Nepal should resolve Terai issue fast

Paul Soren

Nepal’s peace process advanced rapidly with signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) by the government and Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) in November 2006. The government has also promised to hold Constituent Assembly (CA) elections by mid-June 2007. This process, however, has been seriously interrupted by the Terai uprising on Madhesh issues, which has shown the potential of derailing the peace process and delaying the constituent assembly elections.

Nepal’s continuing transition from a despotic royal regime to a democratic system has been challenging. The Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), a Terai based group has been agitating and calling for strikes, claiming that the interim constitution does not address the problems of the Madhesi people. They have been demanding the restructuring of the state on federal lines; adopt proportional electoral system and delimitation of election constituencies on basis of population ratio and geographical conditions. Two other armed groups, the Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM), one faction led by JayKrishna Goit and another by Jwala Singh, are continuing violent activities, demanding declaration of an independent Terai state and threatening to withhold the CA elections. Both the JTMM factions are splinter groups of the Maoists. In the wake of Terai agitation, other groups such as the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalists (NEFIN) and Himali People’s Alliance (HPA) a group of the mountain region, are also demanding proper representation for the CA polls on ethnic lines. Likewise, the Federal Republican Forum (FRF) of Jhapa has started demanding for a regional autonomous area for Jhapa district.

The Terai uprising has reached a very critical stage, with sporadic incidents of violence and protests leading to the death of more than 27 civilians and injuring dozens in Nepalgunj, Biratnagar, Birgung, Lahan, Morang, Sunsari and Sarlahi, Jhapa in Eastern Nepal. The Terai unrest has also severely paralyzed the country’s economy. Most of the industrial and manufacturing units based in this region have been forced to shut down. The major transit points for trade, between India and Nepal wore a deserted look, with all business activities coming to a halt. The unrest also impacted the tourism sector, which was reviving after years of prolonged conflict. The Federation of Nepalese Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FNCCI) estimated a loss of NR 28.74 billion, which includes all kinds of exports and imports of raw materials and finished products. As a result, if the unrest continues, it will have significant impact on the country’s economy and development sectors. Now, there is lull in violence, but the Terai groups have threatened to continue their protests.

The Madhesi uprising is also being instigated by some other forces from within and outside the country. Taking advantage of the fragile condition, the pro-royalists are trying to fish in the troubled waters. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, Maoists’ chairman Prachanda and other senior leaders have said that the Madhesi uprising was instigated by the royalists. In this connection, two former ministers Kamal Thapa and Badrinath Mandal were detained. The monarchy seems to be taking advantage of the incessant turmoil and trying to reestablish itself. In his address to the nation on Democracy Day, King Gyanendra defended the royal takeover of 2005.

There are also external forces, with their hidden agendas, backing the monarchy and pro-royalist in fuelling the Madhesi uprising. The Indian Rightist groups are instigating the Madhesi uprising by fuelling religious sentiments. The World Hindu Federation (WHF), a Hindu fundamentalist group, Shiv Sena-Nepal and Nepal Independent Youth Society (NIYS) are fuelling religious sentiments. The WHF and Shiv Sena Nepal have expressed displeasure at Nepal's transformation into a secular nation. These Hindu fundamentalist groups in Nepal are being strongly backed by Indian Rightist groups. They have been demonstrating and demanding for return to pre-Jana Andolan period. All these forces want to disrupt the CA polls and derail the peace process.

The Terai problem is nothing new and has its genesis in history. There are reasons for agony among the Terai population, consisting mainly of the Madhesis, Janjatis, backward castes, Dalits, women and other marginalised groups. The Madhesi community constitutes more than 40 per cent of the total population and contributes a large share in country’s development. Despite contributing a large share in development process the region has been neglected. The Madhesis remained marginalised for several decades and are deprived of many rights, including citizenship right. The present government has initiated efforts to distribute citizenship certificates, but the process has been slow. The Madhesis have been alienated and discriminated in political, social, culture and economic affairs. They have been under-represented in the state affairs, particularly, in policy decision making levels. At the political level, Madhesi community, along with other marginalised groups have been under-represented. Their representation in national parties is highly inadequate. They face discrimination in army recruitment and other government jobs. For long, the state affairs have been held and dominated by the high-caste people of hill origin and Madhesi community have been struggling in search of identity. Post Jana Aandolan II, the Madhesi community has become more conscious of their rights.

