Reforms that CA polls call for

Hari Bansh Jha

At this time, no issue is more talked about than election and electoral reforms. This is to be expected in a country where successive governments have been postponing CA polls for over five-and-a-half decades on one pretext or the other. But the momentum for CA elections gained ground only in the aftermath of Jana Andolan II, with CA polls proposed for June 2007.Even though the date for CA election has been fixed for Nov. 22, 2007, doubts persist considering the deteriorating law and order situation. Amidst such speculation, the Centre for Economic and Technical Studies (CETS), a research organisation, organised a two-day seminar in the Kathmandu Valley recently on “Issues and Challenges of Electoral Reforms in Nepal” in cooperation with Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES), a research wing of the Social Democratic Party of Germany.

During the deliberations, participated by over 90 personalities, including politicians, journalists, academicians, and women, plus representatives of Janajatis, Dalits and Madheshis, nearly everyone agreed that election was the only non-violent method for societal transformation. They noted that the most difficult part of election was to ensure inclusiveness while at the same time addressing the pressing demands of various agitating groups and defeating communal and reactionary elements.It was felt that low turnout of the voters might denote people’s lack of commitment and trust in the electoral system and apart from the FPtP system, the adoption of proportional system was suggested. It was also felt that low level of understanding among the people about the mixed electoral system was a big challenge. In this context, the EC needs to initiate awareness programmes to help people understand the mixed electoral system and the technicalities involved.

Likewise, the Election Constituency Delineation Committee (ECDC) was viewed as a stumbling block to CA polls for lack of experts in the panel. The EC itself isn’t free of blame for its lack of transparency. Statistics reveal that the cost-per-vote in elections had been increasing. From a meagre Rs 10 during House of Representatives (HoR) election in 1991 the amount jumped to Rs 20 in 1994 and finally to Rs 27 in 1999. For the CA polls, the cost-per-vote is likely to shoot up to Rs 107.Apart from EC, candidates and foreign agencies too spend a lot of money in the name of voters’ education. With the growth in election expenses, it is difficult for the poor, honest and deserving candidates to fight and win the elections as they cannot afford to pay for 3 G’s: Guns, gold and goons. The EC needs to monitor the flow of money during the election and devise strategies to punish those who do not follow the code of conduct. The seminar concluded: CA polls, conducted in free and fearless manner, could give a new lease of life to the nation; while failure to do so at the scheduled date might invite a larger catastrophe. The CA election is also important for its role in institutionalising the gains of the people’s revolution.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 27, 2007

Maoist foreign policy based on Panchasheel: Gajurel

Kathmandu, July 25: Except for some timely modifications, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) does not have any immediate plan of making a major shift in the existing foreign policy of the country. The major thrust of the CPN-Maoist's foreign policy is based on the five Principles of Panchasheel.However, fraternal relations with the Maoist forces across the world will be continued on the basis of 'proletariat internationalism', said C.P. Gajurel, chief of the Foreign Relations Department of the CPN-Maoist. Since we entered into a new political phase, we have made some changes in our foreign policy. Now we represent in the parliament and we are a part of the interim government. We are aiming at forming our own government after the elections of the Constituent Assembly. So we must have certain policies to deal with different states and different governments Talking to The Rising Nepal on various issues relating to foreign relations, he said Maoist foreign policy will not deviate from the major international practices. "We have to work in such a way that our policy should not contradict with the existing international practices. We think we can do it. "Responding to a query as to how the Maoist would develop its international relations without active support of the United States of America and India, Gajurel said, "First of all, we do not want to single out any government for developing relations. We don't want to exclude any country. We are open and want to develop amicable relations with all."

