Political stalemate: Cool-headedness is need of the hour

BP Mishra

The meeting between Prime Minister G P Koirala and Maoist superemo Prachanda on May 22 was expected to end the prevailing political impasse. Prior to that on May 21, the cabinet could sit only for ten minutes to clear the budget for the maintenance and management of PLA cantonments. Significantly, on May 25, the cabinet, after a long silence, formed a judicial commission to investigate the Tarai unrest and the March 21 Gaur massacre. The meet between the PM and the Maoist supremo reportedly lasted for about two hours in which the Maoist leader requested for early release of the budget agreed upon and passed by the cabinet earlier, according to which each PLA fighter living in the cantonments would get Rs 3,000 per month.

The move is believed to have facilitated the process of second phase of verification of the PLA by the UNMIN. The PM is understood to have expressed his grave concern about YCL activities, its failure to execute earlier agreements, and especially the issue of return of seized properties. Again, as reported, Prachanda has advised YCL cadres to behave in a proper manner. It is high time to mull over the deadlock over the peace process. Be it the signing of the 12-point agreement or the Comprehensive Peace Accord, passing of the Interim Constitution, or formation of the interim government, the peace process has made a slow progress. Meanwhile, the core issue of holding CA elections in fearless and fair manner does not seem to engage the attention of the government and the eight-party alliance. Analysts have viewed this situation from different angles. First, although a CA election was accepted as a meeting point by both sides, each used the pretext ultimately to suit their own interest. It helped the Maoists land safely into the realm of competitive politics and the seven-party alliance to come to power.

Strangely, they are treating the CA election as a parliamentary election as they hope to continue in power only through it. To them, the primary function of the elected CA will be to provide governance first and only then to draft a new constitution. For this simple reason, the legislature-parliament has passed a lengthy Interim Constitution (IC) and the First-Past-the-Post system has been accepted as a component of the mixed electoral system for CA polls.

Secondly, it seems that both the sides accepted the peace process as a means to achieve their political goals: both appear to be concerned more about political gains than maintaining peace. Thirdly, the political parties are competing among themselves to widen their sphere of influence, thereby ignoring the demands of the Madhesis, indigenous nationalities, Dalits and women. Fourthly, there is a huge confidence deficit among the constituents of the eight-party alliance as one party is always apprehensive about the political mileage the other may gain. Finally, the slow yet steady peace process appears natural as it is difficult to mend the ways of a militia that was trained to fight but now has been forced to live in cantonments and undo their own actions in the course of insurgency. The continued stalemate in the legislature-parliament has not been taken seriously by the eight-party government. The Maoists have called off their agitation inside the House as they have already been successful in registering amendments in the Constitution for establishment of a republic and now their demand for maintenance and management of the PLA cantonments has also been met. But since the demands of the Madhesi MPs are yet to be addressed, the stalemate might well continue. The demand of the Madhesi MPs and the Madhesi Janaadhikar Forum (MJF) to constitute a judicial commission to probe the killings in Madhes has now been addressed. But the delay can continue for three reasons. First, the government did not attach any importance to the killings of Madhesis and treated it as a trivial matter. Secondly, the government was under the pressure of the Maoists to ignore the demands as the latter are not ready to accept the political importance of the MJF leaders as they were once Maoist cadres themselves. The Maoists reason that it will be detrimental to their interest to allow the MJF to develop their own constituencies in Tarai as it was under their sphere of influence during the insurgency. Thirdly, the government devoted considerable time in trying to suppress the sentiments of the Madhesis with an iron fist. The security forces were deployed in great numbers in that region, ignoring the fact that the Madhesi uprising was not the result of the actions of the MJF leaders, but a spontaneous outburst of the resentments of common Madhesis. Hence the issue needs to be considered with a cool and contemplative head. Armed suppression may be effective only temporarily. A well-reasoned solution is the need of the hour in order to bring about lasting peace and credible CA polls.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 29, 2007

Nepal conundrum

Paul Soren
It has been over a year since the People's Movement (Jana Aandolan) of April 2006 forced King Gyanendra to abdicate royal throne and hand over the power to the loosely formed Seven-Party Alliance (SPA). That paved the way for the restoration of the dissolved House of Representatives. After that Nepal's peace process advanced rapidly with signing of agreements by the government and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). The government had also promised to hold Constituent Assembly (CA) polls by mid-June 2007, which has been deferred to November. However, people still nurse expectations that the nation would have permanent peace and they dream of a life of security. They harbour the hope that democracy would prevail by holding free and fair CA polls, and, subsequently, there would be a new, inclusive and democratic Constitution.

Currently, the situation in Nepal is fragile and there has been serious interruption in the peace process. The parties have developed dissimilar and contesting views on the whole process of state restructuring, monarchy, domestic policies, foreign policy, economy and power sharing. In addition, the Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL) cadre are engaged in looting and violence; there is continuation of unrest in Terai, demonstration by ethnic groups, Dalits, women and minority groups demanding for genuine space; and, most importantly, Madhesi parliamentarians and Maoists are constantly disrupting House proceedings. These developments carry the potential of derailing the peace process and delaying the election. In fact, Nepal's political transition is in a difficult phase as the government stands like a mute spectator and the parties show rank unwillingness to learn from their past mistakes.

The SPA and Maoists seem to be more concerned about power sharing and less about consolidation peace process in the country. The SPA is unable to resolve the issue of the monarchy and seems willing to give it space in a future arrangement. However, the first sitting of the CA is supposed to decide the fate of the monarchy, but some political parties' inclination as well as external pressure are obstructing the entire peace process. The NC and some rightist groups still harbour a soft corner for royalty. Moreover, the constituents of the SPA are not cooperating with the government to function smoothly. Rather, the parties are accusing each other for the government's failure to hold elections. The Left parties and rights are accusing Nepali Congress (NC) president Girija Prasad Koirala for dilly delaying things. Similarly, the NC, NSP and other rightist forces are blaming the Maoists and the UML for obstructing things.

Though the Maoists have joined mainstream politics, they are making tactical moves to move ahead with their political programme. They are making continuous efforts to make the interim parliament declare a Republic. Gauging the present political environment, Chairman Prachanda's announcement to form a possible Left Front to contest Assembly elections has also received wider acceptance from all other Left parties. The UML has come out openly supporting the Maoists demand for republicanism. This indicates that a new political polarisation is shaping up, and this equation will make differences in days ahead. Presently, the Left parties dominate the interim parliament and if they contest the polls jointly there is a likelihood of them sweeping the polls.

At the moment, the Maoists should not act like other political parties and understand the situation and cooperate. Of late, their acts and moves have raised suspicion of their real motives. The YCL cadres are creating havoc and terrorising people all over the country. The Maoist leadership should know that YCL cadres are getting out of control and they need to be controlled. It is also true that the Maoist combatants and cadres are now getting restless after giving up arms. Therefore, Maoist leaders should know whatever advantage they achieved should percolate down to their cadre at the ground level.

Apparently, the government has not been able to respond positively and cohesively to the demands made by the agitating groups. The demand for proportional representation, autonomy within a federal system and fair deal to the Terai problem demanded by the Teria population and strongly backed by the Terai parliamentarians, the Maoists, Madhesi Janaaadhikar Forum (MJF), JTMM, indigenous groups and other stakeholders is not being addressed properly. The decision-making process within the parties is also not holistic and their opinions seems to be divided.

There is an urgent need for the government to evolve understanding with the parties and other stakeholders for peace to prevail. The government has to act fast, taking into account genuine demands of the people. Moreover, unity among eight parties is a must and they should remain united till the CA election. The bigger parties, especially the NC, NC(D), UML and Maoists need to be extra cautious. In order to consolidate the peace process, the parties should put all their efforts and commitments to establish genuine democracy. Further delay could certainly threaten Nepal's new-found peace.

Source: The Pioneer, May 26, 2007

IDP still facing threat

Integrated Regional Information Networks

May 23, 2007

Hundreds of thousands of people displaced from their homes during the decade-long war between Maoist rebels and the government are having difficulty returning to their homes, despite the conflict ending in November 2006, aid workers say. Last year, the Nepalese government estimated that there were more than 200,000 internally displaced people (I.D.P.'s) in the country but there is no accurate information on whether that number has reduced after peace was achieved five months ago. The lack of an I.D.P. registration system has made it difficult to determine who has actually returned home, aid groups say. Most of the displaced are scattered in major towns and cities or have migrated to India.

But we can easily gauge that very few have returned because the Maoists still rule the villages and are selective about who can return to their homes safely," said Dilliram Dhakal from the Community Study and Welfare Center (C.S.W.C.), a local N.G.O. that has been advocating for the rights of the displaced. Dhakal added that despite commitments pledged by Maoist leaders in the capital to ensure the safe return of displaced families, their local Maoist cadres in the villages have not been fully cooperative. "There are issues of local Maoists not adhering to commitments made in the peace agreement," Paul Handley, humanitarian affairs officer with the United Nation's Office of the Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Nepal, told IRIN in the capital, Kathmandu.