After continuous rounds of meeting, the eight parties reached an accord and authorised the Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala to act on the Terai problem. During his address to the nation on January 31 and than on February 7, 2007, Koirala called on the protesting Terai groups for dialogue. The government has agreed to resolve their grievances by addressing issues of federalism, ensuring equal participation and representation of Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalits, women and other marginalised groups in the CA polls, delineation of electoral constituencies and amendment in interim constitution. The government has already appointed its talk’s team led by Minister of Agriculture Mahanta Thakur, who wrote to the agitating groups to sit for talks and find a peaceful solution to the problem. The MJF responded positively, suspended its agitation and put forward three pre-conditions for talks. First, to form an independent investigation commission, second, to punish the guilty, and, third,, to remove Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula within ten days. After expiry of the deadline, the MJF has resumed its agitation and declared fresh round of protest programmes in Terai. The JTMM (Singh) has also put forward conditions for talks, whereas, the JTMM (Goit) faction has rejected the government’s offer for talks in the absence of a conducive atmosphere.

There is an urgent need for the government and agitating groups to sit for dialogue. On its part, the government has attempted to take a serious and holistic approach to resolve the issues. However, the MJF is adamant in its position and wants the home minister to resign. But it is imperative for the MJF, JTMM and other Madhesi stakeholders to resolve their genuine problems through dialogue. It is also vital to maintain peace and tranquility, for ensuring proper restructuring and creation of an inclusive state. More importantly, return of normalcy will enable smooth conducting of the constituent assembly elections in the country.

Social transformation is a very complex process, which includes not just the state restructuring process but also changes in customs, principles, approach and socio-economic aspects of all sections. Nepal is in transition -- from a feudalistic socio-political arrangement toward a new inclusive and representative democracy. With the promulgation of the interim constitution, Nepal is heading towards creating an inclusive democracy. The main challenge before the government is how it effectively bridges all the differences of gender, caste, region, religion and different political philosophies.

The government has to act fast, taking into account the genuine demands of the Madhesis and other marginalised groups. The Terai problem should be addressed comprehensively and on a priority basis. If the unrest continues, it will allow the monarchy, pro-royalists and other forces to disrupt the peace process. The government and other stakeholders have to ensure that the acts of violence carried out in the past are not repeated. Any further delay in resolving Terai problem could threaten Nepal’s new found peace.

Source: Observer Research Foundation, February 27, 2007

Nepal struggles along path to democracy

Steve Herman

Nepal has suffered through 10 years of a violent communist insurgency, and a coup by the reigning monarch. Now, precisely one year after mass protests forced King Gyanendra to relinquish absolute power, the Himalayan kingdom is struggling to implement a form of democracy that could embrace both the former communist rebels and a monarchy. VOA Correspondent Steve Herman was in Kathmandu and brings us more on the story. A year ago, it looked like peace had returned to Nepal. The king had given into popular demands he surrender the power he had taken by force in 2005. The Maoist rebels and mainstream parties - which had joined forces to neutralize the king - were on the way to a peace agreement that would end 10 years of bloodshed.

The peace deal was indeed signed last November, elections were set for this June, Maoists rebels formed a political party and joined the interim government this month holding several cabinet positions. But problems quickly set in. The election for a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution has been delayed - with no new date set. The Maoists - opposing the delay - have resumed the push for their key objective: to have the monarchy abolished immediately. If it is not met, they are threatening that their political cooperation with the mainstream parties and participation in the current interim government could be cut short. It is not a threat to be taken lightly. The United Nations Mission in Nepal - which is helping to disarm the Maoist rebels and prepare for elections - says the Maoists continue to hold influence in the countryside - where they still engage in human rights violations and intimidate the civilian population. The U.N. Mission says the Maoists are not yet in full compliance with the November peace deal.

