Google Groups
Subscribe to nepal-democracy
Email:
Visit this group

Tuesday, 15 May 2007

Catch ’em young, Maoist style

Ambarish Dutta

Alert sounded along the Indo-Nepal
Catch them young" is now the slogan of Maoists in Bihar.
In their bid to regroup after their counterparts in Nepal joined mainstream politics, Maoists here have come out with a new recruitment scheme that revolves around targeting hapless villagers to send a male or female child to join the Red army.
The anti-Naxal wing of the intelligence recently gained access to some documents suggesting the Maoists’ new recruitment scheme.
Villagers, reportedly, refrain from filing missing persons’ complaints as they fear reprisals from Naxal groups.
Sources in the intelligence said that the numerous Islamic terror outfits here are now recruiting children in remote villages, mostly in North Bihar bordering Nepal, to fight their battles.
According to sources, over a dozen schools in central Bihar were shut down in the recent past following Maoist threats as it was education which could prevent children from being misguided by them in the name of revolution.
The Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) and the local police have already sounded an alert along the Indo-Nepal border against the possible arms infiltration in the border districts which include east and west Champaran, Sitamari, Sheohar and Madhubani.
Sources said that the infiltration of arms was planned in view of the warning by the Nepal Government to the Maoists there to hand over arms or face stern action.
The police and intelligence agencies are trying to verify whether the recent attack on Riga in Sitamari near Nepal border by the Maoists was a planned to create panic among the people and the police for safe transport and dumping of a portion of arms belonging to Nepali Maoists.
Source: The Tribune, May 14, 2007

Poll postponement: Parties should follow people’s mandate

Sagar S Rana

King Gyanendra’s actions that eventually led to his takeover of total authority of the state in February 2005 was against the very fundamentals of the democratic process and the Constitution of the nation. Instead of bringing stability as he had expected, under his leadership, the royal coup united the people of Nepal against him and galvanised the ongoing movement aimed at his ouster and for restoration of democracy. The 12-point Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) of November 22 the same year, between the seven political parties that led the peaceful Jana Andolan II and the Maoists who had waged an armed struggle, was the natural sequel to King Gyanendra’s blunder.
It took some time for the people at large to digest the message of the MOU and for the eight parties to work out a modus operandi but the movement gained momentum slowly at first, spread throughout the country and rose to a crescendo in the streets of Kathmandu. The unprecedented mass of humanity surging from all directions forced the King to surrender back the powers he had usurped from the people. This well-documented chain of events needs to be repeated here to drive home the relevance of the MOU as a document akin to a Charter for the People of Nepal. The governments that have followed claim rightly that their legitimacy is derived from the will of the people as expressed by the successful culmination of the Jana Andolan II, but at the same time they must accept the MOU as a mandate within which they should function — a social contract they cannot neglect.
The basic goals set by the MOU reflected the aspirations of the people for peace, a democratic system of governance and restructuring of the state with a view to empowering the marginalised sections created by the feudal society. The constituent assembly (CA) was seen as the instrument or mechanism to bring about these changes. It appears some of the leaders of the eight parties are either confused or trying to confuse the people by loud claims that postponement of the CA elections destroys the fundamental aims of the people’s mandate. Means or mechanism to reach the end is being confused with the goals. Indeed, by acting in haste to set totally unrealistic deadlines, whether be it the inclusion of the Maoists in the parliament, or in the government, for adoption of the Interim Constitution, or the date of the CA elections, they have created confusion and administrative chaos that could and should have been avoided through more mature decisions. Within less than two months since the Interim Constitution came into being, more than 60 amendments have been made.
By not involving the marginalised and neglected sections of society in the decision-making process, the rulers, new and old, have lost the trust of the very people whose ‘inclusion’ was one of the main motivational forces of Jana Andolan II. Dissatisfaction turned into violent eruptions in case of one such group, the Madhesis. Other such movements by, for example, Janajatis and Dalits cannot be ruled out. The Maoists have not been able to change their mindset or pattern of behaviour and continue activities of coercion, destruction or forceful occupation of public or private properties and use of force. They are doing so despite their comrades holding ministerial posts in the government.The Prime Minister could have refrained from proclaiming that the elections will be held under any condition within the stipulated date. The government should have concentrated on preparing the prerequisite laws. Preoccupied with the self -imposed deadlines, the government has failed to address the more urgent and important aspects of process and procedure, which influence the quality of the end product.
The Election Commission had no option but to recommend the inevitable postponement. Commonsense would suggest that the eight parties should have sat together to determine a more realistic new date and then set about the task of implementation and creating a conducive atmosphere for CA polls. But instead, the rhetoric of blaming each other or the vague ‘external forces’ or the ‘regressive elements’ is in full flow. The parliament cannot function as legislators disrupt its normal working. Lawlessness prevails within and outside the parliament. Indeed it appears to the public that it is the political parties that are hell bent on creating the impasse and confusion.There is talk of ‘Left unity’. Not an unnatural process in the normal course of events, but a perilous move that would break the eight-party unity, the very basis for the process of peace and the roadmap set by the MOU. At all costs, such misadventure should be avoided. If the leaders fail the people, they will face their wrath. The regressive elements can rise again, foreign powers may be more active in the country and the people will rise again if the parties fail to unite and deliver.Rana is CWC member, NC(D)
Source: The Himalayan Times, May 15, 2007

