Google Groups
Subscribe to nepal-democracy
Email:
Visit this group

Wednesday, 6 June 2007

Curtain up or down

The row over Sitaram Prasain, a former chairman of a development bank accused of committing financial irregularities amounting to 280 million rupees, threatens to affect the relationship between Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and the CPN-Maoist. The Young Communist League (YCL), the youth wing of the Maoists, had taken Prasain into custody on Sunday and made him public at the Open Air Theatre the next day, before handing him over to the Metropolitan Police at Hanuman Dhoka. The PM, responding to a complaint by an FNCCI delegation at Baluwatar on Monday, got into an angry mood and branded the YCL as “Young Criminal League” for its handling of Prasain, and declared, “I’ll spare nobody. Nobody is allowed to make a mockery of law and order”. But Krishna Bahadur Mahara, a Maoist minister and government spokesperson, yesterday replied by terming Koirala’s statements the result of a “criminal mindset”, and Sagar, chief of the YCL’s Valley Bureau, labelled Koirala as the PM of “a handful of corrupt and criminal people”, threatening to stage nationwide protests until he withdrew his comment.
But Prasain is not a person for Koirala and the Maoists to fight over. There is no doubt that Prasain’s case needs to be taken to its logical conclusion. But for that, the proceedings must be initiated. The Nepal Rastra Bank (NRB) was reported to have sent a letter nine months ago (on Bhadra 26, 2063 BS) to the police headquarters asking the latter to arrest Prasain. But the authorities did not act on it, and he was rather seen to be hobnobbing with senior police officials and political leaders. That led to public doubts that he enjoyed political and official protection. The extent of his offence can be determined only after the due process of law is completed, but his public image is far from glorious. That is why Koirala’s remarks might prove a liability to him, besides the fact that he has proved helpless in dealing with financial crimes.
Nobody except a competent authority has the right to sit in judgement and pronounce verdicts. But any member of the public can help the authorities by getting hold of the accused and handing him or her to the police, as such instances abound in the country. Besides, governments have promoted the slogan that every citizen is a policeman or policewoman without uniform. The PM’s charge against YCL puts him under an obligation either to withdraw his charge or to act against the YCL. In addition, it is the duty of the government to provide justice to the shareholders who had invested 700 million rupees in the ill-fated bank. Of course, the accused should receive a fair trial. Koirala would improve the government’s and his own reputation by seizing the initiative to crack down on financial corruption, an evil that has eaten so much into the body politic that the general people seem to despair of any good coming of any commitments of the political leaders. No government can create a new Nepal by showing helplessness in the face of financial scandals and irregularities.
Source: The Himalayan Times, June 6, 2007

Poll preparations: The question of electoral model

Shailendra Kumar Upadhyay
The eight-party alliance (EPA) has finally declared the month for the CA polls. However, this does not ensure the quality of the polls, which ought to be free and fair. The very day the decision was announced, the country faced another ‘bandh’ called by the aboriginals and ethnic people.
The agreement between the government and the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) has raised certain basic questions on the modality of the election as well as the restructuring of the state apparatus. Although the announcement of an election month has given a sense of relief to all those who have been demanding it for quite sometime, the question of modality has been left undecided or it lacks consensus.
The working committee meeting of the Nepali Congress (NC) was right in reiterating that any question on which a unanimous decision has already been taken should not be raised over and over again. But as a democratic party, the NC leadership should have accepted that on issues where there was no unanimity and where a note of dissent had been formally recorded the dissenting party has the right to raise the issue whenever an occasion to do so arises.The EPA had unanimously adopted the Interim Constitution (IC) but reservations had been expressed by the CPN-UML and later by Sadbhawana (Anandidevi) on the modality of election. This time other leftist parties have also joined hands with the CPN-UML. So on this issue serious consideration has to be given to national consensus. It is clearly mentioned in the agreement between the MJF and the government that the MJF favours proportional representation. The Janajatis too have been in favour of proportional representation.
The NC and its president and prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala have a great responsibility to promote national consensus on issues that may divide the nation. It is, therefore, necessary for the NC either to convince others on the merits of the mixed electoral system or give up its adamant stand and accept proportional representation. A national consensus cannot be arrived at only by talking separately with the stakeholders. This process is long and difficult. The EPA must be ready to sit together and listen to various agitating groups. It must no longer ignore the newly emerged organisations and show readiness to work together with them.
While the accord between the MJF and the government has to be welcomed, a grave question cannot be left unattended. The MJF has insisted on the right of self-determination. It seems the government negotiator (a minister and a senior NC leader) has accepted it. But what is the right of self-determination? So far we have been talking of a federal system in which all the component states/provinces/ regions will have full authority and control over their own destiny. However, the right of self-determination means “determination of one’s own fate or course of action without compulsion”. In a federal system there is a compulsion to remain a part of the nation but with full authority and control in administering the area. But the right of self-determination can go as far as breaking away from the nation, declaring an independent nation or merging with other nations. Either the negotiator did not understand the meaning of the right of self-determination or he took it lightly without considering its implications.
After the success of the Jana Andolan II a consensus seems to have emerged on the need for restructuring the state and a federal system. A federal system is a system of government in which the central government enjoys limited authority. Matters relating to local development and administration will be the domain of the local governments. In Nepal’s case, the formation of new provinces should be on the basis of language and ethnicity. Once such provinces are created the people of that area would have full control and authority over that part of the country. However, full control and authority does not amount to the right of cession. We are for a new Nepal where people of all castes, creeds, cultures and ethnicities would have full right to decide their destiny. But this should leave no room for disintegration.
The issue of electoral model is a vital question as it involves representation of the ethnics, Dalits, Madhesis, etc. So there is need for consensus on this issue. If there is a consensus on the model as stipulated in the Interim Constitution then the question of constituency delineation has to be revised. But if the consensus is in favour of proportional representation the nation becomes one constituency and so the question of delineation becomes irrelevant.The questions of the nature of restructuring of the state and the electoral process have to be taken up seriously and all problems should be resolved quickly, otherwise the EC cannot make adequate preparation to hold elections in time. Any delay or further postponement of the election on any grounds would open the way for disastrous consequences.
Source: The Himalayan Times, June 6, 2007