But Maoist leaders insist they are now committed to pushing their agenda through democratic means and that will take a little time. Commander Ananta, a member of the Maoist central committee, says the Maoist leadership is trying its best to halt all torture. He says any incidents are minimal at this stage, and that for the past several months, the Maoists have stopped cadres from extorting money from merchants and other business people. But Nepal's democracy hinges on more than just the future of the monarchy. While the king's power grab was the catalyst that united the opposition with the Maoists, there was little that Nepal's political parties could agree upon beforehand. This past year has already seen the king stripped of most of his authority and any future role for the monarchy - if any - is likely to be small. So attention will now turn to other issues and whether an uneasy coalition government with such diverse agendas can work. Sociologist Krishna Bhattachan, of Tribhuvan University, argues that many Nepalese remain skeptical about the peace pact and the ability of the various parties to resolve their differences.

"It's not comprehensive peace, and the peace is in paper, not in the hearts and minds of the people," said Bhattachan. "What happened with the Maoists, is along with the arms, they gave up the core issues. Obviously there are groups who will not be satisfied as long as they don't get due rights." The U.N. and United States say they want to see Nepal's interim leadership focus on holding together the fragile peace and organizing the country's first elections in nearly a decade.
U.S. Ambassador James Moriarty warns of the ramifications if the country cannot be held together. "If you do see the state splinter, which could happen - if people do not listen to the demands of the various marginalized groups, or if you end up with a totalitarian state eager to export its revolution - you could destabilize a neighborhood that is hugely important for the future of the world," he said. Critics say neither the Maoists nor the others in the political mainstream are addressing a comprehensive political agenda for the country's future. Instead, the critics say, the parties continue to bicker, in an attempt to secure power for themselves.

Source: Relief Web, April 23, 2007

Public Security

When seven parties in government and the Maoists from outside government seek to dictate terms on a nation on the strength of the ‘people’s movement’ and with the national media taking this as the lone will of the people of Nepal there is bound to be something amiss. The movement last year restored parliament with the promise of elections to a constituent assembly that was to form a new constitution for the country with mass participation in elections. Since then the choices offered to the people in the forthcoming elections have altered radically with even the restored parliament replaced on the strength of an altered constitution imposed at will by eight political parties which have aroused the expectations of the people in order to woo participatory mass support. Wanton use of political violence and the fielding of cadre of which SPAM is certainly not short of appear to have seriously undermined the state’s civil machinery for law and order to the extent of damaging its security capabilities.

The very parties in government would when convenient use the Maoist machine to spearhead demonstrations to remind the people of their presence and reaction has been underplayed in a media far from professional in their support of the current goings on. Lest there be a total breakdown of the state machinery, the media, instead should be educating the body politic of the real ongoing consequences of such highly partisan use of state. The Rautahat incident must be thoroughly analyzed for one both as to the cause and the consequences. Is it that the local administration could deny neither parties involved the same spot for their mass demonstrations simply out of its inability to assert its presence? Why did the Maoists seek and were allowed the same forum that the terai agitation had sought much earlier? Why did administration not chose to separate the two or even anticipate the violence? These and much more questions are provoked from the incident which, if viewed in proper perspective, would seem to signal the possibility of more such breakdowns engineered simply with partisan interests. Spontaneous reaction on part of the people need not necessarily conform to government or Maoist interests. Nor need such necessarily encourage national interests for law and order. There is reason for reason at a time when we seem to have lost it. All one can call for is the need for law and order and public security. As it is, the partisan media can no longer cover us the public sense of insecurity.

NEPAL: A YEAR AFTER ‘PEOPLE'S MOVEMENT’ SPARKED CHANGE, UN ENVOY HAILS PROGRESS

One year after democracy and human rights demonstrators sparked a series of events that led Nepal to embark on a peace process, the senior United Nations envoy there today said the determination of the country’s people to ensure its success remains a cause for optimism.

