Unspoken Voices

Narayan Prasad Wagle

The silent majority does not come to the streets, does not chant slogans or take up arms to have their demands fulfilled. They just remain silent though they are in the majority. Political groups, hooligans and warlords claim to represent them, but the silent majority is usually unheard of, exploited and misrepresented. This is what is happening in the ever-complicated political scene of Nepal. There is a visible difference between what the people actually want and what the various political groups are demanding and the strategies they are applying to get their demands met.

FederalismAlmost all the political parties have projected federalism as the chief demand of the people, and this was the agenda that fuelled the aggressive protests in the terai. But if we look at the other side of the coin, the reality is completely different. A study carried out by the Asia Foundation some months ago demonstrated that only a small portion of the population had any knowledge about what the constituent assembly stood for. From this, we can infer that an even smaller portion of the population understands what federalism stands for. Then how are we to believe that the people have blindly supported the demand for federalism without understanding it? Even if they did, is it meaningful? Similarly, republicanism or the retention of monarchy has been projected as the major issue of the people in the CA polls and is placed atop all other agenda. However, the silent majority has little interest on the hackneyed issue since they see no direct link between the issue of retaining or abolishing the monarchy and the serious concerns of their daily lives. Their inability to see a link between the issue of monarchy and the their daily lives is sometimes described by clever political leaders as lack of political consciousness and ignorance and, hence, they emphasise the need for an awareness campaign. But the silent majority does not accept this notion that underestimates them. Though they do not know much about republicanism, they do understand that republicanism per se will not ensure that they will not have to die for lack of food, housing or health care facilities. Also that it will not ensure an education that is free for their sons and daughters.

They also understand that republicanism per se will not put a stop to the exodus of cheap Nepalese labour into the global market. For them, the right to life, education and basic health care facilities is more important than republicanism, federalism and the like. Probably, the silent majority will be happier with the inclusion of the right to life, right to education, right to attainable standards of health and right to work. Both armed groups and agitators are using strategies and tactics that go against the will of the silent majority while claiming that they represent the people. As we have seen in the past, general strikes and shutdowns of schools and transportation have been common weapons of both the agitators and terrorists. It is as clear as broad daylight that the public is spiteful about the general strikes and shutdowns of schools and transportation. In fact, these coercive methods in the name of pressing the government to fulfil their demands are attacks against the lives and liberties of the people. Then, why do they cling to such methods like a leech and shamelessly speak a sheer lie that their cause enjoys great public support? The motive is clear: their interest contradicts with that of the general public, and they want to fulfil it by taking undue advantage of the silent nature of the general public. Nobody has the right to misrepresent the silent majority, frequently referred to as the people. Only in a peaceful process of democracy can the silent majority have their say in national politics, especially through the exercise of their franchise. It is by the votes of this section of the population that unexpected outcomes beyond the arithmetic of renowned analysts are brought about. Otherwise, whether it is in so-called fake democracy of the elite or armed politics, the needs and demands of the silent majority will be ignored, and, as a result, the whole society becomes unstable.

Understanding the peopleAs it is the silent majority that strongly adheres to the norms and values of the society, disregard for this common lot results in lawlessness, and justice of the jungle. But will our political leaders, who turn a deaf ear to the loudest cries, listen and understand the minds of the silent majority? The date for the Constituent Assembly polls has just been set. It is time they went to the hinterlands to interact with the people rather than be bogged down by the demands of the elite.

Source: The Rising Nepal, July 5, 2007

Action, action

Successive governments have formed too many commissions and committees to look into the long-ailing public corporations (PEs) and suggest measures for turning them into cost-effective or profitable ventures. But not much concrete action has been taken to that end. If all those reports were put together, they would fill many shelves. The latest report, an interim one, has come from the five-month-old Corporation Reform Suggestions Committee headed by former industry secretary Dr Bhola Chalise. Unsurprisingly, it has concluded that most of the PEs are in an unenviable state. It has categorised them as bad and very bad, and added that both the privatisation and reform process for the PEs have stalled. Therefore, it has recommended the formation of a corporation reform commission to adopt policy for reform. Though the existing privatisation committee has representation from the political parties and the private sector, little has come of it.

