Maoist mayhem: Nepal's image takes a beating

KATHMANDU: After the Asian Development Bank washed its hands of a major development project, Nepal's image took another beating in the eyes of the world with 15 foreign governments condemning a Maoist attack on the US ambassador to Nepal and expressing concern about diplomats' safety. "The diplomatic corps of Nepal is deeply concerned by an upsurge in recent weeks of security incidents that have threatened foreign diplomats or otherwise impeded their work in the country," a statement signed by 15 embassies in Nepal said. "We condemn any and all attempts to harm, threaten, or interfere with foreign diplomats working in Nepal."

The 15 embassies include some of Nepal's biggest donors, like India, the US, Japan and European Union countries. While Pakistan, that allied itself with Gyanendra in 2005, when the monarch seized total power with the backing of the army, also joined in the condemnation, China, another supporter of the 15-month royal regime, however was conspicuous by its absence. It was an acutely embarrassing situation for the Nepal government that claims an improvement in the security situation and announced elections in November, when cadres of the youth wing of the Maoists, which is now the third largest party in the coalition government, attacked the UN vehicle carrying the American ambassador to Nepal, James Francis Moriarty.

The incident occurred on May 25 when the envoy, accompanied by the UN High Commissioner for Nepal's representative Abraham, who was returning from Jhapa district in eastern Nepal after a meeting with the Bhutanese refugees living there. Nepal's Diplomatic Corps said it was the government's role to ensure security and safety for diplomats. "Targeting or threatening diplomats on their countries' official business is unacceptable," the statement said. Besides the statement, a US official, who winded up his four-day visit to Nepal Saturday, has also expressed concerns about the attack and the activities of the Young Communist League of the Maoists.

US assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights and labour, Barry R Lowenkron, who conveyed Washington's misgivings about the Maoists to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, foreign minister Shahana Pradhan and speaker Subhash Chandra Nembang, said one can't have both bullets and ballots. The Maoists and their sister organisations are still banned as terrorist organisations in the US and recently, a senior Maoist leader was denied visa to travel to New York. The government has also come under attack at home for failing to protect its own citizens. Nepal's supreme court on Friday asked the state to pay an interim compensation of NRS 200,000 to the kin of people killed in the custody of security forces, and NRS100,000 to the families of those missing since their arrest. Judges Khilaraj Regmi and Kalyan Shrestha gave the collective judgement after hearing petitions about 83 people missing during the Maoist "people's war".

Source: The Times of India, June 3, 2007

US Official Calls on Maoists in Nepal to Renounce Violent Ways

Liam Cochrane

Kathmandu,

A U.S. government official has called for an end to Maoist violence in Nepal, where the country's former rebels are making a jerky transition from armed insurgents to mainstream politicians. Liam Cochrane has more from Kathmandu. 2006 was a year of hope for Nepal, but Barry Lowenkron, the U.S. assistant secretary of state for democracy, human Rights and labor, says the peace process is being undermined by the actions of some of the former Maoist rebels.
Lowenkron, who spent the past four days in Kathmandu assessing the political and human rights situation, was especially critical of actions by the Young Communist League, or YCL.

The YCL is led by former Maoist fighters, and has attacked several government offices in the countryside since the Maoist leadership signed a peace agreement and entered the government. Last week, YCL members threw stones at a United Nations vehicle carrying the U.S. ambassador to Nepal.

Lowenkron said Saturday that there is no room for violence in a democracy. "To me, their actions indicate they have yet to make the strategic decision to abandon violence, to abandon coercion, to abandon intimidation and to seek their success in a political arena that is peaceful," he said.

Lowenkron congratulated Nepal's Prime Minister, G.P. Koirala, for his leadership in securing an approximate date for constituent assembly elections. The elections are now scheduled some time in late November or early December, and the winners will write a new constitution and decide on the fate of Nepal's monarchy. But Lowenkron warned that there was still much work yet to be done before Nepal's transition, from a decade-long civil war that killed 13,000 people to a peaceful and inclusive democracy, is complete.

"The message of my government is clear: one cannot have ballots and bullets in a democratic process," he said. Lowenkron also called for full investigations into the 937 people who disappeared during Nepal's conflict and remain unaccounted for.

