Garbage and politics : Where is the difference?

Birendra P Mishra

Kathmandu is stinking these days. Of course, it has not happened for the first time. But those who have come to Kathmandu for the first time are naturally surprised at the sight of heaps of garbage on the main roads of the Metropolitan City. Last week, more than two dozen participants from South Asian Association for Regional Corporation (SAARC) countries were here to attend a workshop on inclusive electoral system organised by the South Asians for Human rights (SAHR).

In the course of their travel in a bus to attend a meet, surprised at the sight of the heaps of garbage, two participants from Bangladesh and Sri Lanka asked a Nepali participant as to why these heaps were lying unattended — ever since they came to Kathmandu two days ahead.

The reply of the Nepali participant was really interesting as he told them that garbage problem was a matter of politics in Kathmandu.The municipal corporation comes under the jurisdiction of the ministry of local development. After people’s movement, the first elected government formed in 1991 was one-party majority government. But unfortunately, it could last for only three years. After the mid-term polls, a minority government was formed which survived for nine months. Then started the era of unholy coalitions which continued for three-and-a-half years that saw the formation of five successive governments. During this period, the concerned ministry had five different ministers. It has always been the job of other government partners to put the minister concerned in trouble. So far, temporary arrangements have been made even as garbage was made the bedrock of opposition politics. Hence, from time to time, transportation of garbage from Kathmandu to dumping sites gets obstructed.

Recently, the cadres of Young Communist League (YCL) affiliated with the Maoists had taken up the job of keeping the metropolis neat and clean to brush up their tarnished image as extorters and abductors but, for reasons unknown, they soon gave up the noble job.

Like politicians in Nepal, the residents of the Kathmandu metropolis suffer from two common but serious ills: lack of sensitivity to the problem and dependence on ‘others’ for solving any serious problem that might arise in the course of time. And we never bother to introspect that it is our duty to reduce the quantity of garbage we are producing. We never think of disposing of some of the garbage ourselves. We take it as the sole duty of the municipality to keep the metropolis clean.

Definitely, we can solve this problem if we want. For instance, if we decide not to use plastic bags, the problem will be considerably minimised. Hence the government should ban the use of plastic bags immediately. If every household has some space (which is hardly the case) for disposalof garbage by turning it into compost, there will be very little left for the municipality to manage. Alarmingly, the house owners try to use every inch of their landto construct buildings and what little is left is plastered to keep the premises clean. Most seriously, they are exploiting the underground water to meet the needs of multi-storied building dwellers but never leave any space for discharge of rain-water into the ground — unmindful of its serious repercussions.

Similarly, our politics has become a problem like garbage, be it the peace process, or the Constituent Assembly (CA) election or the issues of Madhesi people. With regard to the peace process, it is found that no party is serious about it.After signing of the Comprehensive Peace Accord, the Maoists became a partner in the political alliance making it an eight-party alliance, but in reality, they have never functioned cohesively as a unit. The Maoists have always behaved like a separate entity who only care for their own benefits. The government too went along without bothering to look after Maoistinterests.

Likewise, the conduct of CA election appears to be no party’s responsibility. Election for the Constituent Assembly is, in reality, an intermediate objective, whereas building a new Nepal the supreme national goal. Instead of listening to the advice of the experts offering several alternatives, our politicians, however, are wasting time on the proportionality of the two components under mixed system.

In a similar vein, the issue of the Madhesi people have never considered seriously. No doubt, criminal activities can be checked with the help of India, but the genuine political demands of the Madhesi people cannot be met by striking any negotiations with India. For this, Nepal Army and the Maoist People’s Army’s combined operation is also not required. What is required is our seriousness and determination to resolve the outstanding issues. Otherwise Nepali politics too will continue to stink like the roads of Kathmandu.

Source: The Himalayan Times, December 13, 2007

The roads to Kathmandu

Yubaraj Ghimire

There is fresh uncertainty about elections since the Maoists hinted that monarchists should be given space in Nepal’s politics

Two factors are breeding a sense of stalemate and uncertainty in Nepal. The ruling coalition led by G.P. Koirala has failed to hold elections to the Constituent Assembly (CA) on schedule. And the Maoists are taking actions that militate against the spirit of the peace process. The absence of clarity about the immediate future has led to some rather extreme speculation. Senior Maoist leaders even claim that by not accepting their demands for declaring Nepal a republican state and agreeing to election by proportional representation for the CA, Prime Minister Koirala is creating a situation where army might stage a coup.

Prachanda, who leads the Maoists, proposed last week that the Maoists and the ‘nationalists’ — implying those close to the king — work together for the larger national interest and durable peace. He has predictably come in for sharp criticism from his colleagues, mainly belonging to the ruling coalition, but the proposal has injected fresh uncertainty into Nepal’s politics. He later tried to explain that his statement was not aimed at protecting the king, but argued that they should not leave the monarchists without a space in the country’s politics.