NEPAL: A GRIM PICTURE

Bhumika Ghimire

Recently Nepal celebrated one year anniversary of the historic April revolution. Looking at the excitement in the eyes of people gathered across the nation to celebrate the day, one could say that finally Nepal is in the path towards achieving its great destiny. But it looks like the road ahead for Nepal and its people is going to be a bumpy one despite all the excitement and hope.
On May 1, Prachanda, leader of the Maoists has threatened that unless monarchy is abolished by mid May, his comrades will be holding mass protest. Whoever thought that inviting the battled hardened guerrillas to join parliament would cure them of their old ways was seriously mistaken.
Since the April 2006 revolution, the Maoists have been unable to show they understand how democracy really works and that they are willing to act accordingly. For instance take their threat of mass protest (a.k.a. making normal people's life as tough as possible), ongoing campaign of intimidation and extortion. What is it going to take for the comrades to understand that beating up people who do not agree with them or threatening violence if their demands are not met is not real democracy? I wonder why their friends in India (namely Sita Ram Yechuri), who by the way come to interfere in Nepal's internal matter as if we were their protectorate or "soon to be state", did not tell them their ways are not acceptable if they want to claim to be democratic. Listen Yechuri! The seven party alliances, your friends out of jungle are still the same violent, disrespectful and un-democratic mass.
To add to this situation, Terai is agitated with demands for equal rights and representation. The movement is a welcome sign of awakening and empowerment in the long neglected region. But like every other thing going on in Nepal this too comes with a price.
Terai is now seeing violence in scale not see before, there are people with convoluted agenda who are spearing communal hate and the close relation between MJF leader and India is looking menacing. Maoists’ inability to be truly democratic and situation in Terai will have far reaching effect in Nepal and its position as an independent nation. Both they have invited increased interference from India; economy is in shamble, social fabric is being hurt.
Talking about hurting social fabric, the decision to declare Nepal a secular state, behind all the praise from international community and rights activists seems to cutting deep into our long held traditions and beliefs. Don't get me wrong, I am all for religious freedom but it is truly sad to see the leaders under a false belief that declare a nation secular is the ultimate in ensuring religious freedom. Even before Nepal was secular, the country had been praised for its tolerance for religious other than Hinduism. So why did the nation felt so compelled to be secular? Well, there are elements within the power structure who believe more in dress-up democracy rather than working to have a real democracy.
Nepal being secular is now been seen in evangelic community as an opportunity to convert people to Christianity. Churches are mushrooming across Nepal. People in the villages who have been neglected for long by the government are now being lured into Christianity with big hopes and dreams of prosperity.
Nothing bad per se but there is something inherently wrong here. Religion is not a business and you can not trade god like some used goods, expecting to make a great deal in the trade. I mean Jesus was a great man, great teacher but trust me he would not approve of this trend where his name is being abused by people. Evangelicals are treating Christianity like a commodity and using it to get more people on their side, which is truly sad for anyone who believes in god.
Not so fast, don't call me anti-Christian yet. I will oppose to any "re-conversion" drive, similar to that championed by the BJP and VHP in India.
Now all hopes to make Nepal better is pinned up in being a Republic. Let’s see how that works out? I mean "republic" should fix Nepal in second right? After all, most rich, industrialized and free nations are republic?
Source: American Chronicle, May 15, 2007