Source: Global Security, June 2, 2007

NEPAL:KOIRALA SAYS, MONARCHY A VITAL PART OF THE SOCIETY

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala was expected any day to disseminate words for the rescue of the Monarchy in Nepal. He visited the eastern region twice within two-month period but both the time he had bitter words for Monarchy. Third time Girija said what he really had in his mind, he said “Monarchy can exist within a republican order”. He said this in Birtamod, Jhapa District in Nepal amid a party mass meet.

In our endeavor to transform the society and the country as a whole, the monarchy can take a new form too, Koirala added. “The Monarchy too is a vital part of this society”, PM Koirala said.
He said if a republican order is established, the King may not be abdicated.
He said, but to declare Nepal a republic needs a process, we all have to follow. He however, confused the mass when he said the “Monarchy will slowly transform itself into a republic”; it’s just a matter of time.

Violence may not establish monarchy, even if it is established through violent means it may not last long, PM said further.
He said in the process of taking responsibility of the country he can take any bold decisions. He almost in a threatening tone targeting other political parties said they must now remain prepared to face such decisions. “Without creating favorable atmosphere, CA polls can’t be held”, he added. Prime Minister said further, to conduct the CA polls I can go to any extent. He alleged the rest of the parties in the alliance for creating hullabaloo in the name of CA polls. Making unnecessary noise won’t transform the society, a CA poll is the only legitimate way to do it, he continued.

He said, now other leaders in the alliance are treating me like an old tree that does not give fruits, thus they are trying to cut it. I know what I am, so I am not afraid of any one, I talk what my heart says. “After I successfully conduct the CA polls my importance will be finished” PM concluded. June 3, 2007

Source: The Telegraph, June 4, 2007

Maoist Homophobia?

Gary Leupp

The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), leading what many have considered the most advanced Maoist movement in the world for the last decade, has recently been accused of attacks on gay people and of indulging in anti-gay rhetoric. Unfortunately, the reports seem valid. In January, a senior party leader, Dev Gurung, now Minister of Local Development in Nepal’s transitional government, was quoted in the press as stating: “Under Soviet rule and when China was still very much a communist state, there were no homosexuals in the Soviet Union or China. Now [that] they are moving towards capitalism, homosexuals may have arisen there as well. So homosexuality is a product of capitalism. Under socialism this kind of problem does not exist.”

The statement seems quite un-Maoist in its description of any twentieth-century socialist experiment as truly “communist.” Mao broke from Stalin in emphasizing the long-term nature and fragility of the construction of socialism as a transitional stage between capitalism and the classless society of communism theoretically posited for the human future. And it seems oblivious to historical reality in denying the existence of homosexuality anywhere, anytime in human history. Dangerously foolish (if I can assume that it was indeed said), it was made in the context of reported abuses of gay men and lesbians by Maoists in areas under their control.

Such mistreatment has not been particularly associated with the Maoists in recent years but indeed more with the old security apparatus of King Gyanendra. It’s not clear that it represents a clear party line; Hisila Yami, a Maoist member of parliament, Minister of Physical Planning and Work and wife of party leader Baburam Bhattarai told a Nepali gay organization, the Blue Diamond Society, in January that the party’s policy was “not to encourage homosexual behavior but not to punish homosexuals either.” But plainly there is cause for the sort of concern recently expressed by Human Rights Watch in a letter to Khadga Bahadur Biswokarma, a CPN(M) member and now Minister of Women, Children and Social Welfare. The letter claims that in December 2006, Maoists in Katmandu ordered homeowners not to rent rooms to gays or lesbians, and that Amrita Thapa, general secretary of the Maoist women’s association, told participants at a national conference in March 2006 that homosexuals were unnatural and were “polluting” society.

I’ve sometimes been critical of Human Rights Watch, which has little sympathy for revolutionary movements and has sometimes sided overtly with repressive regimes. (It congratulated the government of Alberto Fujimori in Peru for capturing Maoist leader Abimael Guzman in 1992 and has done little to protect the human rights of Maoists imprisoned under successive Peruvian regimes.) But here HRW seems to be on target in its criticism.

The communist movement of course has a long sordid history of homophobia — just as does bourgeois liberalism. Up to 1962, homosexual sex was punishable by lengthy jail terms everywhere in the U.S., and it was only in 2003 that the Supreme Court invalidated the “anti-sodomy” laws operative in Texas and several other states. The sentiments expressed by Gurung and Biswokarma are obviously not unique to communists but part of an historical continuum of intolerance that crosses all kinds of ideological lines.

