and is trying to rechristen itself as a real "communist" party. Its obdurate stand on proportional election is but an example of how it forgets the basics of democracy.

The Maoists have been very smart throughout. The only caveat is, if they succeed in grapping power, the Nepalis will be worse off. They are trying to reverse the process of development, progress and democracy. Their whole idea is preposterous because they are attempting something that is impossible to attain at the current national and global realities. NC and UML are only the forces capable of changing the Maoists, but due to the duel between these two parties, the Maoists have succeeded in converting the country into chaos, violence, lawlessness, and confusion. The situation would immediately improve if Koirala extends friendship to Madhav Kumar Nepal, and takes him into confidence. If both come together, the Maoists would be easily tamed. But the problem is, NC and UML have not realized this fact and the Maoists are exploiting them.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 30, 2007