Tuesday, 5 June 2007

Nepal: Carnage Anniversary Gives Way To Creepy Anticipation

Maila Baje
The Narayanhity Carnage anniversary went largely unmarked this year. And for good reason, at least from the perspective of the Eight Party Alliance (EPA)-led power elite. Unlike previous years, there was no longer any logic to eulogizing King Birendra as the antithesis of the current monarch. When the EPA's overt objective still is to do away with the throne, accusing King Gyanendra of usurping it is obviously a waste of time.

Last June, despite its capitulation, the palace was still a palpable player. The fact that the House of Representatives owed its resurrection to King Gyanendra's proclamation was pretty apparent. Since the interim constitution doesn't recognize the king, and the debris from royal statues lays strewn across the landscape, the monarchy is on its way out, right?
Not so fast. In varying degrees of conviction, the communist factions that dominate the interim legislature believe constituent assembly elections can't be held as long as the monarchy exists. In terms of shifting the goalposts, our comrades are very supple. For an embattled palace, the good news is that the only way it can head is up. Despite the sustained calumny, the crown continues to draw the support of roughly half of the people, according to most opinion polls. As any pollster knows, the large "undecided" column is the place to watch.

With the military having emerged as the most trustworthy national institution in the latest poll, the threat of a coup seems to have risen. Maoist chairman Prachanda has discounted the possibility of an army-backed palace takeover. Yet even he recognizes that warnings of impending authoritarianism are being sounded by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, not some royal rep on a palace-appointed cabinet.
Prachanda's deputy, Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, has conceded that the Maoists respected Koirala only for his international legitimacy. On the defensive vis-a-vis the constituent assembly elections over the past few weeks, Koirala has now turned the tables on the Maoists.
If the elections are to be held on schedule, a modicum of law and order is what is really needed - not an arbitrary declaration of a republic. This can't be news to Prachanda. Long before the premier, the Maoist chief had publicly acknowledged that a mere legislative declaration of a republic wouldn't force the monarch onto the next flight out of the country.

It was significant that Koirala chose June 2, the Nepali-calendar anniversary of the palace massacre, to renew his threat to institute drastic measures to restore law and order. If Koirala succeeds in mobilizing the army against forces of instability, that would no doubt be a belated personal triumph.
But he hardly seems to be in a mood to rejoice. It's Dr. Bhattarai's "international" dimension our premier is really zeroing on. At the South Asian summit in Delhi in April, Koirala declared he had staked his six decades of politics on mainstreaming the Maoists. The Young Communist League (YCL)'s antics have forced the premier to reconsider the wisdom of that accomplishment on various external planes.

Former premier Sher Bahadur Deuba has returned from China, ostensibly having assured our northern neighbors of the Nepali Congress' recognition of geopolitics since its last stint in power. The longer Prachanda persists with playing China and India off against each other in his search for the best patronage, the greater the chances of an ultimate fiasco.
China may have opted out of the Diplomatic Corps' statement demanding the security and safety of foreign envoys, in the aftermath of the YCL's attack on US Ambassador James F. Moriarty's vehicle. But it would be wrong to construe that Beijing's pragmatism comes with unlimited patience. More so, when a US Assistant Secretary of State arrives in Kathmandu for the express purpose of encouraging the government to set the date for the elections.