Marx and Engels themselves were, as their private correspondence clearly establishes, distinctly hostile to homosexuality, which they viewed as “unnatural.” On the other hand, in the 1890s, the German Social Democratic Party leaders Eduard Bernstein and Karl Kautsky, and the socialist Reichstag deputy August Bebel, called for the repeal of the German statute criminalizing sex between consenting adult males. Bernstein called for “a scientific approach” to sexuality rather than one based on “more or less arbitrary moral concepts.” (Meanwhile the British socialist Edward Carpenter, influenced by the work of German sexologist Magnus Hirschfeld, argued that “uranians” — or members the “intermediate sex” — served in a positive role as a bridge between [heterosexual] men and women.) Adolf Thiele, a socialist deputy in the German parliament in 1905, declared that he “wouldn’t even admit that [homosexuality] is something sick.” It was, he opined, “simply a deviation from the usual pattern nature produces.”

Between 1917 and 1933, the USSR pioneered in sexual legal reform. The Bolsheviks in power rescinded all the anti-homosexual statutes in the czarist legal code and sent Soviet delegations to international sexual reform congresses in Europe. The early Soviet state officially declared “the absolute non-interference of the state and society into sexual matters, so long as nobody is injured, and no one’s interests are encroached upon.” Soviet law regarded homosexual intercourse as the same as “so-called natural intercourse” and was far ahead of (for example) U.S. law at the time.

All this changed in 1933, when the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party introduced a statute penalizing consensual homosexual activity (muzhelozhstvo or sodomy) between men; thereafter Soviet writers increasingly conflated male homosexuality as indeed “unnatural,” and associated it with German fascism. Not all Marxist theorists followed the Soviet lead in castigating homosexual activity, but the most prestigious of Marxist psychoanalysts, Sigmund Freud’s student William Reich, wrote in 1934 that men of a “homosexual tendency” were easily “drawn toward the right.”

Gurung’s association of homosexuality with capitalism echoes the Stalinist line that homosexuality represents “bourgeois decadence.” But Gurung should realize that Maoists outside Nepal have largely abandoned the Stalinist legacy on this issue. The Revolutionary Communist Party, USA, a close ally of the Nepali Maoists, up until 2001 stated in its program that under socialism “struggle will be waged to eliminate [homosexuality] and reform homosexuals.” But the RCP now accepts homosexuality and renounces its past position on the issue (if without adequate self-criticism or explanation for why a bankrupt line was held so long). The Communist Party of the Philippines, another Maoist party with cordial ties to the CPN(M), officially recognized gay relationships among its members in 1998 and has been conducting same-sex marriages since 2005. The Nepali party lags embarrassingly behind.

Many have derived inspiration from the People’s War in Nepal, which in a mere decade acquired control over about 80% of Nepali territory and proved to the world that revolutionary communism remains the hope of the hopeless. I myself was happy to endorse Li Onesto’s first-person and very sympathetic account of her Maoist-sponsored visit to Nepal, Dispatches from the People’s War in Nepal (Pluto Press, 2005). The party now shares power with its former foes, heading six ministries in the provisional government. Some who have supported the CPN(M) are expressing grave concern that the party is abandoning its commitment to socialist revolution by its deal with the seven mainstream parties and its abandonment of the People’s War.

The Nepali Maoists deny that that’s the case, and I’d just as soon withhold judgment on that issue. But if the sentiments of Comrades Gurung and Biswokarma are at all representative of party sentiment, and if measures against gays are part of the party’s agenda, the outlook for a new revolutionary model in Nepal is looking worrisome.

Source: Krantikari Nepal, June 3, 2007

Positive Talks

THE long-awaited talks between the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) and a government talks team have finally materialised, and there has been genuine appreciation from all quarters as they were held in a cordial atmosphere. The talks that were held the other day in Janakpur are learnt to have been positive, laying the foundation for reaching a compromise in resolving several contentious issues.

During the talks, the MJF has put forth a 26-point demand that include, among other things, the federal system of governance and also the inclusion of Madhesis in all the organs of the state. The government, for its part, was also asked to withdraw the charges against the MJF leaders.

Demands were also made to provide compensation to all those who were injured during the Madhesi movement. Some issues raised came close to an understanding during the talks, and at the same time other demands were also discussed. As the country is headed towards the constituent assembly polls, it is highly essential to create an environment where such polls can be held in a free and fair manner and in an atmosphere without fear.

