India-Nepal Sentimental Relationship

Kamala Sarup

There are many commonalities in culture, music and other social aspects between Nepal and India. The recent musicians showed that there are no boundaries between India and Nepal and they shared almost everything. It is a traditional musical instrument common to both Nepal and India and has grown in each of the countries both independently and through constant interactions. The commonalities of culture are always major assets to bring people of Nepal and India together. One cannot ignore these commonalities of culture".(Source:Spotlight)
Nepal and India have intimate relationship. India and Nepal are close and friendly neighbors. Relations between Nepal and India have been traditionally close. Our relationship is unique.
How do we look at ethnic diversity in India and in Nepal? What do we suggest to implement various programs effectively for the people?

A Nepali Scholar said recently to me"Talking about India first, there is no other nation-state on the planet that is as diverse as India. Nepali statesmen, thinkers and political party activists must take lessons from India's success in this regard. In about 60 years of independence Indian leaders have created institutions and means to come up with a progressively integrated nation. The federated state structure and recognition of regional languages, secular constitution, massive educational investment, affirmative action, separation of powers and independent bureaucracy, economic liberalization and other such bold initiatives have given theIndian state legitimacy and resiliency through turbulent times". He said
"The media works in tandem with non-governmental organisations and intelligentsia, and they together form civil society in a conflict situation. Further, reality is often mediated through the media. It is only based on the information provided by the media, people make a choice. If people do not get enough information, their choice will not be an informed one. So the rights of journalists are important to fearlessly report events of diverse nature. For instance, at least seven journalists have been reported missing during the emergency period in Nepal a year ago. Media should continue its efforts towards a just resolution to the conflict. It should highlight efforts towards peace and downplay events that escalate conflict. One may call this as advocacy journalism. But that is how journalism has to function in a conflict situation.

Ethnic diversity should be appreciated. At times, in the name of unity, uniformity is promoted. The concept of unity in diversity should gain ground in both the countries. Nepalese population may be broadly classified into three major ethnic groups in terms of their origin: Indo-Nepalese, Tibeto-Nepalese and indigenous Nepalese. More than 75 percent of the population is Indo-Nepalese. In India, the emergence of coalition governments at the centre is a reflection of the aspirations of different linguistic and social groups. Thus now the central government in India has council of ministers from diverse caste, ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. Polity should have heterogeneity because, after all, it has to cater to a heterogeneous population. Probably, Maoist insurgency in Nepal would decline if aspirations of different sections of the people were met.
There is a tendency both in India and Nepal to deny caste discrimination, or rather to take a functionalist stand of justifying the caste system in terms of the Hindu social order. Does this approach promote social harmony? Definitely, not. The first step to get rid of social discrimination is to accept the fact that there is discrimination. For instance, the position of not recognising caste as a discriminatory factor taken by India and Nepal at the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance in Durban in 2001 only helps safeguard such unjust social structures". Dr. I. Arul Aram, Ph.D., said to me.

Dr Arul further added "At times, Nepalese elites living outside the country are Kathmandu-centric and they fail to notice any of the problems of rural Nepal. India being a big neighbour, it is nothing wrong having cooperation in terms of military supplies and sharing of defence intelligence information. The Maoist insurgency in Nepal has claimed over 10,000 lives since it began in February, 1996. It now affects 73 out of 75 districts. The rebels have raised their own guerrilla force, militia and parallel government units in their strongholds. They also operate parallel people’s courts and are preparing to implement new Maoist-oriented syllabi in schools in their strongholds. This has made the Government dysfunctional in almost all Nepal". "In a developing country, the Government has a large share in development. But the Government should be committed and be devoid of corruption. Also, tendency of Nepalese governance to centralise and the lack of focus on development are sustaining Maoist insurgency. Only development can bring forth an egalitarian society and help integrate the refugees into the mainstream. Nepal is a small country and the problems cannot be big if there is a political will to solve them. Recent opinion polls in Nepal show that there is an overwhelming public support for peace".he said.

Source: Mediafreedom.com, June 24, 2007

Balancing act

Presentation of the national budget (2007-08), the first by the eight-party interim government, is only two weeks away. This budget will also mark the end of the 10th Five-Year Plan and commencement of the Three-Year Interim Plan. The upcoming budget is bound to be a tough balancing act, not only because of the fast-growing demands coming from the myriad groups, but also because of the different priorities of the various constituents of the government. Added to this will be the heavy burden of reconstruction and rehabilitation, plus the constituent assembly polls. Therefore, the upcoming budget will have to be substantially larger than the previous budget — it is expected to hover at around Rs.160 billion. As the average economic growth rate during the past several years (including this year’s estimated rate of 2.5 per cent) has barely kept pace with the population increase, the country has hardly grown in net terms.