“This is a key moment in the peace process in Nepal,” said Ian Martin, Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the south Asian nation of 27 million people. Mr. Martin heads the UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), which is mandated to support Nepal’s peace process by monitoring the arms and armed personnel of the former adversaries and by assisting the election for a Constituent Assembly.

A decade-long armed conflict which brought a death toll of 13,000 and paralyzed life in the countryside came to a formal end with the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord last November. A year ago this week, a 19-day “people’s movement” which saw hundreds of thousands of people take to the streets in cities and towns across the country culminated in the king relinquishing executive power and reinstating Parliament.

In the 12 months since, the peace process has unfolded rapidly. The alliance of seven political parties and the Maoists set an ambitious timetable leading to the election of the Constituent Assembly. In December last year the Security Council authorized an advance deployment of arms monitors and electoral advisers. On 23 January, UNMIN was established with a 12-month mandate. “The management of arms and armed personnel has gone very well, with both the Maoist army and the Nepal Army cooperating with the United Nations in the registration and storage of weapons and the registration of Maoist personnel,” said Mr. Martin. Over 30,000 Maoists have been registered and remain in cantonments monitored by the UN, while the Nepal Army remains in its barracks. The first phase of this process was completed in mid-February. “This has contributed to establishing a climate for progress in the peace process.”

The former insurgent Maoists joined a new interim legislature in January, and in April entered the new Interim Government, heading up five ministries. “At the start of 2006, nobody would have thought it possible that Nepal could have come so far so quickly. At that time, the armed conflict was raging in the countryside and democratic rights were under attack,” Mr. Martin said. Nepal’s independent Election Commission recently announced that the planned June date for the election was not technically feasible, and that conditions for a free and fair election were not yet in place. This has caused concerns among Nepalese political parties, which have yet to decide upon a new date. “A delay in the planned June election should not be considered a disaster, but neither is it a guarantee that a later date will lead to a successful election,” noted Mr. Martin. “There are valid concerns that a delay in the Constituent Assembly election could open space for spoilers. It is important now that the Interim Government, political parties and civil society cooperate to ensure public security and a climate where parties and individuals can campaign freely and vote freely.”

It will also be important that the Interim Government uses this time to deal with issues raised by the diverse range of groups which have been traditionally marginalized, according to UNMIN. In the southern plains of the country, an area known as the Terai, strikes and demonstrations have been almost continuous in recent months and over 60 people have lost their lives. “Inclusion is another key issue in the success of the peace process,” explained Mr. Martin. “This election is not just an election for one parliament and government: it is for the one-time Constituent Assembly, which will determine the very nature of Nepal’s future democracy.” The envoy emphasized that the electoral system must be accepted by all groups as broadly fair. “Traditionally marginalized groups must feel that they have been properly consulted and listened to, so that they have a motive for cooperating rather than wanting to boycott or wreck an election,” he said.

Also today, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Nepal issued a statement welcoming the progress achieved since the movement began last April while cautioning that more must be done, citing the need to address accountability and the right to justice of the many who have suffered violations or abuses at the hands of the State or the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M), both during and after hostilities. OHCHR-Nepal paid tribute to the role played by human rights defenders both during and after the people’s movement, known as Jana Andolan. “They continue to be vital partners for the Office in its daily work,” the statement said.

Source: MaximsNews, UN, April 24, 2007

NEPAL: LOKTANTRA’S ACHIEVEMENTS AND FAILURES

TGW
Kathmandu: The advent of what is called the Loktantra, a copied name for democracy, in Nepal is already one year old now.
Analysts here wish to analyze the achievements and the accompanying failures that “we the people” witnessed during the past one year.

Let’s go first to record some of the positive points of Loktantra which is visible.
Firstly, the King who was considered to be an autocratic ruler has been sidelined. In doing so the Loktantric leaders presume that the King will now not dare to stage a comeback. They conclude that the King’s wings have been cut once and for all. Some even say that he has been suspended. Other enthusiasts claim that the monarchy stands as a defunct institution. In what form or state the institution of the monarchy is in the country, let it be a matter of food-stuff for the intellectual debate. But then yet the fact is that King is not in politics and not even is seen in the Idiot box as he used to be in the not so distant past.