The country belongs to all the communities that inhabit it, and it is only fitting that all their grievances should be addressed. The talks should be seen in this light and the achievements made by the two sides to categorise the demands into those which could be met immediately and others that need further preparation and discussion should lead to an amicable solution agreeable to all.

The talks had been stalled for a long time, and as a result, the people suffered. There was much apprehension about these developments, particularly as the country is a transition phase, and untoward incidents could take place, playing into the hands of the regressive elements that have ulterior motives in their mind. The talks focussed on such burning issues as providing compensation to the families of those who died in the agitation and providing relief and treatment facilities to the injured. These are humanitarian demands and should be treated as such.

Furthermore, agreement to hold further discussions on seeking technical assistance from the United Nations to facilitate the talks also figured. The talks are a good beginning and bodes well for the peace process that the country envisages for the resolution of all the problems of the various communities so that all are accommodated in the New Nepal that has been envisaged where there would be no discrimination.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

PM Koirala

PRIME Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has assured visiting US Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights and Labour, Barry R. Lowenkron that there would not be a repeat of incidents of attacks on foreign diplomats and that they would be safe in Nepal. Prime Minister Koirala and the visiting US official were discussing the peace process in Nepal, which has received a significant boost following the eight-party consensus to hold the constituent assembly election by November this year. The eight parties have shown their commitment to the peace process while they are sorting out minor differences and disputes as the nation decidedly moves towards a new political beginning to be chalked out by the constituent assembly. There had been some lingering uncertainty over the new date of holding the constituent assembly election after the Election Commission demanded time beyond the earlier date scheduled for June 20 stipulated in the interim constitution. As per the new decision, the government will fix a suitable date for the election, which would not go beyond November 2007. The US official has welcomed the eight-party commitment.

There are several things that the government and the interim legislature parliament will have to accomplish before fixing the exact date for the polls. First of all, the interim constitution has to be amended. The government will need to introduce a proposal in the legislature-parliament for the amendment of the constitution, which it is set to do soon. Moreover, some election-related laws need to be formulated to enable the Election Commission to start preparing for the crucial polls. The eight-party meeting has asked and mandated the government to take these decisions on its own. Furthermore, election constituencies have to be delineated to address the demands of the various political groups, Janajatis and Madhesi people. The government had earlier formed the constituency delineation commission, which has already submitted its report. However, in light of the demands of some political parties and other groups, the eight parties have agreed to review the report. All these are important decisions because they allow for the election-related works to be carried out without further glitches. The mandate of Jana Andolan II is to take the country into a new era of full-fledged and inclusive democracy for which many important and historic agreements have already been made. The comprehensive peace treaty, that put behind a decade of armed insurgency by the Maoists, was a landmark achievement, which makes it possible to restructure the state to build a new Nepal. There are many issues waiting to be addressed. But the topmost is to maintain law and order and create an environment where the constituent assembly polls are held in a free, fair and inclusive manner. The support of foreign friends for this is vital, and Koirala?s pledge to ensure their safety counts a lot at this juncture.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

New Nepal Transfiguration Of Nepalese Society

Dr. Panna Kaji Amatya

Nepal is in the thick of strife, conflicts, clashes, crimes, corruption and lawlessness. The country is beset with so many problems that to try to stupidly solve any one of them without taking into account other factors may itself be another cause of further problems. The main reason is that the people at large have an aggrieved feeling. Unequal distribution of resources, comforts and luxuries lies at the root of this wounded psyche.Ever since the creation of modern Nepal, the rulers have been utterly ignoring the interests of the people, thereby abusing power and misusing national resources for their own sake.

As a result, Nepal has remained one of the poorest countries in the world, if not the poorest one. This brings about glaring socio-economic inequalities, with nearly half the population living in abject poverty. Today, Nepal?s economy bumps along the bottom. The poor become poorer. It is only the rulers, past and present, who have immensely enriched themselves and still live off the backs of the poor people.

Justice

The masses, on the other hand, live on the hope of securing justice and a fair deal through the courts and democratic institutions but face disappointment at every step. They remain deprived of even the basic necessities of life. The net result of all this is that the aggrieved parties start abhorring every established authority and, therefore, are overtaken by a mood of defiance of that authority. This intensifies struggle. Attacks and counter-attacks, massacres and revenge, accusations and counter-accusations accrue from them.

