Maoist Plenum : Unity To Continue

Vijaya Chalise

The fifth plenum of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-Maoist) concluded after unanimously endorsing the political paper presented by the party chairman, Prachanda. The meeting has concluded that opting for federalism and the proportional electoral system would be prerequisites for creating a congenial atmosphere for the polls. The Maoist Party now seems to have formally set the proclamation of Nepal as a republican state and the proportional system of elections as the party's preconditions for participation in the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls.

Republican demand

Deputy commander of the CPN (Maoist) Barsha Man Puna said that the party would seek consensus from the other parties and the government for declaring Nepal a republic and adopting the proportional electoral system before going to the CA polls. The Maoist leadership faced enormous pressure during its six-day long expanded meeting of the party to either play an effective role to meet the expectations of the people in the interim government or withdraw immediately. However, they decided not to pull out of the government for now. The decision to keep the eight-party coalition intact has assured the people again that the peace process would not face any hitches and the CA elections would be held.The delegates had expressed strong dissatisfaction with the government's working style, and some of them had alleged that the eight-party government had failed to address genuine demands of the Madhesis, ethnic nationalities and the oppressed. For that reason they argue that the new bases for the coalition to continue would be the declaration of a republic and proportional electoral system, as Prachanda's paper states, the CA poll cannot be held as long as the monarchy exists. This may call for another revision in the interim constitution.

In the political agreement reached between the Seven Party Alliance and the CPN (Maoist) on November 8, the Maoists had taken a soft position as there were many internal and external forces barring them from joining the interim government. Therefore, the UML was the only party sticking to the proportional electoral system at that time. Some political parties, namely the Nepali Congress, however, differ on whether the electoral system can be changed. The CA elections are barely 103 days away. The Maoist's fifth expanded meeting, however, endorsed the political proposal including the proclamation of a republic and a fully proportional electoral system for the constituent election polls. The document presented by Party Chairman Prachanda has underlined the need to create a congenial environment for the constituent assembly elections. Observers, too, say that the new bases for eight-party unity might be based on a broader republican front for the CA election. Madhav Nepal, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist- Leninist) has been emphasising an eight-party republican front to keep the eight-party unity intact. The Maoists favour a front among the political forces that want a republican set-up in the country. Likewise, Maoist leaders have proposed to the government taking a joint eight-party political campaign to the Terai as there is a possibility of some Madhesi groups disrupting the constituent assembly polls.However, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has reportedly told the Maoist leaders that there can be no preconditions for the polls. However, he has not yet made any reaction regarding the Maoist's preconditions. Likewise Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Poudel has expressed his displeasure, saying how a party that was fighting for a constituent assembly, even when others were sticking to a monarchial parliamentary system, could be shying away from the CA polls, setting preconditions for the polls.

Thus, the bone of contention seems to be the question of whether the country should be declared a republic before the polls or to leave it to be decided in the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly after the polls. The Nepali Congress (NC) wants the fate of the monarchy to be decided by the first meeting of the constituent assembly; however, other major political parties, including the UML and Maoists, want a republican set-up to be declared before the November polls. The CPN (UML) has floated a mid-way solution as well - holding a referendum to decide the place of the monarchy in the future political scenario of Nepal. However, UML leaders say that their party is open to both options backed by the NC and NCP (Maoist). UML General Secretary Nepal has repeatedly said that the political parties should not hesitate to go for a referendum. Likewise, the NCP Maoist's argument that the Constituent Assembly (CA) election could not be held unless Nepal was declared a republic cannot be ignored. Not only the Maoists but civil society activists, too, believe that declaring Nepal a republic is essential if the constituent assembly election is to take place. Therefore, it would be wise to build consensus among the major political forces to guarantee and institutionalise the achievements made after the April movement. The objectives of the Jana Andolan would remain incomplete until the constituent assembly elections were held in the country. The government is lagging behind in showing its political commitment empowered by the Jana Andolan. It is true that once the leaders reach high places, they usually forget the ground reality that it was the people who catapulted them to power.Collective approachThe need of the hour is for all the political forces and the civil society to create a congenial environment for the constituent assembly polls, as the constituent assembly is the only means to settle the contentious voices raised from different corners. Obviously, the main hurdle in holding the polls seems to be the Terai issue, and a collective approach is the only way out. The 20-point agreement reached recently between the government and the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFIN) is a welcome sign. In the same vein, the Terai issues could be solved once and for all, helping to create a congenial environment for the election.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 10, 2007