So far as the US is concerned, it has not been supportive to this process from the very beginning when the CPN-Maoist and seven parties entered into a 12-point agreement. The US was against the negotiations between the seven parties and the CPN-Maoists. The basic policy of the US was to make an alliance between the monarchy and seven parties and exclude the Maoist from that alliance and ignite suppression against the Maoist. But it utterly failed as the alliance between seven parties and the Maoist took a concrete shape. It is very unfortunate that the US has not taken any concrete decision to remove our party from their list of terrorists, he affirmed. So far India is concerned; it is very important part of our foreign policy. Nepal and India are very close neighbours in every respect. Relations with India are very important. But we will have 'equi-proximate relations' with both India and China, said Gajurel. "We don't think our relationships with revolutionary forces in different parts of the world should jeopardise the relations with these two neighbours." Despite 'unpleasant response' of the US, are you still hopeful about patching differences with the world's superpower? In response to this question Gajurel said that people should not be worried about the relations with the US. "There are countries in this world which are doing well without US assistance. Nobody should worry about that our development activities would suffer due to bitter relations with the US. There are countries, which are doing fine, even without US assistance."

Gajurel further said, "We are surprised as to why the US is so critical about us. It was fine when we were a rebellion force, but now we are in the parliament and we are also a part of the government. It looks funny that they recognise the parliament, they recognise the government, but it is quite surprising that they do not recognise our party." Because of this erroneous policy, the Bush administration has been isolated from other parts of the world as well. Jimmy Carter, former president of the US while he was here had a meeting with our leaders and told them that the US should not have continued the previous policy, Gajurel added. ''They should have removed the terrorist tag' this is what Carter told our leaders. Former US president Carter was very positive about our democratic transformation. Even the United Kingdom, the close ally of the US has taken our move very positively. So are you optimist about the Democrats in the US? Gajurel in response to this question said "Though their basic foreign policy is not going to be changed, but we are very hopeful that the victory of Democrats in 2008 US elections will definitely review the previous government's policy," he said. It is said that the activities of the Young Communist League (YCL) have been counter-productive to the process of democratisation of your party. Do you agree with this observation? In response to this query he said ?"We don't agree with such remarks because they are totally biased and baseless.Whoever makes such comments they do not have any evidence when and where the YCL violated the democratic norms. They (YCL) are supporting the administration or police force." We always welcome healthy suggestions. The other political parties blame the YCL for bullying, but they do not comment anything over the incidents of kidnappings and killings in the Terai. Such violent activities will be a real problem for holding the elections of Constituent Assembly, he added.

Regarding the Maoists' chairman's Europe visit he said, "We have had very positive experience. We are really encouraged by their overwhelming response." Responding to a query about the possible deviation from the principles of Marxism, Leninism and Maoism while moving towards the path of democratisation, he said ? "No we are not deviating. We are trying to adopt those philosophies according to the changed context, but without any obliteration in the spirit of those philosophies. Instead, we are enriching Marxism, Leninism and Maoism. But one has to understand that Marxism is not a dogma. It needs to be modified as per the changed context. In fact it is a guide to action, he said. What about CPN-UML's transformation to new democracy? As far as the CPN-UML is concerned, it has basically deviated from Marxism and Leninism. Because they are not in favour of class struggle, but for class-coordination. And they have given up new democracy. But you are also moving towards the path of CPN-UML. Aren't you? He said "No we are just in the process of applying Marxism and Leninism in the changed context."Our political rivals have spread a rumour that we are not democrats. But we can prove that communists are the real democrats, because we represent the will of 90-95 per cent people across the country. We are not against any democracy and democratic forces. Regarding globalisation and Nepal's entry into the World Trade Organisation, he said " "We are not against it, but it should be adopted according to the financial strength of a country. We should be in a position to reap benefits out of globalisation."