Secondly, the Seven Party Alliances brought, or at least claim to have done so, the Jungle dwellers to the mainstream politics. Good omen indeed. However, it is an altogether a different matter that the Maoists just claim otherwise. They beamingly claim that it is not the SPA who brought them to the mainstream politics of the nation but instead they brought the SPA to their “republican” fold. This Maoist’s claim some what is identical to what the US Ambassador James F. Moriarty said February 15, 2006 at a Rotary Club ceremony. He has hinted that the SPA went to the Maoists fold. Any way, let’s give plus point to the advent of Loktantra that it some how or the other brought the tigers of the Nepali jungles to Kathmandu.

Thirdly, the SPA’s untiring efforts made in the mean time tied the Maoists through the use of several peace agreements which to behave in a democratic manner. This was no less an achievement indeed. Here again, how mush weight the Maoists give to those scores of agreements in due course of time is a different matter indeed. But then this was a political gain bagged by the Loktantra system.
Fourthly, the indomitable Maoists were brought into the interim parliament and that too in a quite sizeable chunk. Whether the seats allocated to the Maoists at one stretch in the parliament was more than desirable or not would come to the open in a matter of months if not days. Nevertheless, the Maoists smooth entrance into the Parliament provided the impression that the Maoists will now act as per the norms and the values of a democratic system. It is altogether a different matter that the Maoists parliamentarians have been disrupting the house proceedings since a couple of days and that too in series. Nevertheless, with passing time, let’s hope they will correct the political aberrations seen aplenty in them.

Fifthly, the most valuable achievement that the Loktantra bagged for the system itself was the “grand” induction of the erstwhile erratic terrorists-turned democrats into the interim government. It is again a different matter that such an induction into the interim government took place on the great “April Fool’s day”. Whether the said induction of the Maoists on that very day would benefit the Loktantra or would be otherwise will have to be watched. Any way, this was the most notable event that the system bagged during the last year. However, the process though was long for the Maoists to get inducted in the cabinet, better late than never, they entered into the cabinet.

Sixthly, the advent of Loktantra in Nepal invited congratulatory messages from across the entire world wherein it has been hoped that the new system would act for the welfare of the people. Whether this new system acts as per the wishes of the people or at best remains hostage to the whims of the corrupt leaders that they are will have to be watched.

Seventhly, the new system allowed the oppressed and the rejected ones plus those who had been denied their due participation in the system of governance in the past to open up which was a most welcome move. They at least could put their grievances in front of the government. The healthy debate is on which must be hailed.

Now let’s ponder over the negative points.
Firstly, the advent of Loktantra established a sort of “dictatorial” pattern.
Secondly, the Loktantra what we have today in the country remains unfortunately in the “pockets” of the SPA alliances and more freshly of the Maoists.
Thirdly, the Loktantra and its leaders have been treating the other political parties, not in the alliances, as “untouchables” which contravention of the universally accepted and adopted democratic norms and practices.
Fourthly, the ushering in of Loktantra opened the Pandora’s box which if not managed on time and with proper finesse might become the reasons for its demise as well.
Various sects, tribes, groups, communities, the dalits, the women folks, the Janjatis, the Madheshis, and the Chure-Bhawar locales all came to the streets at a time giving no space for the establishment even to breathe.
Fifthly, the dawn of Loktantra was interpreted by the leaders that suited to their political benefits.
Sixthly, the new system even paved the way for spreading communal discord among the population which was unprecedented in this country in the past.
Seventhly, the advent of Loktantra unfortunately allowed some self-proclaimed messiah of certain tribes and groups to take the laws in their own hands and create panic and chaos in the country.
Eighthly, Gaur carnage could be cited as the best and number one abject failure of the new system.
Ninthly, the entrance of the Loktantra very unfortunately facilitated India and some other countries to directly intervene into our most exclusive “internal matters”.
Tenthly, the Loktantra interim constitution has a provision of ousting the King by a 2/3rds majority if the King dares to play politics against the system. However, what the liberal Loktantrik leaders forgot that the same point could boomerang on them should the overwhelming majority of the REDS so desire? They can thus easily sack Koirala from his current post. The REDS possess the needed and the required numerical strength in the parliament which could be used for the ouster of Koirala. The congress must understand as to why the REDS are coming closer.