So far, only those I.D.P.'s who support or have close affiliation with the Communist Party of Nepal, Maoists (C.P.N.M.) have been able to return to their properties, said Dhakal. But a large number of other I.D.P.'s are still unable to retrieve their farms, livestock and houses that were seized by the Maoists, he added. "What's the use of returning home when they have no property and land to live on for their livelihood?" asked rights activist Bhola Mahat from N.G.O. Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC), which has been actively helping the displaced return home.

Land Issue Is Major Problem for I.D.P.'s

It is no longer the threat of physical security but more of food and land security that has been impeding returns, said aid workers. "I have nothing to eat or survive on. So how can I return home? Just to starve myself?" asked Ramesh Biswakarma in Kathmandu, where he is living in poverty after he fled from his remote village in the northwestern Jajarkot district. A large group of displaced people from Jajarkot is still living at an I.D.P. camp in the Rajhena area of Nepalgunj city, 600 kilometers west of the capital. Camp residents are desperately seeking help from aid agencies to ensure their protection, safety, and the return of their properties. "Land continues to be a problem in rural areas with I.D.P.'s not being able to access their lands," Aidan Goldsmith, director of International Rescue Committee (I.R.C.) in Nepal, told IRIN.

He said that major challenges for resolving the displaced persons issue were the return of their farmlands and generating livelihoods from whatever remains of their resources in their villages.
I.R.C. has been working in the country for the past two years with a focus on I.D.P.'s, other conflict-resolution issues, and health projects. "There is a prime need for assisting the I.D.P.'s to restart their lives and help them to become functioning members of the community," said Goldsmith.

New I.D.P. Policy and Legal Assistance

A new policy for assisting the displaced, formulated and passed by the Nepalese parliament three weeks ago, is seen as key to resolving the displaced persons issue. "It's a good policy and critical toward assisting the I.D.P.'s," Alexander Jones, Nepal's country director of the Norwegian Refugee Council (N.R.C.), said. In addition to OCHA, other key U.N. agencies and I.R.C., the N.R.C. was also part of the task force to help the government develop the new I.D.P. policy. Jones said that according to the new policy, citizens forced to leave their homes will have the right to protection from the state. The policy also helps to clearly define the status of an I.D.P., which was not the case before.

N.R.C., which provides legal assistance to the displaced in more than 10 countries, also launched an Information Counseling and legal Assistance project a month ago in Nepal. Since then, many displaced families have been able to get advice on their legal rights and access to justice as well as guidance on legal documents which would give them access to their properties. However, Jones said that many I.D.P. families lost their land and property legal documents after they were forced to leave their homes. At present, many of them lack enough documentation to even get any compensation from the government for their lost properties. © IRIN

Source: Worldpress.org, May 24, 2007

'Marxism never stands against press freedom'

KATHMANDU, May 24: Politicians and media experts Thursday said that janatako bahudaliye janabad (People's Multi-party Democracy) recognised press freedom as an integral part of Marxim.They said that the communist regimes in former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe fell down as they tried to muzzle the press. "Late Madan Bhandari, for the first time, integrated the press freedom into his janatako bahudaliy janabad, which was a major shift from the dogmatic communism that offers little space for the media freedom," they said.They shared the forum at an interaction-cum-general assembly of the members of Press Chautari from Kathmandu Valley here.

Some of them noted that late Madan Bhandari theoretically linked the ides of press freedom with the social, economic and cultural justices. "Without the free functioning of media, economic freedom cannot be achieved."Minister for Education and Sports Pradeep Nepal said that Marxism was never against press freedom. Quoting the lines from Communist Manifesto he said that Marx always stood for individual freedom."We do not agree with those communists who want to turn the world into a prison house by curtailing individual freedom, " Nepal quoted the lines of Communist Manifesto authored by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1948.He claimed that the communist rulers in the past failed to grasp the spirit of Marxism and understood it only as a static formula. "Late Madan Bhandari embraced the essence of Marxism and catapulted the Nepalese communist movement to the world stage at a time when it was in moribund state," he added.

He said that rule of law, fundamental human rights, freedom of expression and associations are the basic ideals of CPN-UML. In an apparent indication to the Nepali Congress and CPN-Maoist, he said, "Two major political parties, with their obstinacy and anarchism, have taken the country in hostage, creating political deadlock."Head of UML publicity department Raghujee Pant, presenting his working paper, said that janatako bahudaliy janabad had guaranteed press freedom and made it one of the basic tenets of state."Nepalese communist parties have been fighting for the loktantra since their inception. Thus, it is beyond imagination that communists will curtail press freedom when they go to power," said Pant.General Secretary of Federation of Nepalese Journalist Mahendra Bista said that at the moment the Nepalese media had only mission that is to establish democratic republic in the country."The idea of press freedom has been well anchored in Janatako bahudaliy janabad and democratic republic," he added.

General Secretary of INSEC Kundal Aryal said that a true press freedom could not be realised in capitalist countries like the United States and in those countries having totalitarian systems.Gopal Thapaliya, chairman of SAFMA Nepal said that late Bhandari had described press freedom as an addition of fragrance to the janatako bahudaliya janabad.A host of speakers including UML Central advisor Kamal Koirala, journalist Dev Prakash Tripathi and Press Chautari president Bal Krishna Chapagain also expressed their views on the relations between press freedom and communism.On the occasion, Minister Nepal released a book 'Mass Communication and Nepali Language' by Chapagain.The gathering also elected 15 central representatives of Press Chautari that is going to organise its central convention by mid June.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 25, 2007

Unwanted action

It is unfortunate that Industry and Commerce Ministry took a departmental action against the Director General of Department of Industry just because he attempted to stick to legal proceedings and refused to comply with the minister's order. It is a shameful act, which could leave a deeper impact on the business world. For, the case has emerged over issuance of trade mark not registered here to a Nepali company. The minister ordered the department to cancel it for Indian companies, while the chief of the department refused on legal grounds. If the DG is proved wrong, none of the companies that have registered trade marks and designs would feel secure that their intellectual property will be protected.

Intellectual property right is protected through complex legal terms. Like every other cases, its battle has to be backed by a solid investigation. Cases related to counterfeiting of the property require proper investigation, and cannot be decided through minister's direct order. In the case that surfaced here, Sun brand of pipe fittings and Rajanigandha brand of pan masala were registered by the Nepali companies, whereas the companies that originally produced it bothered not to register here. So, the department's ruling that Nepali product is authentic and should be protected goes with the law. Now once the case was brought to the notice that the Nepali companies had counterfeited the Indian brands, the process should have been to conduct thorough investigation and deal with those legally. However, all that spirit of legal protection was flouted in the case.

However, Post's support for the legality of the case is not to undermine the ethics businessmen and companies must follow. Given that Nepal and India are not signatory of Madrid Convention that ensure global protection of marks once registered there, it is the responsibility of Indian companies to register their trade marks here. And it was also equally desired that Nepali companies stick to business ethics. Copying the trade marks of popular Indian and overseas brands just because those are not registered here is against business ethics. It is also cheating the consumers. Hence, the government must beef up the inspection process while granting trade marks to the companies. Strong mechanism should be developed to ensure that companies do not get hold of trade marks and designs of other companies. There must be hearing cells at the Department of Industry to facilitate original trademark holders to fight for their rights. Also the decades old Trade Mark, Patent and Design Act must be amended. Above all, the government must allow cases related to intellectual property rights to be addressed through due legal and administrative course rather than through discretionary decisions.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 25, 2007

Focus On MDGs

EVER since Nepal expressed its commitment at the United Nations Millenium Summit to meet the basic needs of the people by 2015, the government has taken a number steps to meet the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) within the stipulated time frame. The Millenium Summit set eight different development goals to be met by the developing world. These goals include, among others, alleviating poverty, ensuring universal primary education, reducing child and maternity mortality, ensuring gender equality and fighting the AIDS epidemic. Although the poverty alleviation programme and other issues contained in the MDGs have been the priority of the government for long, Nepal has been making extra efforts to achieve these targets since 2000. Poverty is the highest priority of the government. All economic and development programmes have been integrated with the poverty alleviation strategy, and Nepal has achieved significant progress on various fronts. Nepal is well ahead in reducing child mortality, which has been a lesson for other developing countries. In other sectors, too, Nepal's progress has been satisfactory. But resource crunch has put tremendous pressure on the government in carrying out programmes related to the MDGs. Moreover, the decade-long conflict seriously marred the development activities, which caused negative growth in some sectors. However, it did not deter the government from pursuing programmes designed to meet the basic needs of the people. The literacy rate has gone up, and student enrollment in the schools has been satisfactory. The poverty alleviation strategy is also gaining momentum and the efforts at gender equality and fighting AIDS have also been encouraging. All these developments have shown that Nepal is on track to achieving the Millenium Development Goals.