Prachanda’s latest interventions have sowed the seeds of distrust among Nepal’s key political players — the Nepali Congress, which leads the ruling coalition, saw a fresh bout of revolt with more than 70 parliamentarians and central committee leaders threatening to revolt against Koirala if he succumbed to the Maoist demand. The move is seen to be aimed at preserving the monarchy in a ceremonial status. It has the backing of stalwarts like party’s working president, Sushil Koirala, and its general secretary, K.B. Gurung.

The prevailing uncertainty has also confused the international community which, during the past two years, has been patiently supporting the peace process and elections. They had also accepted India’s lead role in the whole exercise after India brought the Maoists and the major pro-democracy parties together under with 12-point agreement that secured the Maoists’ commitment to end the decade-long insurgency, renounce the politics of violence and accept a democratic order. Election to the CA was accepted as the best way to ensure durability of Nepal’s political system.

But with elections postponed twice, the Koirala government’s legitimacy at home, as well as India’s status as a peacemaker, are being questioned. There are clear signs of the international community making their individual assessments of the situation. The European Union recently sent a high-level delegation — the fourth in a year’s time — to assess the situation. While it concurs with India that elections should take place at the earliest, a conducive security atmosphere is seen to be a pre-condition.

“Lawlessness, notably in the Terai, is increasing,” the EU’s team said at the end of the visit. “There has been severe violence between communities; many people live in fear and are prevented from going about their daily lives. There is a need to rebuild public confidence in the police and to give the police the support to tackle these problems.”

As the Terai becomes an issue of major concern, both for the Nepali authorities as well as India which says the aspirations of the people there should be addressed, China, Nepal’s northern neighbour, has somehow come to believe that what has been happening in Terai is not ‘usual’. There are increasingly visible signs that China now fears that instability in Nepal will have its impact in the north as well, and it will want to have its presence felt in Nepal more. Although China was part of the combined international initiative, a high-level Chinese delegation led by Wang Ziarui, minister for international development of the Communist Party of China, which visited Nepal recently, advised leaders from all sides including the Maoists that Nepal must find solution to its problem by itself. The loaded statement is being interpreted here as China wanting to play its role independently taking into account all the factors, internal and external.

Source: The Indian Express, December 13, 2007

Prachanda for tie-up with ‘nationalist’ royalists

KATHMANDU, Dec 5 - Maoist Chairman Prachanda has stressed the need to forge an alliance of royalists, parliamentary parties and his own party. This is the first time the Maoists - long known for their public animosity towards those close to the monarchy - are advocating a tie-up with the royalists. Speaking at a function organized by the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ) in the capital on Tuesday, Prachanda asked media to appreciate the importance of such "tripartite" unity and play its role accordingly.

"Even among the royalists there are those who love the country very much. In the new context where the king has been sidelined, a tripartite alliance, which includes such nationalists, must be forged," Prachanda said. Prachanda added: "There is no alternative to this national necessity [for the new alliance]. The press should play a role in this regard. Even media with large circulations should appreciate the importance of the alliance."

Prachanda criticized what he called "big media". He accused big media of spreading information against his party, out of fear that they would be closed down if a government was formed under Maoist leadership. He stressed that such a situation of fear should be ended. However, he did not elaborate how his party would come to power. "Some media have the misconception that the Maoists would shut down their radio, FM and newspaper if we lead the government," Prachanda said, "Therefore, large circulation media are playing a role to stop the Maoists from forming a government under their leadership."

He further said his party would respect media as per the values of democracy. "Some journalists spied for the army and they reported even a small mistake of our party as a big issue." The Maoist chairman was critical of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and accused the latter of giving more priority to the election of the Constituent Assembly than to the peace process. He further accused Koirala of trying to hold an election the way King Gyanendra did in 2005. The king held local elections amidst boycott by the political parties and questions of legitimacy.

He alleged that the prime minister deviated from the 12-point agreement which was about forward-looking reform of the state and "merging" of the Nepali Army and Maoist soldiers. The elections would be normal only if the peace process becomes normal, Prachanda said. The CPN-M might go for elections if both the armies are merged and the victims of the conflict compensated. "On the one hand, the peace process did not proceed as per the 12-point agreement while on the other, the victims of the conflict have not been compensated," Prachanda said. ‘Election necessary’

In the meantime, Prachanda, in an informal meeting with editors in the capital later in the day, said that the election was necessary to impart motion to society and the country. "We have realized that the election is necessary," Prachanda said, "Our expectation is that elections will provide us an opportunity to reform our cadres."

Source: The Kathmandu Post, Deember 5, 2007

NEPAL: FRATERNAL RELATIONS TO BIND NEPAL MAOISTS AND CPC?

Kathmandu: Visibly, the Maoists paraphernalia appear to be all prepared to keep a comfortable distance with the Indian establishment contrary to what they have had in the past or being presumed to be. Clearly, the Maoists hobnob with the Chinese establishment in the recent months and weeks hint that the Maoists in Nepal have come to their senses and that they just want to bring into effect a what could be best described as a “paradigm political shift” in their relations with India.