This implies that the foreign aid component of the budget will have to swell. As issues of uplift of the disadvantaged communities and development of backward regions have come into sharp focus, these are likely to force the eight parties’, and therefore the government’s, special attention. There is also a pressing need to make bigger allocations for the social sector, particularly health and education, to make these services accessible to the under-privileged. The government is also under heavy pressure from other sectors such as industry and agriculture for more money, and even from its employees for pay hike. It may have to consider substantial grants for the local bodies where the elective vacancies may shortly be filled by nomination. Because, over the years, almost every sector of the national economy has suffered from huge problems emanating from the conflict and its effects, such special push for greater government attention is not unnatural.

To stimulate the sluggish economy should constitute a principal task of the government. Finance minister Dr Ram Sharan will also have to give the budget something of an “inclusive” character at a time of inclusive politics. The interim government’s Common Minimum Programme (CMP) could provide some common ground. Inclusiveness also means that the constituent parties should be widely consulted and the outcome should reflect their consensus. In view of the too many competing needs, much more than in the past years, and the limited resources, there is also a danger that the resources could be thinly scattered. Finance ministers in Nepal have not had to deliver on their promises, and their emphasis has been on making the budget sound impressive at the time of presentation. Just look at the development budget of every year and at the wide gap between promise and performance. Even the quantum of estimated foreign aid and actual disbursement may well differ. Besides, failure to cut down on wasteful expenditure and to crack down on financial corruption can send the best-laid plans haywire. This has been one of the weakest points of successive governments.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 25, 2007

State restructuring

Ananta Raj Poudyal

Ethnic tensions have surfaced in Nepal with the recognition of plural rights that had been denied by the discriminatory policies of the state. One foreign observer has labelled Nepal the “ethnic turntable of Asia”. But the state has heretofore failed to recognise its plural identity. Though some feudal practices were repealed in the 1950s, the concerned policies could not be implemented as the political parties lacked vision for an inclusive democratic process; the obscurantists and stay-putters did not like the progressive policies; and for 30 years, the partyless Panchayat polity denied even basic rights to the people. Surprisingly, the 1990 democratic constitution inherited some of the legacies of the feudal culture, only serving to perpetuate the underlying ethos of Hindu elites.

At long last, the parliamentary declaration last April declared Nepal a secular state. The latent ethnic tensions flared up. It is noteworthy that ethnic divisions are enduring, persistent and emotional, and show a high propensity to open violence. In this context, issues of heightened ethnic nationalism, regional autonomy, federal state, right to self-determination on the basis of race, language, culture and geography have appeared as the thorny issues in the restructuring process. The Maoists exploited the latent ethnonationalism and urged the ethnic groups to rise against the existing social order. It suggested federal structure on the basis of ethnicity.

The Tarai identity crisis is deep and divisive, tending to attract external predators and regressive forces that have exploited internal rifts, adding fuel to the fire. Nepal Sadbhawana Party along with the Madeshi Janadhikar Forum has claimed a union of 20 districts in the plain as a federal unit. The Chure Vhawar region too is clamouring for self-autonomy. Members of Parliament representing the political parties of the Tarai have collectively challenged the validity of the constituency delimitation commission report on the ground that it is biased and discriminatory with regard to the participation of the Tarai people in constituent assembly (CA) elections.

The National Federation of Indigenous Nationalities has been demanding full proportional representation system in the CA polls, based on ethnicity and modalities of restructuring on regional and ethnic basis. However, the government did not agree to proportional representation based on ethnicity and the proposal of electing at least one representative from each of the 59 ethnic nationalities in the upcoming Constituent Assembly polls. Rather, in response, the interim parliament passed a resolution for semi-proportional system under which 240 seats have been set aside for representation on the basis of first-past the-post system and 240 seats on the basis of the parallel system. The Hill-Tarai dichotomy has also appeared as a sensitive issue which has remained as a great psychological barrier to the emotional integration of Nepal over the years.

Those societies that have been successful in reducing ethno-political conflicts have allowed the ethnic groups to share power through democratic process and plural identity has been maintained on the basis of minimum value-consensus. When ethnic groups are provided equal opportunities for sharing the valued resources, they generally function according to the rules of the political game. At the other extreme, when the state responds to ethnic mobilisation with policies of exclusion and repression, ethno-political violence is bound to flare up into a bigger conflict. Provisions of consociational democracy (like in Belgium, Norway and Sweden), federalism (the USA, Switzerland and Canada), electoral reform in favour of minority groups, preferential programmes or quota system, and direct and representative democracy have proven effective in containing ethno-political unrest.