Don't Dissociate

The Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandadevi) has called back its representative Minister Rajendra Mahat from the government, arguing that the grievances raised by the Madhesi people could not be redressed by being the part of the government alone. In a statement issued Monday, Nepal Sadbhavana Party made it clear that the organisation will remain committed to the eight party alliance and extend support to the government even though it has formally withdrawn from the government. There may be several excuses for the Terai-based party to quit the government. But the question is whether it was the right time for the party to dissociate itself from the ruling dispensation because it is a time when a united and associated approach is necessary to address the problems faced by the country. One must mention that the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (Anandadevi) has always been apart of the national democratic movement in the country.

It has always thrown its weight behind the democratic movement in the country and allied with the forces ranged against authoritarianism. Take the instance of the democratic people's movement accomplished one-and-a-half years ago. The party was at the forefront raising revolting against autocracy. When the citadel of authoritarianism collapsed, it was an important architect in the process of conflict resolution and political transition in the country. When the issue of Madhesh was raised by other actors, including the Madhesi People's Rights Forum, more articulately and vehemently, there was an impression that the political monopoly of Nepal Sadbhavana Party as the singular representative of the Terai issue was being challenged. The party sought to project a bolder image as the sole, democratic and legitimate agent of the Terai people. Its representative in the government, Hridayesh Tripathi, had also resigned from the government, citing explicit displeasure with what was alleged as the indifferent attitude of the government towards resolving the issues of Madhesh. However, the present announcement regarding the dissociation of the Nepal Sadbhavana Party has come at a time when the country is nearing the elections to the constituent assembly. The party should reconsider its decision and be part of the government to add more weight to the resolution of the problem.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 8, 2007

Immature democracy : What good will it do?

Ganga Thapa

A clear preference for democracy is evident in its acceptance and expansion around the world. While democracy is a multi-faceted concept, sovereignty calls for competent citizenry, responsible state and proper resource allocation mechanisms. Following the April revolution, concern for legitimacy, accountability and participation in the democratic process is gaining ground, but there has been no compatible progress on the democratic front, or in political and institutional reforms to increase direct participation of citizens in policy and decision-making process. Even positive aspects of the democratic process have been undermined by party leadership.

Strengthening democracy entails going through a long and complex process of building state institutions. Democracy, by its nature, is supposed to reflect disagreements and conflicts. But the failure to develop a conceptual framework for citizen participation by institutionalising ties between state and non-state actors has left Nepal with “partial” or “undemocratic delegative democracy”, particularly in the absence of actors who can transform policies and institutions into political resources.

Nonetheless, Nepal has never enjoyed Nonetheless, Nepal has never enjoyed quality governance, which consists of three dimensions: system persistence, inclusiveness and effectiveness. An accountable government responsive to its citizens can be set up through electoral process; its absence only exacerbates the lack of adequate institutions, excessive legislation and formalities, patron-client nexus, and other cultural bottlenecks and characteristics.Democracy leads towards inclusion, enabling citizens to participate directly and indirectly. By any measure, people now have an opportunity to engage in a constitutional mechanism which can dampen aristocratic values and discriminatory social practices with distinctive changes in ground rules. This should be done to make the mechanism vastly different from the old ‘stakeholder democracy’.