Nepal is a country with limited resources. But it needs huge funds to rebuild the infrastructure damaged during the violent conflict. For this, Nepal needs strong and meaningful support from the international community. So far, support from the donors has been encouraging. But such efforts should be enhanced if Nepal is to achieve its goal for development. In the light of progress and constraints towards meeting the MDGs, vice-chairman of the Nation Planning Commission Jagadish Chandra Pokhrel, at a meeting of the United Nations Economic and Social Council for Asia and the Pacific (UESCAP) in Kazakhastan recently, expressed Nepal's commitment to achieving the MDGs and called upon the international community, in general, and the United Nations, in particular, to increase the level of assistance to Nepal. As observed by vice chairman Pokhrel, Nepal would march ahead in achieving the development goals set by the United Nations in time only if the international community actively supports Nepal's bid.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 25, 2007

Role Of Police

THE deteriorating law and order in the country has become a matter of immense concern. The country now after the post-conflict situation is in a transition phase. As such, due priority should be accorded to law and order or else the whole purpose of the Jana Andolan II could be derailed. Unless the law and order situation in the country improves it would be difficult to hold the Constituent Assembly that tops the agenda of the interim government. The police in particular have the onerous responsibility of maintaining law and order in the country. Thus, while inaugurating the "Senior Police Officials' Conference-2064" the other day, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala has instructed the police administration to work with high morale taking into account the complex political situation obtaining in the country and the worsening law and order. No doubt, the police face an uphill task. As of now they are mostly involved in controlling dharnas, bandhs and strikes, thereby, obstructing them from carrying out investigations and in controlling crime. So that the morale of the police force remains high it is the need of the day to equip the police institution with new technologies and skills so that they may be able to deal with crimes, which are getting increasingly sophisticated day by day.

Prime Minister Koirala has assured the police of the support and full co-operation of the government to the extent that the government is ready to make the police administration more resourceful and effective so that they can maintain law and order. The security agencies are a vital pillar of the nation for the security needs stands among the first and foremost needs. It is highly essential to strengthen this body as per the democratic political system. The police force should work fearlessly and should receive all the support possible from the civil society too as they carry on with the task of maintaining law and order. The police personnel have distinguished themselves with many heroic deeds and even attained martyrdom, which is the ultimate sacrifice in the course of duty. The nation is indeed grateful to them and pays them homage. So that the police personnel are enabled to work with dedication and in an effective manner the need to keep their morale high cannot be overemphasized. The holding of the seminar should come up with suggestions as to how to make this possible in the greater interest of the nation. The people now want law and order for they have suffered enough.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 25, 2007

Corporate social responsibility in Nepal

Siddha Raj Pant

Recently, a marketing manager of a distillery audaciously claimed to be evading tax to make up for extortion by various political outfits. Similarly, another owner of a popular low-cost liquor brand is absconding following charges of misappropriating millions from a bank against him. Likewise, the chairman of the FNNCI was arrested for fraudulent business practices.In this context, it was ironic that Kathmandu played host to “South Asian NGO Consultative Meet on Promotion of Corporate Social Responsibility”, a three-day regional conference from April 25 to 27. The message is loud and clear. Whether or not businesses abide by their responsibility towards the society, civil society represented by vigilante NGOs will continue to keep an eagle eye on the impact companies have on the society and other stakeholders. But without government help, NGOs can do no more than name and shame unscrupulous businessmen.

Originally, the companies were created by the governments to do essential public work. This practice gradually evolved into an economic model with enhanced efficiency and effective use of resources. This model of economic development is the best as it enlarges the size of the pie than seek a larger portion of a smaller pie. Philosophically too, a rational being will tend to go that extra mile only if there are incentives to do so.Even though political myopia in promoting unionism and barriers to entry into and exit from the market would remain for a while, it will be imprudent to think of life without private businesses for both their might and importance is increasing day by day (51 of the world’s 100 largest economies are corporations, not countries). The important task is to gauge socialdesirability of these institutions and determine the minimum acceptable ethical behaviour or social responsibility.

Caught in the dilemma of development imperative and amorality associated with private corporations, governments across the globe are changing their role from that of a competitor with private businesses to one regulating the private entities in favour of the consumers, the environment and the state.As the role of corporations is evolving from an immoral entity into a legal one, they will have to behave ethically as prescribed by the law. No country allows, by law, fraud and smuggling. This minimal level of ethics should be maintained irrespective of whether it makes an economic sense for a business. But some companies adopt high ethical standards if only to differentiate themselves from their competitors.

But does it pay to be an ethical business in Nepal? There is no definite answer. The level of ethical adherence depends upon societal expectations, institutional capabilities, economic freedom, awareness and education level of citizens. Other factors apart, in order to promote social responsibility of companies the state, along with watchdog NGOs, should strengthen the capacity to regulate businesses and benchmark good practices.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 25, 2007

Hydropower: An Overview

Uttam Maharjan

Energy is one of the basic components of development. Without energy, no economic sector can develop. An instance of energy is fossil fuels. Fossil fuels are extensively used around the world. The far-reaching use of such fuels has contributed to destabilising the environment, causing, for instance, global warming. With fast-paced depletion of fossil fuels and the resultant effects on the environment, hydropower is being explored as a renewable source of energy. In the present scenario dominated by the deleterious effects on the environment of greenhouse and other noxious gases, moving towards the use of hydropower as a carbon-free energy source has been deemed viable and eco-friendly.

Renewable energy

Hydropower has been recognised as a renewable source of energy. The Johannesburg World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Third Water Forum (Kyoto) have both recognized hydropower as such. Other sources of renewable energy are solar energy, wind energy, geothermal energy, oceanic energy, cogeneration (use of a heat engine or a power station to generate both electricity and useful heat at the same time) and biomass.

At the end of the Third Water Forum held in March 2003, a new report was released on how developed countries should fund water projects. At the beginning of the 21st century, 33 per cent of the people were found suffering from water hardships as per the 54-page report of the Forum. In Africa, households spend 26 per cent of their time fetching water. As per the study by the Water Supply and Sanitation Collaboration Council, an independent body that endeavours to secure safe drinking water for the teeming poor in the world, Asian and African women have to walk around 6 kilometres a day to fetch water. Consumption of water per person per day in developing countries is estimated at 10 litres vis-୶is 135 litres in the developed countries.

About 1.1 billion people around the world are deprived of safe drinking water, whereas about 2.4 billion people are balked of good sanitation. One of the millennium development goals is to halve the problem relating to safe drinking water by 2015.Nepal is very rich in water resources. Despite this huge potential of water resources, the hydropower picture in the country is bleak. There is no denying that hydropower has multi-dimensional use, through which sustainable development can be notched up. Sustainable development in the economic sector would certainly transform the socio-economic status of the people, a daunting challenge for the poor countries.With the restoration of multi-party democracy in the 1990s, the hydropower sector in the country, like other economic sectors, has somewhat metamorphosed. The Water Resources Act 2049 and Hydroelectricity Act 2049 were promulgated, enabling the private sector to step in for investment in water resources. Foreign companies are interested in hydropower projects, but they prefer large-scale hydel projects.

Foreign aid for the development of water resources projects also comes but with harsh terms. Such projects are marred by lack of transparency, accountability, monitoring and financial discipline and by economic anarchy and malgovernance. The cost of such projects would also soar due to delay in completion, exchange rate devaluation and additional cost. It is essential to set up an Electricity Development Board and encourage small- and medium-scale hydel projects. For water resources to develop in a true sense, three things need to be in place: management of electric development and promotion, market management of electricity, and operation and maintenance of projects in a timely fashion. In developing countries like Nepal, large-scale hydel projects are a difficult proposition due to the high cost and sophisticated technical know-how required. Hence, small-scale hydel projects such as micro- and pico-hydel projects need to be encouraged and stimulated in addition to large-scale hydel projects. Micro-hydels produce upto 100 KW of power. Such hydels are often used in areas where there is plenty of water. They supply power to small communities. Micro-hydels can complement photovoltaic solar energy systems.

On the other hand, pico-hydels generate power below 5 KW. Such hydels are used for far-lying communities requiring very low power. Pico-hydropower does not pollute the air, so it is more eco-friendly than fossil fuels. Hydropower projects have elimination of the cost of fuel as their major advantage. As no import of fuel is required, hydel plants are free from price hikes normally associated with fossil fuels like oil, natural gas, coal and POL products. Besides, the operating labour cost of hydel plants is lower as plants are automated, requiring very few people on site during normal operation. Reservoirs built for the purpose of hydel operation may provide water sports facilities. Such areas may be used for wooing tourists, thus, developing the areas into tourist spots. In a similar vein, a hydel plant may be constructed at a lower cost around multi-purpose dams for irrigation, flood control or recreation, which may recoup the cost of the construction of the dam. Hydropower projects do not come with advantages only; they may pose a threat to aquatic ecosystems. Damming often poses an obstacle to the migration of fish, thus preventing them from reaching their spawning grounds upstream. Similarly, damming and redirecting the waters of a river may endanger native and migratory birds. Large-scale hydel projects may give rise to environmental snags both upstream and downstream. The reservoirs of hydel plants in tropical regions may generate a lot of noxious gases such as methane and carbon dioxide.