There are perpetual crises. Lawlessness has become the hallmark of Nepalese society. Shootings, stabbings and murders are now daily occurrences. Any group, if determined base-mindedly, can take the law unto its own hands. Small weapons are in the possession of many an unscrupulous group that indiscriminately uses them for the destruction of people?s lives and property. The number of such groups is mushrooming. This is a serious threat to the very existence of Nepal?s statehood.

Those who enjoy money power, political power, muscle power or even nuisance value go about committing high-handedness and atrocities at will. Even those who are supposed to provide security to the people and to maintain law and order are found demanding that they be given adequate security. What a great joke!The law and order situation has hit rock bottom. Hard-headed lawbreakers and criminals almost always make their gateway with impunity or get off lightly. Some law enforcement authorities are reportedly defending and siding with the criminals and harassing the victims. What is worse is that even the rulers themselves appear to have no will to strictly observe the law and rules they say they adhere to.

If the Seven Party Alliance and CPN-Maoist can shake the powerful monarchy to its foundation, why cannot their government control the law-breakers? Is destroying, not constructing, the only thing they know? Each of them must answer these questions.Amid all this disorderly state of affairs, the people take a fancy to the over-repeated slogan of ?new Nepal.? However, this term has different meanings for different persons. This expression is on the lip of everybody, particularly those politicians who aspire to lead their parties to victory in the elections to be held for the Constituent Assembly, but they have failed to spell it out clearly. The reason is obvious; they seem to be unable to make themselves clear. Still, they have made great strides towards establishing a new Nepal by declaring it secular and agreeing to the establishment of federalism there.

Surprisingly enough, some leaders, by way of describing a new Nepal, talk about reversing the positions of the rulers and the ruled, and the exploiters and the exploited. Such personal and emotional urge to wreck vengeance against each other may go endlessly to the detriment of the country. If it becomes a reality, they may not inherently differ from the erstwhile cruel, undemocratic rulers. Here, what Albert Camus says is worth pondering over: ?All modern revolutions have ended in a reinforcement of the State.? In fact, any highly centralised, unitary state typically makes all rulers alike. Under such a state, innocent people always suffer and get exploited again and again. Hence the necessity of transforming the old order into the new one - politically, economically and socially. This may pave the way for the new Nepal. There is no doubt that the old are notorious for their misrule in the past. When the present-day rulers, most of whom belong to the same old stock and who have already tasted power, purse and perks under the old order, talk about a new Nepal, it merely means a pie in the sky. Jam tomorrow! But tomorrow never comes; the troubles never end; and the ill luck does not desert the masses.

Indeed, most of them may not like tomorrow because they are uncertain of their returning to power tomorrow. They are comfortable with today. What can be expected from them? Their promise of better things may be merely a promise which is unlikely to be fulfilled and a promise to be in power and repeat what they did in the past - enriching and empowering themselves. That is their habit; old habits die hard.Building a new Nepal requires new visionary, national, honest leaders. Promising the moon to the people is not enough. There should be no room for the petty politicians with fissiparous tendencies who hanker after loaves and fishes, and do not have the welfare of the masses in mind. Sadly enough, there is a dearth of such leaders.

The so-called leaders of the political parties have already passed their sell-by date. The geriatric leaders cannot build the new Nepal; they can not cut the umbilical cord with the old. They always relapse into the old habit of joining traditional forces. In the first instance, those aspiring to a new Nepal must get rid of the good-for-nothing fellows whose numbers are legion in the political parties. If the old leaders are honest and owe a great deal to their supporters for their being in power for a long time, now it is high time that they transferred their responsibility to the new at once. The New Nepal will be a dream come true if it is characterised by peace, progress and stability. Excessive optimism cannot build a new Nepal. A New Nepal does not and can not mean instant rich, prosperous and abundant Nepal because it cannot be made so in the foreseeable future. Yet, this goal should not be lost sight of.

The only practical solution at this moment is the establishment of peace which is a pre-requisite for the solution of other national problems - economic, social and political. Peace, which lacks today, should be the immediate objective of the new Nepal, for without peace nothing better and finer can be achieved. Here, the people demand that the political leaders be serious and single-minded. Whether they succeed or not will be measured by the degrees of their achievement.Peace once established on secured foundation has to be strengthened and reinforced by good governance, fundamental and human rights, efficient administration, federalism, secularism, inclusive democracy, and equity in the distribution of the gains of development. Empowering women, educating the people and improving their economic conditions, providing employment opportunities particularly to the hitherto excluded and marginalised groups are the sinews of the new order.