Conflict is a natural phenomenon in any society and violence erupts when state proves unable to establish distributive justice with regard to allocation of goods and services, honours, status and opportunities of various kinds. Conflict is a means for different ethnic groups toobtain the best position in the society. The theory of conflict management recommends developing democratic institutions and formation of civil society and citizens’ participation in the policy-making process as effective strategies for containing ethno-political violence.If political parties fail to understand the gravity of ethnic problems while restructuring the society, the already strained harmony could break apart. A horizontal model ensures reduction of inter-ethnic and inter-regional conflicts and antagonism and keeps the level of positive interaction and solidarity high. The model provides equal space and opportunity to all discrete groups in the collective process of nation-building.

Source: The Himalayan Times, June 25, 2007

CA polls to be held on November 22

KATHMANDU, June 13: The coalition government of Nepal Sunday announced November 22 (Mangsir 6) as the date for the Constituent Assembly (CA) elections leaving 152 days for the elections.The cabinet meeting held at the Prime Minister's office at Singha Durbar fixed the date for holding the elections."The cabinet or the government is fully confident that the elections will be held on November 22," Krishna Bahadur Mahara, Minister for Information and Communications told journalists coming out of the meeting. "Some of the situations for the elections have already been put in place and we will make progress for creating environment for the others in the days ahead," he said in response to the queries of the journalists. Minister for Peace and Reconstruction Ram Chandra Paudel and Home Minister Krishna Prasad Sitaula only said, "The government fixed the date of CA elections to be held on November 22." The cabinet meeting lasted for about two hours took the decision, but Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala exited at 3:45 pm after about half-an-hour of the meeting.This is the first time in the history of Nepal that the Nepalese people will be going for making constitution through their elected representatives.

The cabinet also provided the Electoral Constituency Delineation Commission 21 days to submit its report. The government, after the parliament passed the second amendment in the interim constitution, had attributed the commission formed under the coordination of former Supreme Court Justice Arjun Prasad Singh to review some technical matters of its earlier report.Fifty-five years ago in 1951 (2007 BS) late King Tribhuwan while declaring the end of Rana oligarchy and establishment of multi-democracy in the country had announced that the people themselves will make their constitution through CA elections. But the election was been put off time and again under different pretexts and never happened.The first ever election to the House of Representatives was held in 1959, with Nepali Congress garnering two-thirds majority, but two years later late king Mahendra couped against the elected government in 1961 and started his direct rule under Panchayat system, which lasted for 30 years until 1990.The interim constitution, which was promulgated on January 15, 2007, had provisioned to hold the constituent assembly elections by mid-June. It could not take place, and the parliament amending the provision on June 13 provisioned that the elections should be held by November.

Earlier Nepal has promulgated five constitutions, the first in 2004 BS which was not implemented, and then in 2007, 2019, 2047 and 2063 BS. None of them were made by the representatives of people. The eight-party meeting held on Saturday had suggested the government to fix the date of the CA elections between November 22 to 26. The interim parliament has already approved four bills related to the elections. People will follow mixed system in the elections as per the 'Constituent Assembly Members' Election Act'. The system includes two methods for the elections ? first past the post and proportional representation systems. People need to cast two votes in separate ballot papers. Under the two methods, each will have 240 seats, making the total number of elected representatives for the assembly at 480. There is also provision for nomination of 17 members by the cabinet from among individuals from different walks of national life making the total strength of the CA as 497.The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly will decide the fate of monarchy as per the provision of the interim constitution.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 25, 2007

Upcoming Interim Plan Achieving Human Prosperity

Lok Nath Bhusal

Amid the ongoing political transition, the National Planning Commission (NPC), the apex planning authority, is trying its best to craft an Interim Plan (IP) for the next three years rather than go ahead with the 11th Five-Year Plan. The Interim Plan is expected to bridge the gap between the current 10th Plan and upcoming 11th Plan. Indeed, it is assumed that the election to the constituent assembly, parliamentary polls and the formation of a new government will take place in the next three years so that the new government is better placed to bring about the 11th Plan. The unique feature of this plan has been its participatory process of formulation as the major political parties are represented in the government and Planning Commission.