On the southern front, an EPA delegation is sounding out the official mood of India. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has affirmed his intention to take the Bharatiya Janata Party into confidence while proceeding with his Nepal policy. Newspapers close to the New Delhi establishment are becoming more candid in asserting the urgency of giving the monarchy a "toehold".

Gandhi family confidants, moreover, remind us that it was then-Prince Gyanendra who kept open those vital channels of communication during King Birendra's 1988-90 standoff with Rajiv Gandhi. When Rajiv lost power, Prince Gyanendra still maintained contact. King Gyanendra's message to Sonia Gandhi after her Congress Party won the 2004 elections, we are told, didn't come out of the blue.
The death of former army chief Satchit Shamsher Rana, the man the Indian media reviled as the chief architect of King Gyanendra's takeover, may or may not have helped clear the air between the two dynasties. The fate of the Bhutanese refugees' Long March was nevertheless emblematic of the extent of New Delhi's reciprocity to friendly royals.

The Nepali Congress, mindful of its own history, is sticking its finger in the wind. Leaders of both factions are blowing hot and cold on unity prospects primarily to keep the communists guessing.
Unity will eventually come and the catalyst will likely be the Nepal Army. Those wary of a military intervention should look not at Pakistan, but Bangladesh - perhaps even Thailand - for parallels.

An army-backed Nepali Congress-led broader democratic front under the monarchy sounds too far-fetched? After the 1951 democratic upsurge, few Nepalis had envisaged the Shahs and Ranas ending up as a single power center.
Source: Newsblaze, June 4, 2007

Nepal: New Beginning Or Dead End?

Hari Bansha Dulal
After a year of political marathon, the Eight Party Alliance's (EPA) government has reached a dead end. With the CA elections in limbo, the EPA government is rapidly losing its legitimacy to govern and the notion of "New Nepal" is losing its appeal. The inability on the part of the EPA government to announce fresh poll dates has raised a question of legitimacy on part of EPA to govern.

The unmatched enthusiasm pumped among the citizens by the people's revolution-II is being deflated at an unprecedented rate. Due to the mishandling of the opportunity by EPA, the Nepali people have started concluding that nothing has changed except the names at the top. Things have changed both for the rank and files of the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) that were on the run during King Gyanendra's regime and the Maoists that took cover of the nature-forests - to keep their lives and dreams afloat. The biggest beneficiary, however, has been CPN (Maoist) who got a safe landing and leapfrogging opportunity from the darkness of jungles to the corridor of the Singha Durbar.
Needless to say, EPA has tremendously benefited from the people's trust and willingness to rally behind them, but what have people gained? It is high time to balance the book. With the increase in violence, insecurity, and the government's inability to conduct CA elections, the Nepali people who have become consumers of false dreams sold by politicians have started asking themselves: Was people's evolution-II for us or for the politicians whose political careers have been choked by King Gyanendra?

While the hand-picked parliamentarians are drawing fat checks for raising hands to consent on the decisions made by the top leaders of their respective parties, the transition period meant to secure peace and ensure the long-term prosperity of the Nepali people, the populace is laden with violence, chaos, and insecurity. This further complicates the minimum conditions required for conducting CA elections. The question that arises now is how long the interim parliament and the EPA government should be in place before it is deemed that they have lost the consent of the governed? What can they do to buy the required legitimacy to govern, if anything?
Be it before the start of the Maoist insurgency, during the insurgency, or after the safe landing of the Maoists, things are same for the rich and famous and their kids. They had everything to lead a comfortable life and buy their safety. The Maoists did not inflict a scratch on the rich and famous because of their symbiotic relationship that was largely based on the money that they could extract from the privileged class.

As usual, things are normal for the privileged class now. While the sons and daughters of the rich and famous frivolously spend money to sweat themselves out in discos in the capital, the children of poor in the far-flung villages are sweating out of nervousness of not being able to keep their dreams afloat.
Thus, the biggest losers of the ongoing violence, insecurity, and the inability on the part of the government to navigate the nation towards political stability have been the poor and downtrodden populace. The sons and daughters of rich politicians and businessmen can buy one-way ticket to Western countries but what about the children of poor that are forced to waste their precious human life due to the inability of politicians to provide required opportunity to lead a meaningful life?