Reform in onese

lfBesides, criminalisation of politics and politicisation of crimes must be done away with at any price. The perpetrators of corruption, crime, violence and lawlessness should not only be discouraged but also punished.In fine, a new Nepal implies a changed Nepal. A new Nepal means nothing more than a better and finer Nepal. In order to achieve this goal, every stakeholder, instead of talking about reforming others, must think about reforming themselves without waiting for others to start doing so. Everybody dreaming a dream of a better Nepal had better act wisely so that the newly restored hard-fought democracy remains secured.

Equitable Society

THERE has been much activity in the political front in the country but many other sectors, such as the socio-economic sector, have not been able to keep up in pace with it. The social sector is still lagging behind unable to reap in benefits that should have accrued from the political changes that have taken place. Progress in the political sphere should go side by side with socio-economic advancement. This was observed by Foreign Minister Sahana Pradhan at a programme the other day where she aptly noted that the political changes that have taken place have not been supported with socio-economic development programmes. This is indeed disconcerting for the country is mired in poverty with archaic values that have impeded the development endeavours that basically has the objective of ameliorating the lot of the people. Disparities can still be glaringly seen in society, and there is dire need to do away with the anomalies and aberrations that are prevailing in society at large so that it is possible to build an equitable society.

Economic programmes should be accorded the high priority it deserves if the country is to succeed to catch up with the rest of the world, which is developing at a rapid pace. Political changes alone would not suffice to change the lifestyle of the people. The government programmes in the socio-economic front would amount to nothing without the wholehearted support of the people. For this, the social organizations and the intellectuals have a crucial role cut out for them so that an equitable society is possible. So far, the working of the social organizations appear to be inadequate and unable to meet the challenge. They should serve as catalysts to change the mindset of the people that would ultimately succeed in creating an equitable society. Exploitation in any form is detestable, and it is very tragic that such practices are still prevalent. Despite the knowledge that this is not right there are some who are still practicing it. These abuses should be opposed from all quarters and those found guilty of them should receive the harshest punishment. There are various form of socio-economic exploitation that have continued for long that are obstacles to the creation of an equitable society. One way to deal with the problem is educating the people so that are made aware of their rights and their responsibilities as well. The political changes that have taken place in the country should be utilized to the utmost for the socio-economic uplift so that headway is made in creating an equitable society in the building of a New Nepal.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Commitment Reiterated

PRIME Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, speaking at a mass meeting organised by Nepali the Congress Jhapa Disrict Committee, in Birtamod Saturday reiterated his commitment to the constituent assembly (CA) polls. Prime Minister Koirala also said that the government wold not hesitate to take harsh measures to strengthen law and order without which the CA polls cannot be held within the given timeframe. This is an indication that every measure will be taken so that the polls will be held as per the agreement of the eight parties. Koirala without mincing words made it clear that the mandate given by the people for the polls will be held in time. However, the recent spate of violence has to be controlled so that a conducive environment could be created to hold the said elections in a fair, free and impartial manner. Much hope is pinned on the polls as it will have the responsibility of drafting an all-inclusive constitution of the country. Premier Koirala was stern in his speech and said that he would not waver from stringent measures to restore peace and order. What the country needs now is stability, complete democracy, human rights, freedom and prosperity. But for all this to be realised, national unity and conciliation are very necessary. The question of lasting peace is also equally important.

On the question of declaring a republic right now, Prime Minister Koirala said that some people had been pressing him on this issue, but he revealed that he would speak in its favour through the right course. When the eight parties had agreed that the first meeting of the constituent assembly would do the needful, it is futile to talk of it at this moment. The first and foremost focus should be on creating the right environment for the CA polls to be held within a set timeframe. For this, the eight party leaders must sit down and thrash out the solutions so that the date for the polls could be announced as soon as possible. Consensus must emerge among the top leaders on issues over which the eight party meetings have been pondering. It is the duty of all the leaders to remove any confusion or doubt that exists regarding the polls. As the future of the country rests on holding the polls, the leaders need to be serious instead of bickering over petty issues. Meanwhile, the other issues regarding the demands of the agitating groups must also be looked into by the government so that the right atmosphere can be created for holding the polls. Also everyone must behave responsibly instead of trying to create situations that are not in the interest of the people and the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Rambling Through Kol-Kath Cultural Similitude