Source: Telegraph Nepal Weekly, April 25, 2007

Nepal’s diplomacy - Time to reinvent the foreign ministry

Madhav Shrestha

In view of the shifting trends globally and the political transformation taking place in the country, the traditionally structured mechanisms of the Foreign Ministry not only deserves re-examination, but also close attention of the policy-makers. The internal structure of the ministry based on geographic and regional considerations and aimed at carrying out protocol and consular affairs did its jobs in the past and continues to do so at present too. However, the dynamics for improvement are to be taken into account because the nouvelle vague trend that has emerged on a global scale requires new desideratum. The fact is that substantive political change requires Nepal to go ahead with the desired goal of keeping pace with modern, trendsetting events. If appropriate measures are carried out, the ministry could be made to work towards ensuring that Nepal’s external journey is democracy-oriented and smooth. It would be worthwhile to give the following propositions a serious thought.

The transformed political situation following last year’s April revolution demands that Nepal respect fundamental and human rights of the common people, which is also vital for the flourishing of real democracy in less advanced countries. Occasional and incidental contacts of Nepali political leaders with foreign dignitaries will hardly be enough to acquire the required knowledge and information so as to improve the country’s situation and enhance its image abroad. Instead, a well-structured wing needs to be instituted under the Foreign Ministry to establish constant and justified contacts with other friendly countries. This will help the country learn from experiences of viably functioning democracies.

Nepal still lags far behind in initiating and conducting public diplomacy abroad. This new aspect of diplomacy is carried out with a view to winning the hearts and minds of the public in general and people concerned organisations abroad in particular. To a country like Nepal in the throes of political transformation, favourable opinions of the foreign people need to be sought for the growth and maturation of the fledging democracy.A well-organised division equipped with qualified human resources needs to be put in place under the ministry to publicise information about the situation in Nepal abroad. Diplomats, especially heads of mission and seniors, should be given the responsibility to disseminate relevant information through writings, public speeches and discussions. Internally, too, it is the duty of the ministry to keep Nepali public informed about Nepal’s foreign policy and conduct of diplomacy. This is important in the present democratic, cultural ambience.

The process of globalisation is the order of the day. However, Nepal remains untouched by this global tendency except in some cultural and informational fields. The question is, how to pursue our national economic interests in a globalised world. Don’t we need an independent department to study the main currents and recommend its findings to the government? Which other body will do this but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs?Reports of the much-hyped economic diplomacy often appear in the media and remain under discussion among the officials concerned and business tycoons. However, its results have hardly been felt in real life and it has hardly offered Nepal a valuable service. Thus, it might be inferred that an existing unit of economic diplomacy has failed to pursue its goals effectively. What is most needed is the creation and organisation of interest groups and lobbies in relevant countries to project Nepal’s needs and sustain a lasting, positive image. The absence of such groups has indeed marred any prospect for sustainability of economic diplomacy. The Foreign Ministry should establish an effective institutional setup in place of the old and ineffective one, to deal with and promote economic diplomacy abroad. This, in turn, should be done by organising and sustaining interest groups abroad.

