BJP in favour of democracy in Nepal

New Delhi: Expressing itÂ’s concern over the growing Maoist problem in the neighbour Himalayan Kingdom Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) said on Thursday that the party would support a democratically elected government in Nepal. The gesture came from the party president Rajnath Singh after a meeting with Madhav Nepal, chief of Communist Party of Nepal, who is on a visit to India.

The two leaders discussed about the ISI activities and the Madhesis' problem. The Communist leader also discussed with Rajnath Singh the agitation of Madhesis, people of Indian origin living in the Terai region of Nepal, and assured the BJP leader that he would convey his suggestions and concerns to his party colleagues. Notably a five member delegation from BJP had visited Nepal in January 2007.

Singh also emphasise the importance of conserving the religious and cultural identity which has been the foundation of relationship between two countries. Indirectly cautioning the newly formed government in Nepal to take proactive steps in order to preserve the Hindu and Buddhist heritages in the country.

Source: Headlines India, June 7, 2007

Nepal on the track

Imran Khalid

Last week's agreement between the governing seven-party-alliance (Spa) and the Maoists to hold elections for a constituent assembly between mid-November and mid-December is a significant episode in Nepal's political history. The promise of elections, which were originally scheduled for June, was a key part of the deal signed by the Maoists with the government last year. Since April 2006, when the Nepalese monarch retreated within 19 days of protests, albeit with a toll of 19 lives of the protestors, there has been smooth progress towards the culmination of the Maoists' insurgency and establishment of democratic culture in a country that has been a monarchy for the last 238 years.

The restored parliament has drastically curtailed the king's power and prerogatives in the political system, and the Maoists are showing a readiness to get assimilated into mainstream politics and the power structure -- raising hopes of a move towards peace, stability and economic growth in this impoverished country. Since 1996, the Maoist factor has been dominating Nepalese politics. The Maoists, who had been violently agitating for the "removal of monarchy, liberation of rural population from the grip of the landlords and local administration, and creation of a "republic Nepal" for over a decade, got the impetus in their movement only during the last 14 months of King Gyanendra's despotic rule that had blatantly purged any traces of freedom of expression or democratic rights from Nepal.

Factually speaking, during their decade-long "people's war" that took at least 13,000 lives, the insurgent Maoists were able to generate as much momentum in their struggle against the monarchy as they had after February 2005. The real problem with the Maoist leadership was that it constantly squabbled with the mainstream political parties on this issue, and clung on to its violent methods. However, despite the heavy human toll, the Maoist's violent campaign could not generate enough effective thrust to seriously challenge and threaten the stability of the Kathmandu establishment.

Late King Birendra's constitutional reforms of 1990 -- that encouraged the establishment of a constitutional monarchy and rendered the King a popular titular head -- was certainly a prudent decision that kept the political forces from joining hands with the Maoist guerillas, and extinguished the possibility of any tangible anti-monarchy movement. The current intensity in the anti-Gyanendra movement derived its impulse from the fact that seven major political parties formed a loose alliance with the Maoists under a 12-point agreement that asked the Maoists to play by the rules of parliamentary democracy. The synergy created by the joint political forces and the Maoists added the incisive punch in the anti-monarchy campaign that had been missing in the past. The most positive aspects of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed between the two sides on November 21 last year are the Maoists' announcement to lay down their arms and to join the interim government, as well as to nominate members for the parliament.

The fact is that the Maoists control almost two-thirds of rural Nepal, and no government is likely to succeed in the implementation of any kind of developmental programs in Nepal without their cooperation and support. With 83 nominated members in the 329-member interim assembly, and five ministers in the interim cabinet, the Maoists are quickly de-learning their violent trends. But, despite registering their fighters and weapons with the United Nations, the Maoists still face allegations of extortions, beatings and kidnappings -- raising doubts whether the jungle warriors have really changed their outlook. Some members of the Maoists who have yet to adjust to their new life are habitually involved in these kinds of street crimes, and the Maoist leadership is trying to control these elements. Last month, after a hotelier was kidnapped and beaten for failing to hand over cash to the Maoists, the business community in Kathmandu staged a three-day strike. This was a major blow for the Maoist leadership's claim regarding a "change."

Even Maoist chairman, Pushpa Kamal Dahal (also known as Prachanda), was forced to apologise and take action against the renegade former fighters. Apparently, the Maoists have understood the changed ground realities, and they want to take full advantage of the current situation. They are in a really good position to secure enough seats in the constituent assembly, and thus fulfill their prime demand that primarily revolves around the abolition of monarchy in Nepal. The coming months are likely to be dominated by an intense debate on the future of monarchy in Nepal.