Disadvantages

Construction of hydel dams makes it necessary to relocate the people who are living where the reservoirs are planned to be built. In such a case, the question of compensation often crops up, leading to spats with the local people and causing a delay in completing the hydel projects. Besides, historically and culturally strategic places may be affected, sometimes leading to their complete loss, which is a great blow to heritage preservation. Construction of a dam in a geologically unsuitable area may give rise to disasters. One such example is the Vajont Dam in Italy, which killed 2,000 people in 1963. Failure of dams can be very serious. The failure of the Banqiao in China killed 171,000 people and rendered millions homeless. Even stronger dams built at a great cost are vulnerable to sabotage and terrorism.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 25, 2007

Antinomies Of Civil Society

C. D. Bhatta

Since the last couple of years, the word 'civil society' has been used frequently in different perspectives of state affairs. Nothing is complete without an explicit reference to the civil society. However, the discussion on civil society in Nepal is such that there are many who use the term lavishly in different aspects but hardly describe its content. The actual nature of civil society is not sufficiently acknowledged and, if it is, is done so only in a half-hearted way. Much of the discussion on civil society seems to be driven either by a radical disenchantment with the present, an insidious nostalgia of the past or uncritical glorification about its role during the people's movements.

Debate

The current debate on civil society mostly emanates from the people's movement of 2006 wherein civil society organisations played an important role in regime change. If the regime change was driven by a collective consciousness of the civil society that rose against the King for democracy and the Maoists for peace, the same organisations have a responsibility of leading the ongoing changes to their logical end. But this does not seem to be the case with the Nepali civil society.

The fundamental problem lies with the fact that there is (1) politicisation of the civil society and elite shift of the civil sphere into the political sphere and vice versa, (2) elite domination in the civil society, hierarchy between members and leaders within civil society activists and missing link between the civil society and citizenry, (3) patron-client relationship between the civil society, political society and donors, and (4) split among the self-declared civil society leaders on ideological grounds.

These factors are contributing towards incivility, and civic euphoria is slowly evaporating. And these are among reasons why the civil society in Nepal has failed to institutionalise democracy and peace in the country once the aim of regime change is accomplished. This is what happened during the 1990s as well. This is the paradox with civic movements. Civic movements are waged to meet certain objectives, mostly political, and transform quickly into an 'amorphous' mass wrestling in the streets to meet vested interests in the name of civil society. This is what Nepal is experiencing after the April uprising of 2006.

The protests in the streets, strikes and chakka jams, lock outs in the government and private business houses, rallies, dharnas to put undue pressure on the transitional government have become the norm of the day. What is really disturbing is the blank support these groups are getting from official civil societies. Paradoxically, these activities are only pushing the Nepali state towards anarchy and further instability. Perhaps, this could be the reason, among others, why the official civil society has been blamed for having represented more radical agendas than democratic values. It is because this civil society has never paid any attention to making the society civil. The official civil society, in contrast, engages in spearheading activities that might help to champion its own goal.

This is another reason why the civil society has been blamed for being anti-state rather than pro-state. Interestingly, when we look at the development of post-modern civil society organisations in Nepal, one can conclude how organised and well-off sections of the society have created their own empire of civil societies. And the civil society as a concept has been used and abused on different occasions, beyond movements, by using the amorphous mass, which is often equated with the civil society. The vertical classification of the civil society into two categories - official and unofficial civil society makes a clear distinction as to how creamy layers are forming in this field as well.

The official civil society is mostly Kathmandu-based and comprises post-modern and well-off sections of the society, a profusion of NGOs, pro-democracy groups, civil society activists (official) and other interest groups. The public sphere created, thus, is largely captured by the self-declared conglomerate of the urban elite and retired bureaucrats who prefer to be known as civil society leaders - with the provision of hierarchy - and carry populist agendas. The unofficial civil society on the periphery, for its part, includes duty-bound rural civil society organisations. They extend throughout the nation but do not have the capacity to bargain with the state.

The hijacking of the public sphere by the official civil society and marginalisation of the unofficial civil society raises some fundamental questions. It begs clarification as to what constitutes the civil society in Nepal and whom does it represent and what are its parameters? The civil society in Nepal is unharmonious for the development of a democratic political culture in the country. The actual relationship between the civil society and existing public sphere (that is, what constitutes to be a civil society - who are able to participate and who are denied access to this public sphere) is determined by a patron-client relationship.

Inclusive culture

Likewise the unabated protests wearing the civil society tag at the national level are posing a great threat for an orderly society in Nepal. What is needed for its significant prevalence is to ensure a more inclusive culture based on civility to build networks and coalitions among poor groups to strengthen the voices of the unrepresented mass, represent crucial issues and change the people's perception about the civil society and mobilise for a greater cause.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 25, 2007

Threat continues

The landmines planted during the insurgency days still pose a big threat to the general public, especially to the ruralfolks. Of the 1,370 lives lost so far to these dangerous explosives, the majority has been innocent children. No wonder the anti-landmine lobbies have now called on the government to take concrete measures to minimise the risks associated with the landmines. The Ban Landmines Campaign Nepal (NCBL), an NGO working for landmines risk reduction, for instance, has urged the government to implement the commitment expressed in the November 22, 2006, Peace Accord, whereby both the SPA and the Maoists had agreed to assist each other to mark the landmine areas and then defusing and removing them immediately.

According to the NCBL, it has identified around 337 sites with landmines and improvised explosive devices in the country so far. Further, it says over 400 landmines could be found in one location alone. No doubt it takes quite some time to clear the landmines altogether. But it is surprising that neither the Nepal Army nor the People’s Liberation Army have yet been fully mobilised for such an important task. During the signing of the Peace Accord, the SPA and the Maoists had assured the people that they would collect all relevant information within 30 days and defuse the explosives within two months. Since this is a matter of people’s safety and security, the Interim Government must not delay taking the required measures any more. The assistance of others, such as the UN, should also be secured to this purpose.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 25, 2007

Wiser course

The Melamchi drinking water project has hit a roadblock at the eleventh hour, when a foreign private company, Severn Trent Water International (ST), was on the verge of taking over the management of the distribution of drinking water in the Valley under a loan conditionality the Asian Development Bank (ADB) attached to its commitment of US$120 million, which accounts for less than one-third of the total project cost. The Nepali media splashed ST’s controversial records in several other countries, including Britain. Hisila Yami, the Maoist minister in charge of drinking water, has taken a firm stand against awarding the contract to such a company, all the more so because the pre-interim government had agreed to take it on without meeting the financial regulations on bidding for a contract. Amid the controversy, ST announced this week that it had withdrawn from the deal. However, ADB seems to insist that the ST conditionality should be honoured or it cannot keep its commitment. As much is reported to have been said by ADB officials in their meeting with Maoist chairman Prachanda on Wednesday.

Given the ST pullout and the adverse circumstances that have developed in the country for it, the issue should not be one of sticking to it, but of finding a way out to keep the Melamchi project alive. ADB was formed to assist in the development of poor countries and its partnership with Nepal is a long one. Sticking with ST sounds neither wise nor advisable in the emergent situation, as it would find a hostile environment in which to work and win public support after so much exposure of the negative kind. And it would impact adversely too on ADB in the eye of the Nepali public, as questions will be asked about its extraordinary interest in this company. Ideally, the concern of a development bank like ADB should be that the money it lends is spent in the project specified and that its principal and interest are paid in time. Extraneous conditionalities raise doubts about the motives of multilateral agencies, as ADB, the World Bank, and the IMF are not unaware of.Certainly, questions of Nepal going back on its earlier commitment may also be raised. But when it comes to perceived national interests, much should not be made of Nepal’s credibility among the donors. Now the only wiser course would be to look at the management of water distribution in the Valley from a new angle.

The question of why a foreign company, and not Nepalis themselves, should be favoured is yet to be convincingly answered. If the contract is to be awarded only to a foreign company or to Nepali ones alone, or to the best bidder in global competition, the matter should be settled first. But everything ought to be decided in a transparent manner in the interests of the poor Nepalis and that would entail steps aimed at cutting cost, plugging huge leakage of water, desisting from charging the consumers unfairly for water use, fighting corruption in water management, and exacting accountability. Everything is not lost yet. There still is time to make up.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 25, 2007

Electoral Alliance and the Shifting Political Paradigm in Nepal

Siddhartha Thapa

It seems as though the political bickering is coming to an end, after the realization of the importance to preserve the eight party coalition government. However, the damage has already been done. The blame game after the postponement of elections and continuous Maoist intimidation (including the attack of a police post in Banke and the burning of state owned NEA in Bardiya), has most certainly strained the relationship amongst coalition partners. The Congress and the Maoists are poles apart; but, they cannot afford to remain rigid. Koirala has gambled his last card by inducting the Maoists into the government and, the Maoists know there are no other viable, legitimate alternatives to the present set up. The success and failure for both Koirala and Prachanda largely depends on their commitment to adhere to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed in November 2006.

Nonetheless, a coldness has already sunk into the eight party alliance. It might be realistic at this stage to conclude that the unity is superficial and perhaps just a façade. While it is imperative to keep the eight party alliance intact within the government (to conduct the polls in the near future), it is conceivable that the differences amongst the electoral alliances will eventually lead to a division amongst the coalition partners of the present government.
Observing the political sequences over the last month, there are four incidents that are likely to give shape to Nepali politics over the next few months. These incidents include: the call for a left unity during Lenin Day, the axing of Constitutional Monarchy in the party stature by RJP (and then RPP), and the Madeshi alliance initiated by NSP. These three incidents will compel the Janjatis to open a fourth front. The crucial dividing factor is that theoretically, the end result of the constituent assembly elections may not be "politically" acceptable to all.