Its corollary would be that the Nepali Maoists “under compulsion or being guided by certain strategies” want to redefine their relations with India and begin a new chapter in their relations with Nepal’s northern neighbor. That the Chinese establishment too wishes to expand its sphere of political influence in Nepal and have formal “ties” with the Maoists party became visible when the visiting Chinese high flying Chinese authority Dr. Wang Jiarui and the members in his delegation spent some good three hours with the top-hats of the Maoists party at the Dwarikas Hotel Monday morning.

The meet of the Maoists leaders with the Chinese high level authorities and vice versa does clearly explain that both the sides are and were willing to “meet” each other and initiate on how such an “unclear” relations be legitimized. In effect, the meet in itself provides a sort of “recognition” to the Nepal’s Maoist party by the Chinese establishment as Dr. Wang is a very powerful man in the Chinese political hierarchy.

Thus the Maoists have been already recognized by the Chinese side and soon the two are expected to announce their formal linkages with each other on party lines. What political impact such a Chinese recognition would have then upon the Maoists? This is very important question indeed. Firstly, such recognition to the Maoists by the Chinese side would automatically distance the Maoists relationship whatever they have had in the past or is at the moment with the Indian communist parties. This is for sure.

To recall, though the Indian communist parties were close to the Maoists, however, in practice what has been well recorded is that when it comes to the preservation of the Indian national interests, the communist parties in India too do not spare their Nepali counterparts. “They tend to squeeze in tune with the Indian government’s structured policy towards Nepal that is to “weaken, smash and finally grab”, opine analysts.

However, such a new relationship with the Chinese Communist Party will act as a “political deterrent” to the Indian designs against Nepal. After such recognition by the Chinese communist party, the Maoists party can fairly adopt an “equi-proximity” policy if not that of the “equi-distance”. To recall, India disproves the equi-distance policy in the conduct of relations of Nepal with India and China.

Thus with the new relationship, Maoists will have abundant choice on how to proceed with their party agenda and will be rather more free in defining their relations with India. In such an eventuality, the Indian grip over the Maoists will lessen to a considerable extent. The second political impact on the Maoists would be positive one, say analysts. According to them, the moment Chinese Communist Party recognizes the Nepalese Maoists party, a sort of “fraternal” relations would be in existence which instantly would press the some what errant Maoists to “behave” as a communist but a democratic party.

Since the recognition would be a binding one upon the Maoists’, the latter would have to abide by the norms and the universal values of a democratic system. This would mean that such recognition in some way or the other will have profound impact upon the Maoists political behaviour and they will have to shun their previous aggressive and at times violent stances. In sum, though the two sides have not yet formally recognized each other as a fraternal party but yet the rumors are there that it would be declared soon.

In such an eventuality, the Maoists will have to change their present political credentials what they have at the moment and transform themselves into a fairly democratic party that would be demanded of them. Finally, such recognition would surely distance the Maoists with the Indian establishment. India will be the loser. In addition, such recognition by the Chinese establishment will automatically bring the now cornered “nationalist” forces together, including the monarch. In such an eventuality, the political equation will definitely see a sea change.

It is in this light, the would-be Indian annoyance in the pipeline should be viewed. Notably, the UML leaders, Bam Dev Gautam and Jhal Nath Khanal deliberately distanced themselves from the meeting, when their own boss held meetings with Dr. Wang and his delegation members. Gautam and Khanal are considered to be new “converts” for reasons unknown to the analysts.

Source: Telegraph Nepal, December 5, 2007

Concrete Agenda

Political parties have set up a concrete agenda to discuss and arrive at a settlement of issues to further the process of peace building in the country. The contents of the agenda thrashed out by the parties include reshuffling of the government, announcing the date for the polls to the Constituent Assembly, evaluation of the compliance to the terms of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and setting a modality for the implementation of the motions registered in the Parliament, among others. Though new and difficult issues are being added to the otherwise two-point agenda, that is, declaring a republic and adopting a full and inclusive proportional representation mode for the polls - mooted often by the Maoists in particular - concretisation of the issues in the present context may help to find a lasting and durable solution to the problems faced by the country. The political parties need to delve into these issues seriously, discuss them threadbare and arrive at a settlement so that there will be no room for raising hackles and contentions times and again to suit one's political interests. In a democracy, deliberations and discussions are always needed to arrive at unanimity of views. The decisions reached through discussion and evaluation of the pros and cons of the issues contribute to strengthening a democratic culture and help in finding a legitimate and acceptable solution to the problems. The moot point that should not be overlooked is that further delaying of the polls to the Constituent Assembly without showing any readiness and interest to fix a new date would amount to apathy and indifference on the part of the political stakeholders. This could mean a prolonged and unsettled transition, instability and uncertainty in the country's politics. Some political elements in the country may not be in favour of holding the polls as continued uncertainty could provide room for them to compound the troubles. What is needed at this juncture, therefore, is the understanding and commitment among the political forces to discuss the agenda and announce a new date for the Constituent Assembly polls. The immediate fixing of the new date will send a very positive message to both the national as well as the international community though some issues could remain unresolved and unsettled for some time to come. Holding the polls and framing a new constitution through a democratic process will bring a new era of peace and prosperity in the country.

Source: The Rising Nepal, December 3, 2007