The constituent assembly's major business will be to rewrite the constitution and redefine the role of monarchy. But, given the growing disillusionment with the monarchy, there is little hope for any significant role for it in Nepal, where the people were used to viewing the King as a God-like figure. But the "people's war" of 2006 has changed the whole scenario. Even the respected octogenarian Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, who until recently was considered to be the only prominent politician in favour of the monarchy, has now changed his tone and has started talking openly about ditching the monarchy. This is a major development that may further heat up the issue when the elections are held in the later part of this year. So, Nepal is on the track.

Source: The Daily Star, June 8, 2007

CIVIC COMPETENCE OF VOTERS

Dev Raj Dahal, FES

Is the political system in harmony with representativeness? Does the electoral system make citizens approach the political system? Do both systems provide the voters self-constitution and self-organization or just mean to subject them to the realities of power struggle? One can safely assert that voting rights are not something hopelessly legalistic, it is civic, political and practical whose awareness among the Nepali voters is wretchedly superficial and low. Mere formalization of rights makes voters bitter, skeptical, passive and ultimately apathetic. In other words, they end up precisely which the democratic regime does not want them to be. Voter education should constitute a big part of Nepal's elections as the bulk of the electorate is participating for the first time and many simply do not know the meaning of voting at all. How is the message of election put forward? How do people know their choices? Manifestoes of political parties, gluttonous speeches of candidates, directives, norms and orders reflect only one aspect of the world of politics. The web of civic life consists of dense network of citizens.

This does not prevent vote buying and selling, character assassination of candidates, belittling national sensitiveness, social harmony and decent voting behavior which indicates the abdication of one's own reason, conscience and civic responsibility unless voters themselves participate in defining and creating world-views. Their ability in doing so places them in a position to make political decisions with sufficient bearing for the nation and people. What are the foundations of civic obedience? Civic knowledge and skills. The educational process should lead to discovery, not indoctrination; insight, not facts and data; and engagements, not just interest. It should help challenge outmoded values and assumptions and consciously induce them to involve in the political process.

Preparation of youth for participatory democracy requires continuous discourses focusing on the acquisition of civic knowledge and voting skills to engage and act on important public issues and challenge the fundamental problems in Nepali political and economic system, such as corruption, cronyism, opaque politics and economics and squandering of development funds in unproductive activities. Civic competence of citizens sets out what are the rights of citizens, what they may do and what they may not do as well as to move into the sphere of imagination, self-experience, reflection and will to sovereignty. It is here citizens develop a sense of trust in political authority and facilitate their engagements in politics.

The basic objective of civic education is to bring activities of parliament closer to the people. Nepalis must establish the habit of active citizenship through educative means, that is, being players, not spectators, and assume personal commitment and responsibility for what is going on in their communities, localities and the nation-state. Unfortunately, there is woeful absence of civic education by schools, by the press and perhaps by parents which speaks a lot about "non-voting" behavior of citizens. In this sense, adequate civic competence is essential because it helps to revolt against the normalizing function of traditional politics and stages a dialectical play between democratic theory and real-politik.

In Nepal so far the state supports political parties in giving space in the state-run television and radio, provides information on different aspects of election and some knowledge and information about the techniques of voting. But it does not put national problematic debate in an analytical context and stimulate thinking on alternative world-view to democratic participation.

Source: The Telegraph Nepal, June 8, 2007

Empowering Voters

Chief Election Commissioner Bhoj Raj Pokharel has emphasised on the need to accelerate the pace of preparation to conduct elections to the constituent assembly. Interacting with representatives of civil society organisations and donors, the other day, the chief election commissioner pointed out that the legal framework to guide and administer the polling process is yet to be legislated upon and called upon the political parties to reach consensus soon on the electoral design and procedure. It is to be noted that the political parties have already agreed on the electoral system and, accordingly, a new kind of polling system has been introduced in the interim constitution. For the first time a mixed election system has been adopted in the country. And it is considered as a mechanism to promote inclusion and democratic representation of all sections of the society in the affairs of the state.