The call for unity among leftist forces in the country should not come as a surprise. This was predictable from day one, and it was only a matter of time before this left unity call was initiated and materialized. Much of the leftist alliance hinges on how the UML demonstrates its flexibility to unite with the Maoists and other fringe leftist parties. In retrospect, the leftist unity poses some tough questions to the UML and the Maoists.
Even though the UML is seen as one of the most vociferous proponents of republicanism in the country after February 1st, technically speaking, it had never removed republicanism from its party statute. In fact, the UML had strategically accepted constitutional monarchy as a base to consolidate the cause for republicanism in the future. It may be possible that the social construct of the party leadership and its rank and file, will ultimately obstruct the desired goal of leftist unity.

Although the left might unite over the issue of republicanism, it will be intriguing to observe whether or not Madhav Nepal will commit a political hara-kiri by forging a long term alliance with the Maoists. An alliance with the Maoists most definitely will mark the downfall of the UML and moderate leftist politics. Can the UML afford to deviate from moderate left? Equally important, will the Maoists ink a compromise transient from their ideology of radical communism?
The Axing of Constitutional Monarchy from the party statures of the RJP and RPP are also symbolic. Following the RJP's move, journalists and poltical pundits were quick to call for the early abdication of King Gyanendra. However, the Royalists failed to grasp the political situation when RJP President SB Thapa axed Constitutional Monarchy from the party's statute. With the axing of constitutional monarchy from the party statute, both RJP and RPP are in a position to align with the Congress for elections.

Theoretically speaking, the strategic move initiated by Thapa, makes his party an ideological equal to the Congress. The survival of democratic parties will be determined by their inclination to forge political alliances, which oppose and challenge the left wing parties during elections. It is important that this democratic force, unanimously devises electoral alliances and stratagems which keep the Maoists as their focal point.
The survival of democratic discourse depends on the unity of democratic forces initiated by Koirala. Gopal Kranti, a Maoist leader in Dhankuta, voiced his party's opinion when he declared the ethnic movement in Nepal was "dollar funded". The notion of self-determination, based on ethnicity, as espoused by the Maoists, has become their biggest political nightmare. It must be noted that the Janjatis and Madeshis supported the idea of 'self determination' with the idea of promoting and preserving their religion, culture and an increased participation in the State.

However, communism as propagated by Karl Marx and Hegel, advances the philosophy of an 'end of history', which basically envisions a classless society, that directly contravenes with what the ethnic minorities actually want. The biggest threat to the ethnic minorities is not from centrist democratic forces. It is the communists that are aiming to destroy and cleanse the existing socio-cultural fabric of the country.The Madeshi and the Janjatis are both initiating dialogue to form an electoral alliance, as they fear such repercussions. However, they seem to be equally disappointed with the centrist forces.Nonetheless, the presence of Pradip Giri in Delhi as a facilitator and Upendra Yadav's revelation that his forum was ideologically closer to the centrist forces, must have comforted some of the nervous democrats in Kathmandu. The Janjati front is yet to emerge as an electoral option but it might be prudent to note, that with time, even their allegiance will be closer to the centrist forces.

Source: Nepali Perspective, May 24, 2007

Nepal: Maoists start singing blues

Maila Baje

The price of power is catching up with the Maoists. Ex-rebel supremo Prachanda and his No. 2 Dr. Baburam Bhattarai are now on antidepressants, one published report tells us.
Neither has denied the report and the specifics of their maladies and treatment plans don't really matter here. The circumstances leading up to what many considered inevitable do.For most of us, that gory pile of 13,000 bodies would have been more than enough to precipitate a lifetime of hallucination. (The premise, as always, is that the Maoists started the violence and are responsible for everything.)

For a cluster of top comrades long deluded by a discredited ideology, the ends always justified the means. (One death is a tragedy, anything beyond is a statistic, Uncle Joe told us, didn't he.)
If some people weren't prepared to kill and die for their beliefs, well, they didn't deserve to live in the first place. Battlefield brutality and turgid theorizing offered a solid synthesis for a purpose-driven life.
As long as it was lived subterraneously. The first lights of peace must have proved real distracting to our supremo. The novelty was bound to wear off sooner or later. Sooner in Prachanda's case, once it emerged that his bite was nowhere as sharp as his bark. His royalist phobia had to be symptomatic of a larger condition.

As for Dr. Bhattarai, you could forgive his abrupt U-turns in the past because they occurred over a period of time. With all the detours, twists, jerks and more twists the chief ex-rebel ideologue's prose took within the first few months of the April Uprising, the aura of erudition had to evaporate.
In fairness, we don't know whether Prachanda or Dr. Bhattarai have personally killed anything bigger than mosquitoes. Still the number 13,000 must have been etched deeply inside both somewhere. With the blanket of fear lifting so swiftly in the spring of 2006, the Maoists knew they couldn't count on the docility of ordinary Nepalis.
It must be hard for the honchos to keep track of the non-government quarters gunning for their heads. How many people could really forget that hapless teacher Gyawali as he lay dying tied to that tree? Could relatives and friends of Maoist victims organizer Chilwal be lurking out there somewhere. And the widows and children of the police, soldiers and bureaucrats the "people's war" claimed. Gaur must seem like a picnic.

And this is just the beginning. How deep does the sense of betrayal really run in the movement? When you have the prime beneficiary of Prachanda's pro-Indian line, Mohan Baidya, criticizing the supremo's groveling to the south, things must be real bad.
Krishna Bahadur Mahara was already in parliament in 1991. With enough scheming with the UML and others, Dr. Bhattarai could have plotted a takeover of the state faster with far fewer lives lost and more communication towers standing. The parliamentary route might even have conferred on the Maoists the legitimacy ex-communist Boris Yeltsin enjoyed. The end result of that spree of death and destruction? A seat on the table with seven former foes.

As spokesman for the government, Communications Minister Mahara has to present a unified version of events and ideas to the nation and world. How many qualifiers and caveats can he throw out without undermining his party? Sure the ends justify the means. But that sordid royal-plot CD? Even Goebbels worked within certain rules.
Then there's Dr. Bhattarai's defense of his wife, Physical Planning Minister Hisila Yami, in her attempt to keep the capital's taps dry until she finds someone who looks good enough to run it. Even the Young Communist Leaguers need a decent bath from time to time, don't they?
The larger question becomes unavoidable. When the Maoists fail to vindicate the Great Helmsman, what becomes of the Nepalis' reputation for loyalty in times of war as well as peace?
All things considered, this whole depression shtick may still be another Maoist ruse. It could help Prachanda and Dr. Bhattarai take the insanity defense at any future war-crimes trial, couldn't it?

Source: Newsblaze, May 22, 2007

Sounds like ever

Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, judging by his own words, attaches great importance to the unification of the two Congresses — the parent Nepali Congress led by him and the breakaway Nepali Congress (Democratic) headed by former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. From time to time, Koirala has said that he will take rest from politics after accomplishing this or that task — now, unification is one, along with the constituent assembly polls. On several occasions, the unity talks were billed to have neared a breakthrough.

But now, after Monday’s Koirala-Deuba meeting, the expected merger seems to be anything but close. “The merger appears remote now. We have been suggesting that a task force should do the spadework. This has not gone down well with the NC”, Deuba said after the meeting.The NC-D president objects to the reports spread by some NC leaders saying he was demanding the second position in the unified party. In the past, there were also reports that he had insisted on the post of acting president. The NC was recently reported positive on making him senior vice president. However, according to Dr Prakash Sharan Mahat, an NC-D leader, Deuba made it clear to Koirala on Monday that he was not keen on any post for himself, but wanted the NC-D workers from the central to the village levels to be properly accommodated. But the NC is reported unwilling to apply the Deuba formula across the board. Koirala’s strategy to lure the NC-D people into the parent party individually has not quite worked.

Thus, without according a “respectable” status to NC-D people at all levels, NC unification seems unlikely, at least for the present.And the CA polls are now just about six months away. So, Koirala can wait. Some even allege, probably with justification, that some powerful external forces friendly to the non-Left have been encouraging Congress unity just for electoral gains. Whatever the truth, unity should be based on ideological and policy agreement on vital issues. Besides, if the clash of egos and personal interest of the top leaders is severe, a lasting unity is not possible. No unity would serve any purpose other than presenting a drama of artificial coming together to deceive the public. The truth of the matter is, the public is not so interested in the unity or non-unity of the Congress or of any other party.