Source: The Rising Nepal, July 26, 2007

Nepal's monarch awaits his fate

Damakant Jayshi

Nepal's monarch awaits his fateBy Damakant Jayshi KATHMANDU - The republican wind that swept King Gyanendra from power last year continues to blow strongly through Nepal. The king has been publicly humiliated three times in the past two weeks. His highly publicized three-day diamond-jubilee birthday celebration on July 7 fell flat, with the government, top bureaucrats, even the once loyal Nepali army, and diplomatic corps staying away. Some 700 well-wishers did turn up, most of them loyalists. But it was a far cry from the days when thousands of people lined up outside the palace gates to salute their king. The next day, nearly everyone who had been invited was present at the traditional bhoto jatra function for the Rato Machhindranath deity presided over by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala as head of state. Until this year the duty had always been the privilege of the Nepali king.

Last week, outgoing US Ambassador to Nepal James F Moriarty appealed to Gyanendra to abdicate if he wished to save the monarchy. During the pro-democracy struggle, the US ambassador was openly pro-king. He had put pressure on Nepal's political parties to work with Gyanendra although the king had usurped absolute power in February 2005. Addressing his last press conference in Kathmandu on July 13, Moriarty said: "If he wants to save the institution of monarchy, he has to take a dramatic step." This was within days of Koirala's call for the king to abdicate in favor of his grandson, who turns five years old on Monday. Nepal's influential military also supports the idea as Gyanendra's son, the unpopular Crown Prince Paras, has a reputation for drunken, angry behavior. Only two years ago, with the army behind him, the king and Nepal's monarchy seemed invincible. Now hardly a day passes without media reports calling for an end to monarchy. Not all of them are from Maoist supporters. According to a recent survey, those who want monarchy in some form - constitutional, ceremonial, or "reformed" - are currently outnumbered.

And Nepal's 240-year-old monarchy has not recovered from the tragic massacre in the royal palace in June 2001. A majority of people do not believe the verdict of a government-appointed probe team that the then-heir to the throne, Gyanendra's nephew, killed nine members of his family before shooting himself. Krishna Khanal, professor of political science at Tribhuvan University, said the reasons are very obvious: "Monarchy and democracy can never go together in Nepal, and our history post-1950 is proof of that." Krishna Pahadi, a respected human-rights defender, minces no words when it comes to expressing his views on monarchy. The monarchy has no place at all in new Nepal, he insisted. Pahadi, who was named a prisoner of conscience by the international human-rights group Amnesty International during the king's absolute rule, said: "The Parliament, which has been reinstated on the strength of the popular movement against monarchy, should set up a tribunal to try King Gyanendra for his crimes against the people as the head of the government." Pahadi argued that this would result in the king (and his family) either fleeing or being convicted, and would give Parliament an opportunity to abolish the monarchy.

The Nepali army, which privately spoke of holding a referendum on the monarchy, has now grudgingly accepted the idea of a Constituent Assembly, chosen in a free and fair election (without intimidation by Maoists), deciding the fate of the institution. A Constituent Assembly election is scheduled for November 22. But right-wing Hindu groups and parties close to the royal palace insist that only a referendum, if required, can decide the future of Nepal's monarchy. "Since there is such a concerted and calculated hate campaign against monarchy, let us go for a referendum," said Kamal Thapa, leader of the pro-palace Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP-Nepal). However, Pahadi, who is against the idea of a referendum, calling it a meaningless exercise, feels that as long as the king remains unpunished there cannot be a Constituent Assembly election, "let alone a free and fair one". "The mood of the nation is for a democratic republic, and unless the king is punished for his obvious crimes against people, this will not be possible. Moreover, he will try to prevent the Constituent Assembly election," he warned. Like Pahadi, Thapa does not believe that an election of the Constituent Assembly could be impartial because of threats from Nepal's powerful Maoists. The RPP-Nepal leader has put his weight behind a "reformed" monarchy. He has argued that it would serve as a cushion for democracy against the ultra-left and provide unity and stability in the country. Significantly, the army, still suspicious of Maoist intentions, would also be happy to have a monarchy in some form, according to most political commentators. While the debate on monarchy rages on, all eyes are now on the Constituent Assembly election. That is, if it is held as scheduled. Or held at all.