Vinay Jha

If you ever toured or lived in both Kolkata and Kathmandu, you would, most probably, find it difficult not to deem yourself lucky and privileged on having had some of the best experiences of your life, especially with reference to their cultural grandeur. Separated by about 75 minutes' flight, or about 25 hours' drive, Kolkata and Kathmandu are counted among some of the most beautiful cities in the world. Situated in the eastern region of South Asia, these two places are richly endowed with unique natural panoramas and man-created cultural landmarks. The serene mountainous surroundings of the city of Kathmandu, and mesmerizing Bay of Bengal coastline of the city of Kolkata, both silhouetted against the bewitching blue sky, are ravishingly seducing in their appeal to travellers and tourists around the world.

Hindu way of life

Even though these two wonderful cities belong to two nations of South Asia, India and Nepal, they share between them immense cultural similitude, primarily because of the fact that both are rooted in the mainstream Hindu ways of life, of course, always open to and assimilative of other religo-cultural influences. Both cities are capital cities; the former of an Indian state (West Bengal) and the latter Nepal's capital, and, interestingly, both are historic. Is it merely fun to think of the co-incidence that they share the same initial sound in their names or something else, too? When we talk about the rich cultural heritage of a place or society, we talk about the underlying and abiding features of things that please, delight, sustain, unify, challenge, encourage and, most importantly, connect the whole of the material world with the whole of the spiritual world. In my opinion, no culture, worth its essence, can ever exist or appeal that is devoid of spiritual dimension. No society, irrespective of its geographical location, could be called culturally rich and inspiring, unless it is capable of looking beyond all barriers and limitations, even beyond what is comprehended as 'infinity'.

Higher and richer a culture, the deeper and stronger its appeal, its wisdom, its foresight, its integrative capacity, its cosmic vision, and finally its faith in the eternity of the existence of body and spirit in one form or the other. The two cities - Kolkata and Kathmandu - rejoice in the upkeep of this faith in eternity. Beautifully dotted with hundreds of temples, shrines, domes and stupas, related not only to one faith but to different faiths, graciously astir with pilgrims, travellers, tourists and local devotees, tastefully decked and fragrant, especially during the festive seasons, such as Vijaya Dashami, Diwali, Shivaratri, Christmas and Holi, variously flavoured with: dash and dynamism, fun and frolic, determination and expectation, contemplation and expression, and all these strung intimately through the unbreakable thread of passion and flair for life, Kolkata and Kathmandu present an example of superb homogeneity, in spite of being places apart. What strikes the visitors to both these places the most is the pristine ambience of their temples, shrines and meditation centres, evocative of the lives and hermitages of the ancient saints and sages.

Needless to say, the hallmark of any glorious culture is its natural inclination towards creativity, scholarship, art and music and all that is universally associated with Apollonian ethos. This natural inclination constitutes the core around which other invigorating and progressive ingredients keep on interacting and intermingling to sustain and sharpen the organic whole. As the one who has been fortunate to live in and who has curiously and creatively observed the cultural aspects of both the cities, I have no hesitation saying that these are the cities of joys, because the dwellers and lovers of both these places are creative sufferers; they enjoy absorbing the woes and worries of life in their stride; they are doggedly unbeatable, their sense of future is exemplarily strong. And above all they are steeped in broad human compassion.

Both Kolkata and Kathmandu are vibrant hubs of higher education and cultural activities. For the whole of Nepal, Kathmandu is not only the political capital, but also an unrivalled seat of higher education and cultural pursuits. Most of the useful world languages are taught and learnt here as it is done in Kolkata. Dance, drama, music, festivals and art exhibitions are regular cultural happenings in both these places. Various international seminars and conferences are organised in these places that help the people know more and more about global affairs, and promote among them a sense of global brotherhood and cosmopolitan attitude to life in general.