ExpectationsNo doubt, given the incompatible ideologies among the different political parties, it will not be easy for the NPC to formulate a quality Interim Plan by synchronising the differences. However, the NPC, with its inclusive formation, expertise and 50 years of planning experience, has been trying hard to bring about a consensus Interim Plan. Essentially, the Interim Plan would be an instrument towards making a modern, prosperous and just Nepal at a time when the country is undergoing a profound political and economic transition.Looking back, Nepal has implemented nine successive development plans, and the current 10th Plan is in its final year. Despite some achievements in the areas of infrastructure and human development, and poverty reduction, this has not been commensurate with the expectations. The Living Standards Survey 2003/04 concludes that absolute poverty has declined by 11 percentage points from 42 per cent to 31 per cent in the last 10 years due to increased agricultural and non-agricultural wages, urbanisation, increase in the active population, and the massive inflow of remittances. However, income inequality, as measured by the Gini Coefficient, has increased from 0.34 to 0.41. In addition, according to the Human Development Report 2006, Nepal has dropped to 138th position from its earlier 136th. However, the Demographic and Health Survey 2006 has revealed that the birth rate, infant and child mortality rate have improved significantly.

One of the most crucial issues has been the inequitable distribution of the fruits of development in the past. The socio-economic status of the dalits, Janajatis, women and people from the remote areas have not improved, and reforms have not been sufficient to address the aspirations of those marginalised groups. Despite the reduction in the overall level of poverty, there are mounting disparities across various ethnic groups. A study ?Unequal Citizens: Gender, Caste and Ethnic Exclusion in Nepal (GESA)?, carried out by the World Bank and DFID, has demonstrated that 47 per cent of the dalits, 44 per cent of various ethnic communities in the hilly region, and 41 per cent of Muslim households live below the poverty line. Obviously, these figures significantly surpass the national average of 31 per cent, 14 per cent for the Newars and 19 per cent for the Bahuns. As a result, majority of the people lacked the feeling that there exists a state favouring them. The major responsibility of the state is to institutionalise the achievements of the historic Jana Andolan II. The upcoming Interim Plan should be based on the people?s spirit expressed during the Jana Andolan, the declaration of the House of Representatives, various agreements signed on the political fronts, and the directive principles and the policies in the proposed constitution. However, according to a study jointly conducted by the National Planning Commission and UNDP, all MDGs are likely to be achieved by 2015 except the ones concerning Universal Primary Education and HIV/AIDS.

The recent political development has provided numerous opportunities for a brighter future. The settlement of the decade-long conflict has brought the political actors closer, opening the doors towards creating an inclusive political landscape. Moreover, a peaceful political environment, commitment to human rights, good governance and the establishment of a loktantric system of government have been very conducive to attracting foreign assistance both in the form of grants and direct investment. The friendly relationships with the giant economies of India and China, with their historic economic growth rates, can be good marketplaces for Nepalese exports, and, thus, ways to earn foreign currency. Indeed, this has created ample opportunities for Nepal?s rapid economic development and to creating an affluent society. Also, the existing cultural, linguistic and regional diversity, and hardworking people would be Nepal?s true human capital towards making a New Nepal.

Furthermore, the mounting tourism potential, if fully exploited, would be instrumental in earning foreign exchange and creating lots of employment opportunities. Likewise, the physical and social infrastructure, efforts and experiences towards good governance and decentralised system of governance made in the last 50 years have provided a solid basis for rapid development. Now the time has come to proceed with these achievements along with innovative ideas and new dynamics. The upcoming Interim Plan should come up with a long-term vision for creating a prosperous, modern and just Nepal. Indeed, prosperity would offset absolute poverty and ensure social empowerment and easy access to quality services. Similarly, a modern Nepal would bring improvements on the thinking of the people about the social, economic and financial status, ensuring the adoption of appropriate technologies and lifestyles. A just Nepal would bridge the gap between the affluent and poor people, and end the legal, social, economic, ethnic and geographical discrimination. Indeed, this would ensure inclusive development, social justice and good governance.

Human prosperityIn order to realise this long-term vision, the major goal of the Interim Plan should be to reducing poverty and attaining economic and human prosperity through good governance, social justice and inclusive development approaches. Essentially, the major goal of the Interim Plan should be to reduce absolute poverty through the creation of employment opportunities, inclusive growth, reconstruction, rehabilitation and reintegration. The major strategies should touch upon employment-oriented, broad-based and inclusive economic growth; good governance in development works and service delivery; emphasis on rural and urban infrastructure development; and adoption of a socially inclusive development approach. The upcoming meeting of the National Development Council will try to address these issues, and formally recommend the government of the approval of the Interim Plan.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 25, 2007