Source: Asia Times, July 27, 2007

Finding A Peaceful Solution

The eastern Terai covering Mithila, the centre of ancient civilisation and the land of King Janak, has been facing constant turbulence since the past few months. A number of armed groups have emerged one after another and have been resorting to violent activities, creating anarchy in the areas stretching from the Bagmati in the west to Koshi in the east. The government, right after violence erupted in January this year, has been trying to bring all the groups concerned to the negotiating table. The government, in a bid to find a peaceful solution to the problem there, even made changes in the interim statute 2063 and agreed to increase the number of electoral constituencies in the Terai. Unfortunately, none of the groups has responded to the government. Consequently, the problem has been dragging on, and the situation has gone from bad to worse in some parts of the Terai, raising fears about whether the Constituent Assembly elections will be held within the stipulated timeframe. Although many of the armed groups active in the Terai have broken up into splinter factions, the efforts of the government have failed so far as it has been giving more emphasis to a peaceful solution. Now that the CA elections are just four months away, it has become urgent to resolve the Terai problem to create a peaceful environment. The government has initiated some serious steps to bring the situation back to normalcy by interacting with the locals of the region.

In this context, Minister for Peace and Reconstruction and convenor of the government talks team Ram Chandra Poudel has arrived in Janakpur and invited all the agitating groups to sit for dialogue to settle the problems. Addressing a number of programmes organised there on Monday, Minister Poudel reiterated the government's commitment to meet the relevant demands of the Terai people through talks and hold the CA elections within the stipulated time. The present eight-party government truly represents the people who supported and fought for the April uprising in 2006 to usher in a new era of democracy in Nepal, and what it says represents the people's voice. The agitating groups of the Terai should realise this and sit for dialogue to sort out all prevalent differences so as to realise the dreams of the Nepali people who want to see a peaceful, prosperous and democratic Nepal. We have already witnessed that violence causes only destruction and finds no solution to any problem. Let us hope Minister Poudel's visit to Janakpur will bring in the desired optimism.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 26, 2007

Diplomats And Dilemma

Minister for External Affairs Ms. Sahana Pradhan conferred with Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala Tuesday to sort out issues concerning the appointment of envoys to the different countries where Nepal has its resident missions. Minister of External Affairs Ms. Pradhan apprised the prime minister of the ambassadorial posts sought by the Maoists in such countries as South Korea, France, the United Kingdom and Denmark. The Prime Minister, as reported, does not seem to be persuaded by the demands made by the Maoists. The differences over the sharing of diplomatic appointments to the major countries among the political parties have created hurdles in finalising the process for sending envoys to the different countries where Nepal has vital stakes in serving the nation's larger economic and strategic interests. Needless to mention, the resident missions in countries like India, USA and UK that are consistently backing Nepal in its transformative process into a democratic and prosperous country have been lying vacant for almost a year and a half.

This has several diplomatic implications with negative tones. Since the case of Nepal, especially in the context of its democratic political transformation, needs to be ably explained and presented in the international community. The absence of ambassadors to represent the country in meaningful terms is a case of diplomatic deficit. This can be attributed to the poor performance of the government itself to gather consensus on such a vital issue and arrive at a timely conclusion. It is to be recalled that the list of likely candidates had been drawn up some moths ago, but it was due to the objections raised by the Maoists that the process got stuck. The Interim Constitution requires the nominees for ambassadorial assignments to face parliamentary scrutiny and win legislative approval before being confirmed for the posts. This is a very important provision incorporated in the basic law of the land as it can contribute to selecting able and qualified persons for diplomatic assignments. As stressed by the minister of the external affairs, it is high time the political parties arrived at a consensus to appoint envoys to the different countries to head the diplomatic missions soon. This, however, cannot be done once the Election Commission issues a code of ethics for the polls to the constituent assembly to be adhered to by the government itself.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 26, 2007