The justification for this commission and for reform, according to the report, comes from the belief that in the present fluid political atmosphere, full-scale privatisation cannot move forward. As the interim government represents eight parties with different views on how to pull the PEs out of red, a consensus on the PEs’ outright privatisation may indeed be difficult to achieve at this juncture. However, even the Maoists may not be averse to the idea of starting the process of selling the shares to the general public. The symptoms of the disease are more or less common to all PEs, and the disease was diagnosed long ago. What is really needed now is not more committees or commissions, but concrete remedial action to bring the ailing PEs back to health. In this context, the great majority of the corporations have no option but to privatise. The government and bureaucrats, who cannot run the ministries and departments properly, cannot be expected to run commercial, industrial or financial enterprises professionally.

In the past, many reform measures were announced to revitalise the PEs but none worked. It is therefore hard to believe that any new reform measure without changing their ownership structure will now be effective at turning the PEs around. One or two governments also sought to put vigour into the PEs by hiring their chief executives on performance contracts, but that came to almost nothing. Poor performance of the PEs has a lot to do with the failure to exact accountability. For instance, government bureaucrats who occupy important positions as chairmen or members of the boards of the PEs or members of recruitment committees are not held accountable for their performance there. There has not been a consensus among the political parties either on exactly what to do with the PEs. Any government that came to power lacked clear vision and willpower to introduce far-reaching reforms. It treated the PEs as employment mills. The interim government can no longer afford to waste time on commissions or reports. The need of the hour is action.

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 5, 2007

Federal structure: Administrative units on ethnic basis

Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay

Jawaharlal Nehru University professor S D Muni needs no introduction for Nepali intellectuals and politicians because of his long association with political developments in Nepal. Muni is a well-wisher of Nepal and an ardent believer in people’s power and democracy. He believes in the special nature of ties between Nepal and India. For these reasons his observations on current Nepali politics merit serious attention.

During his recent Nepal visit, Muni suggested that the Tarai problem be given due priority to prevent the disintegration of Nepal. The people of Tarai have been raising their voice against their marginalisation since the advent of democracy in 1950. In spite of Tarai’s contribution to Nepali economy, the state has not treated them in a fair manner. Just as a token of gesture some people from Tarai have been picked for high-level posts but not as a matter of their rights. This has been resented by the people of Tarai and particularly after the success of Jana Andolan II, and consciousness of Tarai people has increased manifold.The commitment made by the eight party alliance to restructure the state on a federal basis has been widely welcomed but the question of the basis of the formation of the new administrative units under a federal structure is yet to be answered. At the same time, the question of representation in the Constituent Assembly and future parliament remains a sensitive issue.

While there is a consensus among civil society members that the country’s future administrative units have to be decided, as far as possible, on ethnic and linguistic basis, the political leaders are still creating confusion about the issue. Even the chief government negotiator has publicly denounced formation of future administrative units on the basis of ethnicity and language. This not only diminishes the credibility of the negotiator but also raises severe doubts about government’s intention.The Tarai belt has four prominent language groups — Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi and Tharu, with Hindi as their lingua franca. Now, it has to be agreed that only the people of Tarai have the right to opt for either a single Tarai unit as a new administrative entity or four units based on language.

Similarly the question of administrative units in the hills and mountains has to be left to the wishes of the people inhabiting those regions. Although most of the mountainous districts have mixed populations, a particular ethnic community makes for the dominant part of a particular district. Naturally these ethnic communities would prefer creation of administrative units on the basis of the prominence of a particular ethnic community although the rights and privileges of other minority groups would have to be protected too. But to say that since there is no majority of any ethnic community in any district there is no need for units on ethnic basis is like trying to sweep the problem under the carpet.The fact that culture grows out of a particular language. For the protection of a culture the language has to be protected is a universal truth. It has to be accepted that new administrative units will use their own language and common link language to facilitate the participation of commonfolk in socio-political activities and promotion of their culture. The right to protect one’s identity must be recognised as a fundamental right of the people. Either those opposed to formation of new administrative units have to submit a viable alternative or they should accede to the demands of the Tarai people.