In the absence of strong state structures, social constructivist understanding and institutional credibility, democracy post-royal regime has at best been a mixed blessing. Some believe that democracy in an ethnically diverse society can indeed be fostered by broad-based, aggregative and multiethnic political parties. But the fragile institutions of political parties are endangered by excessive clout of their leadership. As a result, they are not successful in bringing about attitudinal and behavioural changes among the people. The issues of power, politics and ground realities can be comprehended by the way the electoral process is progressing. Democratic ideal is essentially about a core set of values such as political autonomy, equality of interests and reciprocity. Although the quest for freedom is universal, it is not the top priority when people have to fear for their very survival.It is too early to draw conclusions on long-term effects of the CA elections. If it acts as an instrument of democracy and can help institutionalise peace and democracy, it can be assumed that there is a link between citizens’ choice and their participation in policy making. Even if the CA polls succeed in achieving and maintaining peace, its ultimate outcome would not be evident until second or third general elections under a new system. Free elections are a prerequisite for instituting legitimate power flows and making the state adhere to the rule of law. This will, in turn, bolster state capabilities through administration, market and civil society and permit broad participation. These three sectors are crucial to building sustainable political and economic networks that help shape the state and enhance justice and political legitimacy.

While there is no consensus on what constitutes free and fair elections, Mackenzie puts forward four prerequisites: a) independent judiciary to interpret electoral laws, b) competent and non-partisan administration to conduct elections, c) well organised political parties that can present their policies, traditions and candidates before the voters and d) general acceptance of rules of the game. Many have argued that in addition to free and fair election and counting, the political parties must get an opportunity to compete on equal footing, all people should have equitable access to media, political environment must be free of intimidation, and public grievances must be settled promptly and justly. Another key element is monitoring of elections by national and international observers who can play a significant role in boosting public confidence in democratic transition.Consensus should not only be directed at acquiring political goals. CA elections must be viewed as an instrument of citizens’ influence associated with a vision for building legitimate political system rather than to reward or punish incumbents. Until the old structures that reward vested interests are dismantled and replaced by new ones, neither a “democratic society” nor “free and fair elections” can be realised.

Source: The Himalayan Times, August 8, 2007

Patience And Consideration

The government is engaged in holding talks with different groups from the Terai to take stock of their demands and address their concerns through legitimate means and mechanism. In the same way, several rounds of talks have already been clinched with groups from other areas and regions to settle the impending issues and assuage their feelings and concerns. Though some issues are yet to be thrashed out properly, the government is keeping open rightfully the channels of communication with representatives of the indigenous nationalities, and it is hoped that their conditions and concerns would be given due and patient hearing on the part of the government. The talks with the Madhesi People's Rights Forum have, however, received the media spotlight because of the fact that the Terai issue is billed to be more serious and seminal. The government has already discussed the pertinent issues with the Forum for the fourth time, but principal subjects are yet to be settled and sorted out.

The major demands of the Forum include a federal state structure with regional autonomy, proportional polling system, determination of electoral constituencies based on population and proportionate participation of the Madhesi people and others in organs of the state. Earlier the Forum has also been demanding the dissolution of the interim parliament and formation of the caretaker government to hold polls to the constituent assembly. As the government is strengthening the talks team by including leaders from the major political parties, including the CPN (M), it is expected that the talks could be finalised with agreement on substantive issues soon. As the polls to the constituent assembly are drawing closer, and the Election Commission is making all preparations for holding it successfully, any delay would disturb the poll schedule announced formally in line with the second amendment to the Interim Constitution. No groups should, therefore, create any pretences and obstacles to hurt the process of holding the polls to the constituent assembly. As concerns of all the groups can be addressed after the polls to the constituent assembly is conducted, the agitating groups should be patient and considerate enough and negotiate successfully with the government.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 7, 2007

Snarling Domestic Politics : Need Of All Inclusive Approach

Madhavji Shrestha

Obviously, Nepal's political process of democratisation is passing through a critical transitional phase from the old order to a newer one. Accumulation of problems, both at the national and local level, is on the increase. The time available for holding the election to the constituent assembly is now less than four months. Given the real achievement the interim government has made in the past four months, it appears that the government will be able to hold the election only if it can work on a war footing.