One of the many reasons why the plight of the indigents is not taken seriously is because most of the politicians have no clue about what it means to be a poor. While some were well off to begin with and are not in a position to understand how debilitating poverty is, others have amassed enough wealth (which would have been impossible if pursued through legal means) and have forgotten those old days whereby they had a hard time meeting basic necessities. Like the majority of politicians, the new entrants in Nepali politics (the Maoists) who successfully sold the dreams of prosperity to the largely illiterate and economically deprived populace, are not doing enough to fulfill peoples' aspirations.
They seem to not realize that their propagandist politics alone will not be of any help when it comes to building an egalitarian nation. They have no well-tested developmental model, no proven strategy to spur economic growth, no clue about how to properly redistribute wealth other than redistributing land, and no desire to secure peace which is a prerequisite to prosperity.

For development to take place there should be peace in the nation. Prachanda's dismissal of existence of other forces such as MPRF and NIFIN and his social workers turned militias are the main obstacles towards securing peace in the nation. Thus, Prachanda's claim that he would turn this largely hungry nation into a prosperous and well-functioning democracy like Switzerland is simply ludicrous. Who in the world would like to invest in a nation where shutdowns of industries by cadres of political parties happen on a mere whim, with intimidation and extortion rampant?
It did not take very long for the gain of mass movement of 1990 to dissipate. Fifteen years and we are back to square one. Hard-earned democracy did not last long because the rent-seeking coalition between business and politics served to fuel corruption and violence in the body politic of Nepal. Easy money earned through illegal means was used to sustain a new class of political elites who remained immune from the forces of law enforcement because of their political status and connection.

Like in the past, the politicians do not appear to be driven by a sense of mission to transform the society in a particular direction this time around too. If not corrected, the lack of developmental vision and the ability to secure peace amongst the current leadership, who do not seem to have learnt lessons from the past, will be compounded by their weak commitment to realize the importance of such a vision. Popular disillusionment is sure to occur like in the past which the Maoists cashed pretty smartly in their favor, mainly due to the failure of the state to deliver expected democratization of local social relations and political authority, continuing poverty and a widening gap between the haves and have-nots.
The only question that kept on lingering in people's mind after the fall of King Gyanendra's regime was, "What would our leaders do differently than they did after the fall of Panchayat regime in 1990 that would strengthen democracy and make Nepal prosperous?" And, our leaders are not doing anything differently even though the political and social landscape is not the same as it was during the early 1990s.

The time is running out for the EPA government. All the constituents of EPA should realize their mistakes and pledge a non confrontational style of politics. For any meaningful change to materialize, the centrist forces should correct their laid-back attitude, understand the need for a changed political landscape, and realize the urgency to work towards fulfilling people's aspirations. As far as the political left is concerned, it should pledge non rhetorical style of politics and stop abusing parliament as an arena for rhetorical exchanges.
It should be rather used as a vehicle for political consensus building. Furthermore, it should find ways to keep its unruly cadres within its grip. It somehow got to teach its cadres rational and civilized ways of protesting. Indulging in immoral acts of burning and destroying public property that we built through the tax payers' money is mockery of our own achievement.

If political leaders fail to understand the gravity of the situation and continued with their old habits, coming generations too will have to fight for democracy again. Failure to deliver development benefits and meet people's aspirations shall invite February 1st over and again in some form or another.

Insurgencies will easily flourish as impoverished societies are hot beds for such movements. The Maoist insurgency by no means is an end to rebellion. The desire to rebel shall stay put until the Eight Party Alliance (EPA) and the subsequent governments in the future are able to ensure peace, prosperity, and pursuit of happiness.
Source: The Kathmandu Post, June 1, 2007

Maoist Terai wing for Madhesis' rights

KATHMANDU, June 3: The Madhesi National Liberation Front Nepal has made public various decisions passed in the context of the rights and interests of the Madhesis and the contemporary political developments.The extended meeting recently of the Front's Central Office, chaired by Matrika Prasad Yadav, convenor of the Front's second national convention organising committee, decided to consolidate the organisation and extensively expand it, distribute and renew membership, constitute a five-member action committee under the leadership of Mahendra Paswan and carry out a month-long peaceful programme for securing the rights and interests of the Madhesh and the Madheshi peoples in a phase-wise manner.
The Front has also taken the decision to organise peaceful protest programme from June 7 to July 9 with the objective of exerting pressure for proclamation of the date of Constituent Assembly election by declaring republic from the Legislature-Parliament itself, of immediately proclaiming the Madhesh autonomous provincial republic, of taking action against the criminals involved in the Gaur massacre and of making public the status of the people said to have been disappeared.Chairman of the CPN-Maoist Prachanda, in-charge of the East Command of the party Badal, deputy commander and joint in-charge of the Mithila Bhojpuri Bureau Baldev were also present in the meeting, the Front stated in a press release issued Sunday.
Source: The Gorkhapatra, June 5, 2007