If the government adopts a policy of suppression of the Tarai agitation through force, such measures will boomerang by helping the extremists who want to see the country disintegrate. The same armed forces that assured the King they would be able to quell the Maoist rebellion in six months might try to persuade the present regime that the Tarai agitation could be thwarted by martial means as well. The politicians need to keep this in mind and must open up the vista for mutual understanding.As long as the government does not show its readiness to create new administrative units on the basis of ethnicity and language and discuss the merits of proportional representation, no meaningful discussions can take place with the dissenters and the question of free and fair CA polls will remain in limbo.

For their part, the ministers must learn to hold their tongue on controversial matters which can only be solved through dialogue. They also need to show their readiness to respond to the demands of the people of Tarai, indigenous groups and ethnic communities, dalits and women. The age of imposition of one’s idea on others has passed. The new awareness among people of their legitimate rights and privileges must be respected. There is no alternative to dialogue and discussion. Use of force is undemocratic and will create bigger problems. Recognition of the sovereign right of people is the only way out of the present crisis.Upadhyay is ex-foreign minister

Source: The Himalayan Times, July 5, 2007

Tapping Nepal’s hydropower potential

Rajendra Bhandari

The parliamentary Natural Resources and Means Committee has been meeting to decide on what could be the turning point in terms of Nepal’s development. In this regard, the country’s huge hydropower potential has emerged as the strongest contender, as far as economic emancipation is concerned. Nepal, despite being a country rich in hydropower resources, has unfortunately been unable to utilise this asset to its advantage. It is estimated that less than 2% of its hydropotential is being tapped.However, realising this enormous possibility, positive steps are now being taken in the right direction. The government, after gaining and learning from past experiences, set up a bidding committee for hydropower projects with a comprehensive evaluation process to identify and select the most capable and feasible party. Some of these include 402 MW Arun 3, 300 MW Upper Karnali, and others totalling an approximate 2000 MW projects being processed by the government and private sectors collectively.

The Parliamentary Committee is now assessing the bidding process. Embroiled in a dynamic political environment, the process seems to be taking too long. The coalition has priorities changing from day to day. Meanwhile, the world is looking up to those in power to quickly take measures that will inculcate confidence in the investing community — be it national or international.This is what puts the Committee as well as the government in a position that will help them define the future of the economic progress of Nepal. An expeditious decision on the power projects will help send a signal to the world about the government’s seriousness of purpose in inviting investment that is important for Nepal’s development. But unending deliberations and a prolonged process may take Nepal right back to where it began.Nepal may even consider taking a leaf out of its neighbour’s book. Bhutan’s achievement in terms of hydropower development has helped establish it as the nation with the highest per capita income among SAARC countries. A remarkable feat considering that there is a two-fold increase in its GDP.

Nepal too can mobilise its huge water resources. Bearing in mind the similarities between the two countries in terms of geographical size, terrain and population, adopting a parallel strategy that can leverage hydropower resources to enhance national economy could well be Nepal’s ticket to prosperity, especially with the Indian economy promising to be a big market.The government has already got overwhelming response from the international community. The approach, process and criteria of selection looked much more apprehensive and credible. No wonder many good international parties have submitted their proposals this time. The selection committee must take a holistic approach towards the entire process and get out of small issues. Now, it is up to the government and the Parliamentary Committee to settle the bidding process and take a quick step towards economic independence.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 28, 2007

Get it on

Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula urged the people and the institutions concerned to initiate a social campaign against drug abuse and illicit trafficking on the occasion of the International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking, June 26. The minister opined that since law alone would not ensure effective control over drug abuse and illegal trade in humans, the society at large should be involved in this cause. He also said a national policy should be formulated after appropriate debate and discussion with all the stakeholders. Sitaula is right in one thing: that a positive impact can only be generated if a nationwide campaign is undertaken with active participation of the citizens’ groups. Such a campaign must also involve people from the grassroots.

However, success of any social awareness campaign is contingent upon the depth of government’s commitment. Because legal protection is the most important instrument to check social ills, the state’s role becomes all the more crucial. If the government enforced stringent measures to check drug abuse and illicit trafficking, things would improve drastically. According to official figures, there are still around 70 thousand drug addicts in the country and around 55 per cent of them are HIV/AIDS victims. Some introspection is certainly warranted to find out as to why past government policies in this regard failed to become effective and why NGO-led programmes have proved by and large redundant in spite of the huge foreign assistance for over 15 years now.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 28, 2007