Appreciation

My observation and study of the ways of life of these two cities, I must say, is like that of a zealous self-proclaimed and self-believing explorer or journalist. My informal brief chats with people in both these cities, particularly with the pilgrims and tourists, over a considerable period of time, at various intervals, and on different occasions, have revealed to me that most of them carry a very deep appreciation of the cultural heritage of both these places.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007

Debating International Trade And Aid

Lok Nath Bhusal

Despite alarming methodological limitations, evidence uncovers that benefits of economic openness and incursion of globalisation have been skewed. Precisely, economic openness has been costly for economies with weak domestic markets, negligible support for domestic producers and in which a significant proportion of the population is engaged in subsistence production. Additionally, despite more than a quarter of a century of extensive research and evaluation on trade liberalisation experiments affecting billions of people across the developed and developing world, there remains little consensus about the effects of neo-liberal policies on most macroeconomic and social indicators. For instance, trade has always accounted for a relatively small percentage of GDP, and the relative underdevelopment of Nepal's agricultural and industrial base has so far badly impeded the potential profitability of trade liberalisation. Obviously, there cannot be a fight between a tiger and a cat; globalisation is clearly unfair.

Global village

UNDP states that, although enthusiasts who have been trying to quantitatively emphasise the positive aspects of globalisation and increasingly use the language of global village to describe the new order, the global village appears deeply divided between the streets of the haves and those of the have nots, when viewed through the lens of human development. However, policies that encourage investments in human and physical capital, and support technological change, are more likely to promote export-growth and, thus, the wealth of a nation.

Henceforth, FDI (foreign direct investment) and aid for trade is likely to offset the inequalities emerging from globalisation. The common development strategy should recognise the sheer importance of foreign aid in our development efforts. The development partners who have funded development in Nepal have had their own agenda and interests other than solving the overdue structural problems of the country.

Up until the present time, Nepal received funds only when it has been in accordance to the plans of the donors. The agenda and interests of the latter have obtained easy entry into the national development discourse, as the country's own political parties and bureaucratic structures have blindly supported them and have themselves failed to come up with a commonly-shared agenda of a pro-people's development process led by the poor themselves. Indeed, the concept of "aid for trade" should be materialised to sustainably benefit from foreign aid as aid for trade enhances trade-related capacity, expands exports and creates new jobs.

At the international level, the eighth Millennium Development Goal ? develop a global partnership for development ? aims at altering aid, trade, business and debt-related policies in the developed countries that now obstruct poverty reduction efforts in developing countries like Nepal. More specifically, the targets under Goal Eight aim at increasing developed countries' commitments to relax trade restrictions to enable market access, especially for developing countries' agricultural commodities and labour-intensive manufactures, along with expanded provisions of debt relief and transfers of technology.

Despite the commitment to the eighth goal - the critical area of financing and sustaining development in poor countries - it is neither time-bound nor measurable by the kinds of indicators specified for the other goals. The World Bank states that aid has rarely been a simple transfer of resources from the affluent to the deprived economies. Rather it comes along with a number of conditional ties. These conditions explicitly or implicitly fulfil the interests of the donors; donors use aid to advance their values, their commercial interests, their cultural aspirations and their diplomatic and political objectives rather than the developmental needs and priorities of developing countries.

Furthermore, in 1970, the world's rich countries agreed to provide 0.7 per cent of their gross national income for development assistance, but only five have met or surpassed the target ?Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway and Sweden. Consequently, coupled with this, Nepal is unlikely to meet several MDGs targets, in part because of the poor economic growth rate limited to the urban areas, poor implementation of public services and support mechanisms, and low agricultural productivity.

Not only the economies of the low-income bracket, even the middle-income countries have been arguing for increased support, mainly for enhancing their trade-related capacity from the developed countries. The G-11 has identified four areas where international support can help consolidate the gains and move forward. The first is promotion of investment, which supports higher productivity and trade-based growth. Second is trade development, including market access and technical assistance. Third is debt-burden alleviation, to reduce pressures on financial and budgetary space. Fourth is targeted grant assistance, to address global crises such as poverty and health, but just as urgently, to support education, infrastructure and other initiatives that enable developing countries to maximise the impact of knowledge, technology, innovation and economic liberalisation.

Aid for trade

Since expansion of trade leads to sustainable growth, the World Bank and the IMF have jointly proposed an aid for trade package for the provision of financial and technical assistance to developing countries to address supply side constraints and to assist them in copying the adjustment costs raised from the liberalisation of economies. Therefore, there is a growing need to assess the benefits of global trade more holistically through rigorous intellectual exercise, particularly for serving national interests. Nepal and other developing economies should focus on aid for trade for development rather than relying on conventional aid.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 4, 2007