The merit of the mixed system of polling lies in the fact that it combines the attributes of proportional representation and majoritation system of elections and creates sufficient space for efficiency and legitimacy of the political system. Some political parties are advocating that the proportional representation system should be adopted fully without mixing it with the majority system. This argument holds some logic as different ethnic groups have called for it too. However, since the mixed polling system has been agreed upon and this has been embodied in the constitution, there is no point on going back and introducing further amendments in the constitution. As pointed out by the chief election commissioner, the crux of the issue lies in defining the details of the polling procedure so that the Election Commission would be enabled to carry out preparation for holding the polls for the constituent assembly as agreed upon by the political stakeholders. Moreover, it is also equally urgent to carry out initiatives regarding civic education to empower the voters so that they understand and know how to exercise their franchise right

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007

Revamping Ministry Of Foreign Affairs

Dr. Trilochan Upreti

Merely changing the name of His Majesty's Government to the Government of Nepal (GON) is not sufficient to address the needs of the people. The government must strive to make its mechanism functional, action-oriented and result-oriented as per the changing times. Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala had asked the secretaries to recommend a road map on ways to make the existing mechanism more functional, responsible to the people and efficient. The report has already been submitted and is awaiting implementation.

Old bureaucracy

It is obvious that the present structure, policy and working culture do not meet the aspirations of the people. There have been several reports on reforming the bureaucracy in the past, but the suggestions were never implemented. The bureaucracy and its structure remain a ghost of past governments dating back to the Rana regime. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is no exception, and the present structure and its manpower are unable to cope with the challenges presently facing it.It is not possible to compare our Ministry of Foreign Affairs with similar entities from around the world, where there is continued research to make this high-profile government institution a centre of excellence. Its organisational structure remains as it was thirty years ago; the working culture is the same as during the Panchayat period, and sycophants and relatives of those in power continue to be given plum posts. There is little or no research, study, strategy and plan of action to tackle the challenges facing the nation ahead.

In the last 20 years, there have been incredible changes in international politics, international relations, international trade and business, and in the businesses of government. With these changes, such institutions were automatically revamped elsewhere, but our ministry refused to change. Neither the past government nor the ministry itself ever felt necessary to introduce reforms, make it efficient and establish it as a centre of excellence. Change is reform and evolution. But the type of changes required as well as the manpower and structure needed should be determined only after detailed study. What has obviously been felt necessary is that in order to bring more economic assistance, promote inward investment, tourism and enhance foreign employment, two divisions must be set up. Professionals, whether from within the government or hired from outside are urgently needed to lead the divisions. Without doubt, we need more investment, economic assistance, loans and technology for infrastructure development in this country. Huge investments are needed in water resources, tourism, railways, highways, education and health.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, however, doesn't have a Legal, Foreign Direct Investment Division or other necessary divisions, considered so vital to promote economic and other interests of the country. Every nation recruits highly knowledgeable professionals who work to safeguard the wider interests of the nation and its people. Expertise and legal assistance on such complex areas as negotiating skills, reaching agreements, implementing agreements, revising and signing treaties with nations are needed. For example, Nepal also faces legal challenges in the international courts and tribunals, for which expert opinion and suggestions are required. If such assignments are not handled by professionals, then the nation is bound to suffer huge economic, political and reputational loss. Matters relating to the WTO, BISMITEC, SAFTA, political relations and building treaties also require up-to-date and efficient legal service, which, unfortunately, is not felt necessary at our ministry. The area of arbitration is also a complex area, for which expert advice is frequently sought. For example, Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) lost to IMPRISLIO SPA (an Italian bidder) in the Kali Gandaki 'A' case, and the former was made to pay a huge amount to the latter. If similar cases arising from the Middle Marsyangdi hydel project and Melamchi Drinking Water Project are not handled properly, then the Nepalese government will suffer heavy pecuniary losses, besides losing its credibility before the international community. In such a scenario, it will take years to establish the government's credibility before the international community.

The Political Division is another significant sector. For a nation like us, the United Nations is both a strength and an opportunity. However, professionals with knowledge of events taking place around the globe need to be recruited. Otherwise, we are less likely to benefit from this world institution.

Inconsistent policy

Policy formulation on what should be accepted during negotiation and what should be declined must be made. Nepal is infamous for inconsistency and discontinuity of its policy and frequent departure and changes in its policy, which is detrimental to our reputation and credibility. After every change of government, or even a change of ministers, huge changes are brought about without much consideration and without studying their implications. It is high time, Nepal restructured the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and promulgated a common foreign policy in order to deliver the expected needs of the people. This job can only be done with broader and wider mentality and wider consensus among the stakeholder, not in isolation.

Source: The Rising Nepal, June 8, 2007