Lack of accomplishmentUntil the completion of the election in a. credible manner, other problems of various dimensions are bound to remain unaddressed. Considering the performance of the government in the past 15 months, most commitments in word are either being long delayed or not started at all, clearly showing a lack of accomplishment. As of now, the targeted political destination still seems miles away from realisation.In the wake of the resounding success of the people's movement of April 2006, the inflow of external support and sympathy from the international community for the democratisation process is indeed appreciable. However, the government that includes the Maoists has been unable to capitalise on the positive encouragement to move ahead on the democratisation process. The political parties with the state machinery in their hands are grappling with the political problem of how to go further with the coalitional politics so as to bring good prospects for the people long suffering from socio-economic degradation and isolation caused by political instability. This is one of the core issues to be taken up with regard to the approach of the official policy by the interim government. The appropriate step, if undertaken with a true coalitional spirit at heart by the politicians, would eliminate the hurdles and introduce a new and broad chapter in the Nepali political landscape. Had coalitional politics at the government level worked in a proper direction as expected by the common people, the Nepali society would have experienced the steady emergence of the consociational political system, which is characterised by an equitable participation of various ethnic, cultural and linguistic groups spread across the country. Such a political process, if genuinely practised, might have heralded both accommodative and associative democracy.

We find very good examples of consociational democracy in Belgium, the Netherlands and, particularly, in Switzerland. These European countries have a social fabric that is of a multi-composite nature. However, it is the incomparable genius of politicians and statesmen of these countries that they could invent and put into practice consociational democracy that has been highly successful in ensuring that the coalitional government runs the administration satisfactorily. In reality, accommodative democracy guarantees the sharing of the political power by various multi-ethnic groups, and associative democracy facilitates in sharing the economic growth in a justifiable way. Unfortunately in Nepal, political developments are heading toward digression, if not yet deteriorating irreparably, because most of the political parties are headed and directed by the elite class, which by tradition does not genuinely represent the desire and need of the people at the grass root. Nor is there any likelihood in the near future of a political and governmental leadership surfacing that can reflect the highly composite social structure of the country. We have at least 60 ethnic groups that are sub-divided into several sub groups and mini clusters of people spread all over the country. Many of these groups have remained outside the purview of the modern system of administration and political democracy. The massive participation in the political revolution of April 2006 by the people of various walks and strata of life has opened the floodgates of political awareness and consciousness about political rights.

In the immediate aftermath of the people's movement last year, the common people's expectations have risen greatly for building democracy in the newly emerging society. Some political measures of historical significance have already been rooted. However, these politically inspired actions have yet to be effectively implemented for a democratic process advancing in a proper direction. Political observers point out the inherent weakness of the eight political parties and the interim government in introducing a political culture of working together to translate their commitments into accomplishments. This core need is visibly lacking in them. This immeasurable lacuna has made the country and people pay dearly at the cost of building a democratic society.Its direct consequence implies that the country is now fast moving towards ethnicity building instead of democracy building. True, ethnicity building is also not an undesirable development to look at, if not accompanied by violence. Each ethnic group needs to enjoy freedom and liberty in a congenial atmosphere inspired and characterised by democratic ideals and actions. However, the recently emerging reality points to the other side of development with no indication of a quick solution appearing in the scene. Currently, the Terai belt is in flames, the indigenous nationalities are making vociferous protests and other dissenting segments of the society are wrecking havoc. Constituent assembly electionThe failure to complete the promised election on the scheduled date would unquestionably prove the gross inability and incompetence of the leaders of the interim government led by the eight political parties. These politicians must come out of their political cocoon much dotted by their pre-conceived notion of political belief and behaviour if they are true to the democratic spirit of pluralism.

Source: The Rising Nepal, August 7, 2007