The public also remembers the fact that the NC government led by Deuba, while Koirala was the party president, had made a series of moves leading ultimately to regression in the country. And since 1990, Koirala, Deuba, and K P Bhattarai, a former NC president, have, among them, held the office of the PM 11 times. But such long innings hardly led to good governance and a strengthening of democracy. Moreover, there is the persistent issue of internal democracy in the Koirala-led Congress, and some in the NC-D have even suggested that the demand for internal democracy should form something of a rider in the unity talks. If the NC wants to turn over a new leaf on these important counts, only then will Congress unification hold any meaning for the Nepali people.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 23, 2007

Nation-building: Emerging challenges to peace process

Dhurba Rizal

The complexities of the peace process, while it might excite some, will depress others. Global peacemaking and conflict resolution experiences show that getting the two sides to the conflict to sit down and work out a negotiated settlement accounts for roughly 20 per cent of the work towards building lasting peace. The remaining 80 per cent involves keeping the two sides committed to the settlement, implementing its terms and articles and helping bring order and normalcy in society.In this context, there are many loopholes in Nepal’s peace process. The SPA and the Maoists seem to be more concerned about power-sharing and less about consolidating peace. Otherwise, they would not have spent so much time on just two political issues: the dissolution of reinstated parliament and the formation of an interim government and an interim parliament. They seem to harbour dissimilar and contesting visions about the nature of the state, the status of monarchy, modality of elections, economy, nationalism, foreign policy and power-sharing. The conflict-affected groups — ethnic and indigenous people, Dalits, women, Madhesis and youth — are demanding a legitimate space in decision-making. Pro-King forces are questioning the legitimacy of the eight-party establishment. New polarisations between the Left and the democratic forces, between republican and monarchist forces and between nationalistic and subsidiary identities are certain to make the transition difficult.The peace process has so far delivered an oligarchy of party leaders rather than a popular democracy.

Party leaders have shown no appetite for pluralism — the interim legislature has no opposition, and consensus decisions leave power in the hands of few party leaders. Ad hoc pre-negotiation of important issues threatens to undermine the constitutional process. Mainstream parties have also devoted little attention to the question of constitutional reforms. Few have instituted internal changes to tackle corruption, patronage and exclusion.The principal challenges facing the peace process include diverting attention from solely political issues to economic and socio-cultural factors too; reformation of both the armies and arms management; dealing with the Maoists and the monarchy; state restructuring; strengthening of governance and guaranteeing that the nation does not plunge back into conflict. Other challenges are: unchanging attitude of political leaders, bureaucracy and judiciary; little progress in electoral preparation for the CA polls; political, social, cultural and economic exclusion and the resulting unrest in Tarai and other parts; geopolitics, role of India and international community; bringing democracy and peace to the grassroots level; internally displaced people and lack of people-to-people reconciliation; partisan role of civil society leaders; security sector reforms; discrepancy in the number of Maoist weapons as compared to their combatants and use of child soldiers; government’s failure to deliver in the face of high expectations; and an opaque, elite-driven approach to politics.

Many observers are cautiously optimistic about the peace process in Nepal. Even a slight misreading of the prevalent situation can leave room for renewed conflict. The parties and Maoists are increasingly marginalising monarchy, security and traditional forces. The major actors are in open competition for legitimacy and public support.The prizes of sustained peace are clear: It will allow Nepal to build a genuine democracy where human rights are respected and real development emphasised. Conflict resolution is intrinsically linked to inclusive nation building. The foundation of change is unity in diversity supported by inclusive democratic system with accommodating democratic leadership. This can strengthen unity and Nepal’s distinctiveness in the international scene.Sustainable resolution of conflicts requires wider participation of all the parties and their interest mediation, rather than just those of conflicting parties. Peace cannot be created if the outcome of negotiation creates its own enemies.

Emanuel Kant asserted in his treatise Perpetual Peace, “No treaty of peace shall be held valid in which there is tacitly reserved matter for a future war.” Unless the root causes of the conflict are addressed and the Maoists democratised, sustainable peace cannot be achieved in Nepal and conflict may reignite.Peace is not just the absence of war, but also epitomises economic prosperity, social harmony, unity and brotherhood. The present peace process might excite some but it also reminds others of the relapse of armed conflict after peace agreements in conflict-torn states such as Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Liberia and Angola. Thus, in order to consolidate peace process, parties to the conflict should keep their nerve and honour their commitments to peace and genuine democracy.

Source: The Himalayan Times, May 23, 2007

Participatory Approach In Motivation

Kedar Prasad Bhandari

In human resource management, the participatory approach has been considered an important tool in motivating employees. The participatory approach, also known as participative management, is a process in which the subordinates involve in the decision-making function with their immediate superior. Complex jobsIn the recent decades, there has been a paradigm shift in the management of human resource. In Nepal, participatory approach can be said to have begun with the financial sector reforms in the mid-1980s. Propelled by liberalisation and globalisation, the participatory approach received more prominence in an institutional manner after 1990.

The Local Self-Governance Act can also be taken as an initiative for promoting participatory management at the government level. Today, jobs have become extremely complex. So it is difficult for managers to know everything what their employees do. In fact, participative management empowers the subordinates who know the actual problem and can contribute to make better decisions. Decision-making is not an easy job for managers. They have to win the confidence of all the employees working in their organisations. It is necessary to consult the employees of different inter-dependent departments to bring uniformity in their performance.

This helps develop the concept of team, committee and group meetings to resolve complex problems. Employees do not undermine a decision during implementation as they have been involved in making that decision. Participation provides intrinsic rewards for the employees, and it makes their jobs more interesting and meaningful. Broadly, there are two means of motivating employees through their participation: Quality of Work Life and Self-managed Work Team. Quality of work life is defined as an attempt to develop a formal programme to integrate the employees' needs and well-being with the intention of improving productivity, greater worker empowerment and higher level of job satisfaction. It supports a highly democratic treatment of employees at all levels and encourages them in the decision-making process. Its emphasis is on maintaining a quality working environment for the employees. A quality working environment includes financial incentives, opportunity to develop personal skills and ability, safety working conditions, and the opportunity to participate in problem solving and decision-making.

In essence, there are three means through which Quality of Work Life (QWL) can be improved. The Quality Circle (QC) is a concept first started in Japan in the early 1960s to improve the quality of products. Quality circles consist of work teams composed of 8-10 employees from the same work area who meet regularly to define, analyse and solve quality and work-related problems in their specific area of operation. The membership is strictly voluntary, and meetings are usually held once a week, normally for an hour before or after the job is over.

An organisation may have several Quality Circles operating at a time to deal with different people in different areas. The members are given some form of training in problem solving to work effectively. The Quality Circle is designed to improve the working conditions and enable self-development of the employees. The focus of the Quality Circle is to encourage the employees to accept responsibility for improving quality. The Quality Circle is effective in bringing about a short-term improvement in the quality of work life, but it is less effective in creating more permanent changes. Sharing of ownership by the employees is another emerging concept in participatory management. It is a plan in which the employees are offered ownership of the organisation as a benefit package. This may be done by stimulating them to buy equity shares.

It has become an important tool in motivating the employees.It is believed that if the employees own the shares of an organisation, they would be motivated to work effectively to increase the value of their shares. Similarly, as both owner and employees can participate in meetings, they can put forward their views, ideas, and opinions while making decisions. Business organisations in Nepal are also adopting the concept of employee ownership. Most of the joint stock companies offer 5 per cent of their public issued shares to the employees. Moreover, the concept of a flexible work schedule has developed in the recent years. In this plan, employees are allowed to choose their own arrival and departure times within specified limits fixed by the organisation.

Basically, the work time is divided into two groups: 'core time' and 'flexitime'. During the core time, all the employees must be present in the office, but in flexitime, the employees are free to select their own starting and departure time based on their convenience. Flexitime is popular in the USA. In flexitime, employees may involve in personal works like payment of utility bills, visiting children's schools and banks. This system is helpful in reducing absenteeism, overtime payment, employees' turnover and provides convenience to the employees. Another concept that has emerged in the recent years is Self-managed Work Team. It is also known as self-directed autonomous work groups consisting of 5-15 members. It is a formal group of employees that operates without a manager and is responsible for a complete work process.

All the members of the team are skilled in their own area of profession. The team members are jointly responsible for performing the task. They are responsible for planning and scheduling works, assigning tasks to members, collective control over the pace of work, making operating decisions and taking action on problems.Team members perform their work independently through mutual participation so it provides a higher level of job satisfaction. In such team work, the role of the supervisor decreases and may even be eliminated. It allows sufficient time to the manager to involve in creative managerial functions. Today the Self-managed Work Team concept is popular in most of the business organisations.Participatory approach in new context In fact, participatory approach is based on democratic norms. Given the changed context, Nepalese entrepreneurs and managers should try to include all the employees working in an organisation. The participatory approach should be given focus in the changed context in order to democratise the entire organisational system and accelerate productivity for faster economic development through wider participation.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 23, 2007

PM Koirala tells Maoist top brass to halt YCL activities

KATHMANDU, May 22 - Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala Tuesday reiterated that the already overdue eight-party meeting could not take place until the Maoist wing Young Communist League (YCL) changes its ways. In a meeting with Maoist leadership this morning, the PM said that the YCL's activities were becoming increasingly unruly and maintained that the top level meet could not begin until the league mends its ways. Talking to media persons after the two-hour long meeting with the PM government spokesperson and Maoist Minister for Information and Communication Krishna Bahadur Mahara said that the PM had urged the Maoists to halt the YCL activities and see through the implementation of the peace accord honestly.

The Maoist side including chairman Prachanda had sought the PM's attention towards the growing confusion in the nation because of the uncertainty surrounding the Constituent Assembly (CA) polls and urged the latter to call an eight party meet immediately. The Maoists also asked the government to immediately release funds as per yesterday's government ratification of Maoist benefits and construction of houses for the combatants. Mahara informed that the meeting had also discussed the second phase of the UN-monitored PLA verification. Besides Prachanda, another top Maoist leader Babu Ram Bhattarai was also present during the meeting.