Letter to SPA & Maoist leadership

We, the concerned citizens and supporters of Nepal placed our trust in the Seven Party Alliance just over a year ago. It was our hope that the leadership entrusted with bringing Nepal into a new era of democracy and freedom through the Jana Andolan movement would continue in the spirit of last year’s demonstrations and re-introduce effective and competent governance to Nepal. Since that time we have been saddened to observe a return to the same style of ineptitude, corruption and political bickering that marked the previous 15 years under this same leadership. Under your tenure of the past year, Nepal has begun to spiral downwards towards anarchy and the complete disregard for the rule of law; threatening not only Nepal’s sovereignty, but the very safety of its citizens. It is because of this current untenable situation that we now must withdraw our support for your leadership and express our opinion of “no confidence” towards this Prime Minister and Parliament.
We also hereby refuse to cooperate or give legitimacy to any force that uses brutality and coercion as a mean of furthering their agenda under the guise of restructuring Nepal, be it Maoism or any other movement. We strongly object to welcoming such groups into government with their violent adherence to their own sense of ideological supremacy undeterred and unchanged by our constitutionally established rules of governance.
Your failed leadership has contributed greatly to the present dire security situation in Nepal. It is to this fact that we must demand that the Prime Minister and Parliament suspend its operation and immediately refrain from further deliberations or acts of governance.
We demand that the National Army (NA), or any legitimate security force requested, begin operations that will directly lead to the restoration of law and order and peace in Nepal. These operations include establishing the active presence of NA forces wherever possible, a committment to fair adjudication of disputes and the active suppression and confiscation of all firearms displayed publicly by those not directly employed in Nepal's army or police or authorized security services.

Concerned Citizens and Supporters of Nepal

Source: Nepalnow Blog, May 14, 2007

Chewing On Koirala’s 20-Percent Kernel

The monarchy, according to Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s fresh calculation in Biratnagar, has shrunk to a fifth of its pre-April Uprising size. With the Chinese ambassador having formalized the premier’s concurrent status as head of state, Koirala is perhaps being a little generous – even allowing for his hometown-induced exuberance.This reckoning is bound to enrage Prachanda further. The former (and soon to be?) rebels were already warding off the wrath of fellow Reds in the UML for having registered a proposal in the interim legislature to abolish the monarch without, so to speak, due process.Illustrating his point, Koirala explained to reporters that King Gyanendra was busy visiting temples and so on as part of a long but inexorable path to citizenry. The monarch, according to other sources, may be doing so as part of his elaborate but surreptitious coronation.Over a year after his regime collapsed, King Gyanendra reportedly maintains his executive-monarch schedule. He maintains regular office hours, voraciously reads newspapers and magazines, meets with people from different backgrounds and attends to household responsibilities.Between October 2002 and April 2006, King Gyanendra didn’t seem terribly excited about scheduling a coronation. True, a few auspicious dates were being thrown around, but little else. With the monarchy in suspension, even facing the prospect of abolition if the Maoists have their way, this could hardly seem a propitious time for a coronation.On the other hand, a king so overt with his religiosity and ritualism could not have envisaged such a seminal event without proper sanction from the planets and constellations.What about the secrecy? Hanuman Dhoka Palace, the traditional venue of coronations, hasn’t shown signs of the festivities. Is the surreptitiousness in conformity with the stars, too?Or is the old palace being readied for a new role? One report a few weeks ago said it was being set up as the secretariat of a new royal regime once the Young Communist Leaguers finally shed their civvies. Narayanhity Palace, so prompt in rebutting all manner of speculation, has been silent on this one.And rumors are flying in all directions. Now we are told that the United Nations has made contingency plans to evacuate its staff to New Delhi should things get any worse. Clearly, the organization remains seared by the August 2003 attack on its premises in Baghdad, which claimed several international civil servants, including the top UN official responsible for Iraq. The UN had refused to relocate to Amman, citing that the anti-American groups would remember that the international organization had tried to prevent the invasion until the very end.Unlike the ex-Baathists, jihadists or whoever the attackers were, our Maoists have already accused the UN of doing Uncle Sam’s bidding in Nepal. Of late, Prachanda has been warning against efforts to undermine the Maoists. His one-time mentor, Mohan Baidya, has candidly explained why a republic cannot await a constituent assembly: national and international forces are creating anarchy to sway public opinion towards the relevance of the monarchy.As for Koirala, well, he’s too consummate a politician to have blurted out that 20-percent figure for nothing. The Chinese ambassador’s bow and stretched hands may have symbolized the loss of a power the monarchy had enjoyed even under the Ranas. But Koirala knows the envoy was acting in conformity with an interim constitution reflecting the tentativeness of all things Nepali.The premier’s real message from Biratnagar this time, as far as Maila Baje is concerned, is his warning to legislators stalling house proceedings of an onset of a dictatorship. The last time we heard someone make that prophesy in the midst of political bickering and Maoist machinations, we were merely months away from February 1, 2005. And, let’s not forget, communications minister Mohammed Mohsin was just the spokesman for the government.
Source: The Nepali Netbook Blog, May 14, 2007