Another missing element in the Foreign Ministry is a research and planning branch. Every other foreign ministry in the world works in tandem with such a department. But the authorities here have never realised the need to institute such a vital organisation. In an age of complex interdependence, how can a foreign ministry function effectively without taking into account the events and incidents of the region and around the world? The void created by the non-availability of information has left Nepal with no option but to conduct its foreign policy and diplomacy without any proper management and planning. There is an urgent need to remove this deficiency.Every independent country moves ahead with ascertained views and approaches in ensuring its national interests. Why should we lag behind, if we really desire an effective role in today’s complex world?Shrestha is ex-foreign ministry official

Source: The Himalayan Times, April 25, 2007

Go, get better

Yesterday, on Baisakh 11, the country celebrated its first Loktantra Diwas (Democracy Day) in remembrance of the restoration of democracy after nearly four years of its usurpation by the King. It was the day the King who was not ready to concede an inch was forced to give a mile by the sheer force of people power — the constituent assembly (CA) polls as the ultimate settler of all major disputes regarding the system of governance and the use of state sovereignty. It was also the catalyst for a peaceful settlement of the 10-year-old Maoist insurgency. Underlying all this was an understanding on restructuring the state to usher in a new, peaceful and prosperous Nepal based on multiparty democracy. The 19-day movement, which saw about an equal number of martyrs, along with many more maimed or injured, was securely based on the 12-point agreement between the SPA and the CPN-Maoist that provided the first broad road map for the country’s future.

This is the occasion to take stock of the efforts at making permanent the gains of Jana Andolan II. The restored Parliament made a historic declaration aimed at strengthening the hand of the people’s representatives, pledging to hold the CA polls, ending all forms of discrimination, adopting an inclusive approach to governance, and, no less important, clipping the monarchy’s wings. The Interim Constitution was adopted, followed by the formation of an interim legislature and an Interim Government. But the culmination of all this — the CA elections — could not be held by June, as promised, belatedly citing the time constraint. The blame game has started, but the uncertainty reigns about whether the polls will be held anytime soon.

This day should also inspire the ruling parties to self-introspection as to whether they have veered away from the spirit of Jana Andolan II, correcting the deviations starting right now. Some also blame the “tight” timetable for various events in the run-up to the postponed CA polls from the signing of the eight-point agreement to the formation of the interim government. Probably not, as the delays lay in the pace of the political parties, particularly the coalition government, and in their vacillation as well as in their vulnerability to all sorts of extraneous influence. They should make a self-evaluation whether even the declarations and decisions they made have all been fully implemented, including those relating to the monarchy and the royal palace. Prime Minister Koirala, in his address on the occasion, said that nobody would be able to usurp the gains of Jana Andolan II. But he and other leaders had also made the same assurance after the 1990 people’s movement, and the rest is history. That is why the Nepalis have had to launch many big and small movements for democracy and to observe more than one Democracy Day. This means the gain and loss of democracy has been an on-again, off-again affair in Nepal. This must end, so must the 57-year-old debate, once and for all, over constitution-making through the constituent assembly. Now is the time to deliver.

Source: The Himalayan Times, April 25, 2007

e-Democracy For New Democratic Paradigm

Kranti Bir Chhetry

The innovative use of new media to significantly enhance democratic governance by facilitating more direct participation by citizens in the political decision-making arena is known as e-democracy. Utilising communications technology to promote more effective democratic politics is an entirely new concept. But the more recent potential of the Internet to place greater power in the hands of individual citizen vis-୶is their political representatives, institutions of entrenched interest and even the policy decisions of global corporations has led some to suggest that e-democracy offers the prospect of an entirely new democratic paradigm.

Certainly the capabilities of the new technologies have spawned a worldwide variety of experiments and innovations designed to reinvigorate democratic politics। However, the established institutions of power are, thus, proving far more resilient to change than would allow us to proclaim the arrival of new electronic polls.

Tele-democracy
The notion of tele-democracy precedes e-democracy and relates to earlier experiments conducted with TV technologies. A more important distinction, however, can be made between e-democracy and the related concept of e-government. While the former is more focused upon the emergence of new political cultures where technology enables the empowerment of the people (demos), e-government refers to the attempts to use ICTs to restructure the existing institutions of government. Thus e-democracy developments can be viewed as attempts to challenge the limitations of traditional representative models of government and replace them with alternative repertoires of democratic expression and activity emanating from the citizen. In contrast, many e-government initiatives have been concerned with re-energising public administrations through improvements in electronic service delivery, organisational change and cost cutting. Although valuable for most situations, not all developments fall neatly into this categorisation between e-democracy and e-government, and it is, perhaps, the outcomes arising from the tensions between these two approaches which will have the most significant impact upon democratic governance in future.