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 22, 2007

Maoists to continue their struggle for republic: Bhattarai

Kathmandu, May 20: Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, the second in command in the Maoist party, on Sunday reiterated the party's demand for declaring Nepal a republic. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) will continue its struggle through the streets, the parliament and the government until the country is declared a republic, Bhattarai said while addressing a programme organised by the former inmates of the Nepal Army.The Maoists would not pull an inch back from their demand for a republic, Bhattarai was quoted by Nepalnews as saying.

The ruling coalition of eight-political parties had earlier decided that the Constituent Assembly in its first sitting would decide the fate of the monarchy.Since the Election Commission has expressed its inability to hold Constituent Assembly polls on the scheduled date of June 20, the parties have been undecided on new date for holding the elections.Bhattarai's statement came amid reports that the Maoists were planning a nationwide agitation in protest against the government's failure to implement the agreement reached on the upkeep of People's Liberation Army (PLA) and management of cantonments.

Maoists can resolve Terai problem in two weeks: Prachanda

Kathmandu, May 20: Nepal Maoist chairman Prachanda has said that his party can resolve the problems in the Terai region bordering India within 15 days, blaming the pro-palace and Hindu extremists for the disruptive activities aimed at derailling the Constituent Assembly polls. "If the government gives us the responsibility based on an understanding, that is not a difficult task," Prachanda said, adding that he had already requested the Prime Minister for such a responsibility. Prachanda said that pro-palace and feudal elements and Hindu extremists were engaged in violent and disruptive activities in Terai to derail Constituent Assembly polls.

The Maoist leader also emphasised the need to deal properly with India in order to resolve Terai problem. "The traditional spineless leadership cannot properly secure the nation and people. Without appropriately dealing with New Delhi, Terai problem cannot be resolved. In changed circumstance, one should also be able to present oneself in tough manner," Prachanda said. The top Maoist leader said he will employ both negotiation and retaliation to tackle the unrest in Terai. "We know Goit, Jwala Singh very well. They were with us for four-five years. We know how to tackle them, which the Congress doesn`t know. By understanding their psychology we can do both negotiate or retaliate," said Prachanda while interacting with mediapersons yesterday.

The leaders of two factions of Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM), Jai Krishna Goit and Jwala Singh were previously associated with the Maoists. Likewise, president of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) Upendra Yadav, too, was a Maoist leader in the past. The JMM and MJF along with other groups in the Terai plains are agitating for greater political and economic rights for the region.

Source: Nepalnews, May 21, 2007

Nepal poll delay may cause trouble

Indrani Bagchi

NEW DELHI: The delay in announcement of dates for constituent Assembly elections in Nepal may make it easier for the Maoists to go back to their wild ways. The Koirala government is hedging on declaring the elections, which is key to establishment of a more democratic Nepal. This has given Maoists the opening to turn the tables on the government. In this, the Maoists have help from the Left, but the seven-party alliance is still looking for ways to give the monarchy a toehold in any future arrangement. According to sources, this is rooted in the fact that many in the interim Nepalese government fear elections. While India is trying to push the government towards a decision, it's still willing to let the government look for ways to give the discredited monarchy some space.

It's not going down well with the Maoists, whose agitation on conditions of the militias' camps are a sign of deeper dissatisfaction. Meanwhile, the younger Maoists, many members of the Youth Communist League, have returned to looting and extortion in the provinces. In fact, as things are turning out, the onus of keeping the Maoists on the straight and narrow path belongs to the seven-party alliance (excluding the Maoists). The Maoists will be good only as long as the others are playing by the rules. This, said sources here observing developments in Nepal, is both good and bad. Good, because it keeps the democratic government on its toes and prevents it from doing the typical South Asian thing of promising governance and rarely delivering. But, bad, because it could, given the Maoists' past record, give them an inordinate handle on the government.

It's a concern shared by international conflict-resolution groups like the Brussels-based International Crisis Group (ICG). In its report, ICG says that while Nepal's Maoists have accepted multi-party democracy and have lost their appetite for all-out war, they could still resort to physical confrontation if the peace process stagnates. A year after King Gyanendra was forced out, Maoists were in the government. The compromise from their military stance has brought them benefits and power of being in legitimate control. These advantages need to percolate down to cadres in the provinces, many of whom have given up their arms. This is where, say sources in India, the Maoist leaders bear the responsibility of managing expectations and explaining the democratic process to cadres more comfortable with the gun. "Making the political process work is up to other actors as much as the Maoists," says Rhoderick Chalmers of ICG. "If the mainstream parties are committed to the peace agreement and keep their side of the bargain, Maoist leaders will find it much easier to persuade their followers that compromise is the best way forward."

Source: The Times of India, May 21, 2007

Maoist-Nepal opposition to hold fresh talks in Delhi

Nepal's Maoist guerrillas and opposition parties are in the process of holding fresh talks in New Delhi, the kingdom's private media reported on Tuesday. A senior Maoist leader, Agni Sapkota, has confirmed that leaders of seven opposition parties and the outlawed Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) would hold fresh parleys in New Delhi to review the loose alliance between them, the Himalayan Times daily reported. Some senior leaders of two major opposition parties, the Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist, are already in the Indian capital, the Kathmandu Post daily said.

If true, this would be the sequel to a reported secret meeting held between the two top leaders of the Maoists and leaders of the opposition front of seven parties in New Delhi late last year.
The secret meeting ended with both sides agreeing to a 12-point agreement that includes the Maoists pledging not to attack political workers and unarmed people and allowing people displaced by the 10-year insurgency to return home. The secret understanding, when it was made public, drew mixed reactions.

It was flayed by Nepal's government headed by King Gyanendra, which came down heavily on the opposition parties as well as the Indian government, saying they were abetting terrorist activities. While most of the international community as well as the United Nations welcomed the pact as a step towards bringing the rebels to the political mainstream, it was however also criticised by the US ambassador to Nepal, who calls it a ploy by the Maoists to exploit the parliamentary parties and capture power.

A fresh round of talks between the Maoists and opposition leaders on Indian soil would newly vex Nepal that accuses New Delhi of harbouring double standards on terrorism. Last year, the understanding between the rebels and the parties resulted in the former extending a unilateral truce called by them. With the outlaws having called a weeklong blockade of Kathmandu valley from March 14, to be followed by an indefinite nationwide shutdown from April 3, the parties have been urging a re-think.

Source: The Hindustan Times, March 7, 2007

Nepal's Government Agrees to Pay Maoist Fighters in Camps

Liam Cochrane

Nepal's government has agreed to begin making monthly payments to Maoist former rebels now living in U.N.-supervised camps. In return, the Maoists will allow the United Nations to resume efforts to verify the former fighters' identities, and check for child soldiers in the camps. Liam Cochrane reports from Kathmandu.

For seven months the former fighters of Nepal's Maoist party have stayed at 28 camps across the country, as part of a peace deal made last year.
Under the deal the Maoists agreed to abandon their armed rebellion and join an interim government and parliament.
The United Nations has registered more than 31,000 Maoist fighters, but has yet to verify that all troops are over 18 years old. It also wants to check to be sure new fighters were not recruited after the peace process began.
Last month, the Maoists blocked U.N. verification until conditions were improved in the camps and salaries were paid to their fighters.

Nepal's Cabinet decided Monday to give a monthly allowance, equal to $46, for each Maoist fighter in the camps, which are also known as cantonments.
"I think we have solved a major problem with cantonments," said Krishna Bahadur Mahara, the spokesman for the government and also a senior Maoist leader.
Mahara said the monthly payments would be given to all 31,000 Maoists currently in the camps, not just those verified by the U.N. to be legitimate soldiers.
The Cabinet decision on allowances could mean a breakthrough for the U.N. verification process - a key part of last November's peace deal.

"UNMIN has been ready to do this process now for the last couple of months, so this would be very good news and we would seek to meet with the Maoist leadership very soon so that we can iron out the details and commence that process," said Kieran Dwyer, the spokesman for the U.N. Mission in Nepal.
The United Nations says it can begin verification within days. Final arrangements must first be cleared by the Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee, a body made up of representatives from the U.N., Nepal government and Maoist army.

Source: Global Security.Org, May 21, 2007

Nepal: The Koiralas’ Crown Compulsions

For Prime Minister Koirala, seizing that middle ground between the monarchy and the Maoists became the first order of business. By playing off the palace and the Maoists against each other, Koirala succeeded in bringing the former rebels into government.

Sanjay Upadhya

Contrary to all outward appearances of ambivalence, the Nepali Congress appears to have cemented the centrality of the monarchy to its identity. Each new reiteration by Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala of the inevitability of a republic has encouraged some of his closest associates in the party to articulate the crown’s continued relevance with greater clarity.
This affinity, to be sure, does not stem from an underlying affection. Shared class characteristics, as the Maoists like to point out, may be responsible to some degree. If anything, political pragmatism is the prime compulsion for the Nepali Congress.
The precise details of the April 24, 2006 compromise between the Seven-Party Alliance and King Gyanendra – if there was one in the first place – remain under wraps. For Prime Minister Koirala, seizing that middle ground between the monarchy and the Maoists became the first order of business. By playing off the palace and the Maoists against each other, Koirala succeeded in bringing the former rebels into government.

In formalizing the postponement of the constituent assembly elections after roping in the Maoists, Koirala exhibited, more than anything else, his vaunted party-building skills. Maoist chief Prachanda saw where things were headed. Sensing a trap, key associates began to feel they might be better off staying out power. In retrospect, the feverish bargaining over rank and portfolios right up to Koirala’s departure for the SAARC summit in New Delhi provided a convenient cover for all the protagonists.
Prachanda has been making obligatory allegations of betrayal to fortify his flank within. The Maoist chief understands how perilous the peace front of his “people’s war” can be. Despite all the other good things his Young Communist League is doing, the bad ones are hogging the headlines. For the country, it no longer matters how deep the internal split in the Maoists really runs. The nationalism and revolutionary planks in their platform have decayed the fastest.

In the legacy-building stage of his political career, Prime Minister Koirala may have grasped Nepal’s broader options. Vignettes from his previous stints in power must be swirling around him. Facing massive street protests against the Tanakpur accord in 1992-94, Koirala certainly did not relish those pleas by some normally sympathetic Indians for New Delhi to distance itself from the man. The escalation of the Maoist insurgency, the political instability preceding the Narayanhity Massacre and the wider convulsions it created must have encouraged deeper introspection.
After King Gyanendra took over full executive powers in October 2002, Koirala and the Nepali Congress, like much of the mainstream, were at the nadir of their popularity. While other leaders geared up for the looming collision with the palace, Koirala considered his own vulnerabilities. When the palace-appointed government purportedly agreed with Maoist negotiators to limit the army to a five kilometer radius of the barracks, Koirala became the first leader to criticize this infringement of state sovereignty.

That statement became part of a wider dynamic that ultimately shut the door on a palace-Maoist deal that would have bypassed the parties. The bonus Koirala sought – and may have succeeded in getting – lay in plugging that vulnerable hole Tanakpur exposed.
Last year, when Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh welcomed him to New Delhi as a South Asian statesman, Koirala must have found it hard to suppress that chuckle inside. For someone who had a hard time scheduling meetings with then-premier Atal Behari Vajpayee during the early years of the anti-palace movement, this was quite a leap – and illusory.
Koirala was too close to his illustrious brother not to have experienced the exasperation B.P. Koirala felt in the late 1960s before abandoning efforts to renew relations with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. During the eight years B.P. was imprisoned at Sundarijal, time had not stood still.

B.P.’s subsequent years in exile must have occasioned ample review of his brief tenure as Nepal’s first elected premier. When Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru declared in parliament in November 1959 that any external aggression on Nepal and Bhutan would be treated as an aggression on India, B.P. felt compelled to respond.
Speaking in the Nepali legislature, Koirala said he took Nehru’s statement as an expression of friendship, but added that Nepal, being a fully sovereign and independent nation, decided its external and home policies without ever referring to any external authority.
Over a week later, Nehru affirmed he agreed entirely with Koirala’s interpretation, but not without disclosing the secret letters that had been exchanged with the 1950 Treaty. Of course, B.P. did not have the benefit of hindsight to see how his battle with the palace would only set the stage for a larger phenomenon that would marginalize the Nepali Congress for three decades. If B.P. considered exile in Sarnath a lot like Sundarijal, who could have understood this better than his youngest brother.

In his current tenure, Prime Minister Koirala has become a changed man. He is an ardent champion of China’s entry into the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation as a full member. The prime minister appeared unconstrained in seeking the new Chinese ambassador’s help on ensuring smooth petroleum supplies as the Indian Oil Corporation began tinkering with the taps.
In the cryptic maneuverings that pass for Nepali politics, these moves may be devoid of real substance. Yet coming from Koirala, the symbolism becomes starker. It was not too long ago, after all, that he flew straight into New Delhi from talks in China, left alone to battle the diplomatic fallout. Unlike B.P. Koirala, age has made this prime minister less susceptible to external “penalties” for flaunting his independence. This allows him greater leeway to build his legacy.
The logical question here is whether Koirala can impose his views on a party that largely considers itself the principal victim of the palace. Koirala is the Nepali Congress. Those who broke away under Sher Bahadur Deuba in mid-2002 had an opportunity to prove otherwise. The country recognizes how far anti-Koirala-ism has worked. For most of the younger Koiralas competing for the family mantle, the monarchy remains a pivot. Party members who disagree are most welcome to find another tent.

This brings us to another area where the Koiralas have proved particularly adroit. By allowing the communist factions monopolize the so-called “progressive/left” banner, the Nepali Congress can blur the distinction between the Unified Marxist Leninists and the Maoists, especially in those crucial western eyes.
When the Maoists relentlessly blame international power centers for conspiring to retain the monarchy, the Nepali Congress can afford to nod in affirmation and sit back. Prachanda and Co., by their own logic, have a long way to go toward establishing the scope and structures of republicanism as a viable alternative. Prime Minister Koirala, meanwhile, can continue uttering those obligatory republican sentiments.

Source: Nepalnews, May 22, 2007

Road To Economic Progress

Amrit P. Shrestha

What the modern industry needs is better infrastructure. Traditionally, infrastructure services across the world were provided by governments in limited areas like airports, electricity and roads. Today infrastructure must improve in all parameters, which requires immense financing through external and internal channels. Without basic infrastructure development, no sector can achieve any sort of target. To keep the wheels of the economy running, countries must make enormous progress in attracting private investment in the infrastructure sector, as the government alone cannot invest huge amounts in it. In order to send the right signal to international investors, there is a burgeoning need to create sophisticated infrastructure in selected key cities and projects as seen in Beijing, Shanghai and Kuala Lumpur, which have emerged as the investor's choice in the last three decades.

Infrastructure needs three key inputs - large amounts of money, skilled manpower and selected projects. Governments must realise that the only way to become the nation's doorway to economic zoom is to give new thrust to infrastructure development. Thus, the Essential Facility Doctrine has been recognised by most of the developed and developing countries. Australia, Singapore, South Korea and India have been adopting the doctrine. Investment requires long-term funds with a long payback profit period. More importantly, Public-Private Partnership (PPP) is a signal to investors in general that the policy framework is sound and environment conducive for investment. Such models have to be initiated in key sectors like roads, airports, power and tourism. Nepal lacks the necessary physical infrastructure to qualify as an international investment centre. Investments must have easy access, and there should be well-developed infrastructure within acceptable parameters. At present, we must have suitable strategies to convert challenges into opportunities. Better infrastructure helps in alleviating poverty and expanding the industrial base because accessibility to services improves as a result of it.

Currently, GDP's contribution to infrastructure development is less than 4 per cent, which is less than the share of our neighbouring countries. Actions must be accelerated on the following track, to help build trunk infrastructures in the country. First, Modernisation or industrialisation require massive expansion of national highways, airports, electrification and telephones linking every village with the urban areas. Ground water exploration, minor irrigation, water supply and sanitation are other priorities. Highways form the economic backbone of the country. Likewise, rain water harvesting and human resources management must be developed, which is sorely lacking in the country. Given the size of the country, air travel has become the swiftest mode of transport. Hence, Nepal should take bold steps to expand and upgrade its airport infrastructure. Second, among the bottlenecks to achieving growth in the country is electricity supply. Power and its allied sector play a crucial role in economic development. Electricity is the lifeline of our lives as its use ranges from mundane applications to complex tasks and operations. Our productivity is affected because of this.

Third, the tourism industry could gather momentum if the government plans innovative promotions. Tourism should introduce new products such as monsoon tourism, helicopter tourism and the like. Such programmes will attract visitors, especially from India and Europe. With Nepal becoming a business hub especially for tourism, regional disparity can be minimised upto a certain extent. Likewise, growth of tourism will help enrich the lives of traditional workers and artistes. Unfortunately, lack of roads, accommodation, safety measures, well established communication systems and hospitality management centres are some of the hurdles in its promotion. Fourth, building IT Parks in important cities can offer a unique confluence of advantages - robust physical infrastructure, power and data connectivity and trained technical manpower. All this will effectively reduce the operational cost. Fifth, there is a need to hand over the entire infrastructure development to the private sector with no political interference. There should be no bureaucratic controls over enterprises. They should not be asked to get approval for minor decisions.

Sixth, an act to form an independent Infrastructure Authority, similar to the National Highways Authority in India, Afghanistan, Laos and the Philippines, has to be announced without delay. Meanwhile, a vision paper with priorities and national consensus must be flashed, emphasising on infrastructure development to attract investors and also to make the entire cycle of investment, productivity and wealth creation sustainable.Seventh, special packages of tax incentives must be introduced as a tool to encouraging private enterprises or an undertaking engaged in the development of infrastructure facilities. This is particularly important for infrastructure developing companies. Human developmentMost importantly, the overall environment needs to be free from prevailing corruption and petty-mindedness. For the common man, good economics is all that he cares. The government should accelerate the process of human development by delivering services in electricity, transport, water and sanitation that the poor need in order to live and participate in economic growth. A leader of outstanding merits, efficient bureaucrats and a graft-free culture are the invisible infrastructure to race with the modern world. Let us start from a good today to a better tomorrow.

Source: The Rising Nepal, May 22, 2007