The reason for the discovered enthusiasm for democratic renewal through the use of ICTs is due to a number of related factors. First of these is the widespread dissatisfaction with modern liberal democratic politics, which is being witnessed in most of the mature democratic nations. In Europe and North America, electoral turnouts have been decreasing, party membership has fallen and disenchantment with dislocation of the politicians, particularly among the young, is a common concern. This dislocation of the political process from the everyday interests of many citizens is further widened in many countries by the decline in ideological political discourse and a related breakdown of class-based political organisation. Second, this disillusionment with the political system has been further reinforced by a perceived weakening of the nation-state's ability to represent the interests of citizens in the face of emerging forces of globalisation. For some commentators, political power has shifted from elected politicians and is increasingly in the hands of global corporate executives whose decisions often have direct significance for the life experiences and opportunities of most of the world's populations.

Yet governments increasingly seem to be impotent in the face of such corporate power as a consequence of their desire for inward investment. Thus, together with a largely privately owned mass media, nation-states are often regarded as colluding with corporations to satisfy their business interests rather than the interests of their citizens. Issues of child labour practices, environmental damage or threats to human health and welfare are sidelined in the competitive race between governments to provide tax incentives, deregulation policies and diminished employment protection in order to attract corporate investment.Third, the disenchantment with existing democratic systems and politicians has, in part, stimulated the emergence of a new political culture based upon new social movements and activity loosely formed around universal values and moral principles such as environmentalism, animal rights and a range of human rights issues. Sceptical of current political rhetoric and the will of politicians to tackle these important political issues, activists have rejected traditional highly organised, institutionalised, class-based politics. Instead they have sought democratic expression through the new social movements that observe lifestyle politics and politics of affinity which reaches beyond nation-state borders. e-Democracy initiatives may manifest themselves in a variety of forms which may be regarded as reactions to the disillusionment with the democratic politics outlined above.

The new media are increasingly becoming a significant feature of national and local elections. Political parties and candidates are becoming rapidly aware of the potential of the Internet or canvassing voters, fundraising and motivating supporters. However, web-based communication technologies have also been used to challenge the 'sound byte' media campaigns and make candidates more directly responsive to the voice of the electorate. In the USA, for example, websites such as DemocracyNet and RedWhiteandBlue have attempted to provide neutral sites where citizens can obtain information about the candidates and interrogate them on issues which may influence their voting preference. Furthermore, the technology can be used to verify statements made by political candidates and provide almost instantaneous refutations where appropriate. Tactical voting has also been a feature of web-based campaigning.As a means to engender the more informed public deliberation so essential to strong democratic politics, electronic forums have been utilised. Again, these 'citizen forums' may take different forms such as locality-based citizen forums. For some enthusiasts, the new networked structure of the Internet heralds a return to the direct democracy of Ancient Greek city-states. Citizens connected to an electronic forum are able to have informed debates and make decisions online without recourse to the institutions of representative democracy.

However, the practicalities of the modern world make it highly unlikely that we will see the early demise of our political representatives as a consequence of the Internet. More important may be the questions raised by such electronic forums and virtual public spaces for improving our existing institutions of democratic governance.

Experiment in ICT use

To date, there have been several 'experiments' in the use of the new ICTs to facilitate e-Democracy. Limited in number, it is also, perhaps, too early to draw firm conclusions from such experiments about their capacity to renew interest in democracy and bring governments and public services closer to the people. Research by some scholars has challenged the idea that electronic forums foster more deliberative democratic activity. Instead of reasoned argument, a picture emerges either of like-minded people seeking political solace for their views online or of a few dominant voices taking over discussions.